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(FOR THE BANNER.)
BIsnOPVILLE 5th July, 1840.
Editor Banner: ,
After the conclusion of the Anniversary
celebration at Piedmont Church near Dish
opvillo oii the 4th instant, a meeting was
forthwith called, for the purpose of taking in
to consideration, the subject of Northern in
terference with the institution slavery, and
other matters connected therewith. The
meeting which was large and highly respec
table, was organized by calling Dr. Joi E.
DENNis to the Chair, and appointing Win
Rogers Secretary. The Chairman then ex
plained more fully the object of the meeting
by stating, that it was called to take into con.
sideration the cause of the northern people,
touching the institution of slavery, more es
pecially, in regard to the efforts being made
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia
and to prohibit its further extension into the
Territories of the United States; and also, the
course that has been pursued south, as re
gards southern rights and interests. A mio
tion was made and carried, to appoint a com.
mittee of 20, to draft preamble and resolutions
expressive of the sense of this meeting. Wher
upon he following gentlemen were appoint
ed the'committee, viz, Capt. Jas. Renibert,
T. M. Muldrew, John 0. Durant, M. I)ubose,
J, W. Stuckey, R. M. Engv. im 1E. Muald
row, Rev. T. IL English, Gto. AlcCutcheon,
Alfred Scarborough, Esq. L. L. Fraser, Wim.
Shaw, Hardy Stuckey, Adison Stuckey, Jas.
*Witherspoon, A. Alexander, T. B. Fraser,
Esq., Geo. Huggins, E. Keils, and J. A.
The'committee thereupon retired to the
Church, and upon their return made the fol
Your'Committee, in approaching this sub
jectshave felt that it was environed with
difficultiesof a. very serious nature, which,
had not a sense of duty and interest forbid
den, would have stopped them in the very
dutset of their undertaking. These difficul
ties arise, in part, froin the very freedom
Nihich we enjoy, and particularly the free
41Dm of speech, and of the Plress. Under the
btoid egis of the Constitution these are en
joyed by every man. subject only to those
limitations, which common sense and experi
ence have found to be necessary to the exist
ence of society, and the interest of its memw.
hers. No action on our part can effect ordi
mninish this freedom.
Again, your Committee have felt that, to
some 'extent, complaint and remonstrance
against rabid abolitionists, and all others who
sympathise with themta for transmitting
through the public mail their pamphlets and
piapers to the people of the South, are undig
iied, as' well as useless. Knowving our
rights under the Constitution of the United
States, we should entrench ourselves hehind
this rampart, and wait until those rights were
openly assailed, and until this bond of Union
was rent assunder by violence, and trampled
under foot. To complain and remonstrate
will only lend our aid to effect a diversion
from the true merits of the controversy be
tween the free and slave states of this Union.
It is a course also which, in all probability,
wvill now, and for time to come, as wvell as in
pjmes past, be attended with no advantage to
*Your Committee might also mention as
another difficolty wvhich has pressed up)on
them in considering this subject, the state of
publiCOpinions amid feeling upon the same. T1hie
Bouth, in regard to this matter, may be divi
ded inlto two classes.. The first of these op.
grehenlded no danger from any measures
whhkh abolitionists have hitherto employed,
or are now employing, to bring about their
aims. Even the powerful arom of the Press
wielded against us in the dissemination of
abuse-nlay of the most insurrectionary and
incendiary publications which they can issue,
jhey regardl as comparatively harmless "Gal.
lio--like they care for none of these things."
The second, are carried away by rago and
iadness, against the authors of such nefari
ous schemes; and as usual with men under
thme excitement of strong passioms, they nei
ther do, nor are they capable of wisely plan-.
nuing how to defend their rights. Of the first
of those classes, or those who fear nothing
upon this subject, your Conmmittee would on
ly may, that they evince neither wisdom nor
knowledge of human nature. Nor can your
runten discover any imorovement which
they have made by the stUdy of the pages of
history, either ancient' or modern, however
shrewd and calculating they may be IU'n
oiiet matters-Wo can give them no credit for
shewdness and powere of.calculating here.
Of the second of these classee, or the furiolts,
your Committee would only say that they
act un'visely in suffering passion to dethrone
reason. If ever coolness, and deliberation,
and firmness of purpose, backed by an intel.
ligent view of things are -necessary to men,
they are to the people of the South. Yet all
dangers are not death. Every threatning
cloud does not contain the whirlwind or tor
nado. Every storm which rises at sea does
not swallow up those within its reach. And
of every ball discharged in battle, it has been
estimated that only one in ten thousandtakes
effect. Such are some of the difflculdes
which have met the Committeo in approabh
ing this subject. But these difficulties, how
ever formidable, have not kept them from dis
charging their duty to the extent of their
ability. As the ardent scholar redoubles
his efforts when his lessons grow harder, and
the true Patriot makes the greater exertions
to save his Country the more its liberty is
threatened, so your Committee trust they
have acted in the discharge of their duty.
That the results of our deliberations may ap.
pear insome tangible form, we will present
them under the following heads:
1. Oir Rights.
2. The injuries which have been, and are
still doing us, in the enjoyment of these rights.
S. Our duty in the premises.
1. Our Rights.
When we speak of rights in this connec
tion, we mean, as a matter of course, only
those which have relation to negro slavery,
and in the first place, we remark concerning
these rights, that they are not of that class
about which men may form various opinions
as to their existence, nature and extent.
They are recognised in the Constitution of
the United States, interwoven with it and
make a part thereof. Take them away and
it is no longer the Constitution of 1789, that
glorious bark which has weathered every
storm from the time it was launched until the
present moment. Take these away and wliat
remains, so far as tihe South is concerned, is
not worth preserving. It can do us no good,
but only evil and that continually. Ilad not
those rights been recognised, this Union
would never have been orined; and as soon
as they are destroyed the value of this Union
to us is gone. Tihe compact originally form
ed in the saine spirit of compronmise must be
preserved in thesame spirit. It will avail but
little for two persons who are estranged from
caci other, to become reconciled by mutual
compromise, unless they preserve the sanie
spirit which first. brought them togeth~er.
Again, we remark that, so far as the consti
tution is concerned, they are guaranteed to
us just as strongly as the right of trial by jury,
or the rightto tie free and unrestrained choice
of worshipping God in whatever manner our
consciences, enlightened by his word, shall
dictate to us to be proper. In other words,
our rights with regard to the institution of
domestic slavery stand upon the sane footing
in the Constitution with those last mention
cd: and as die lattar can never wrested from
us until liberty has beeqtranpled in tle dust
so neither can the former. Thien two tliiings
wthi regard to those rights wvhieh are under
consideration, your Committee judge to be
highly important, and ought to be constantly
remembered and well considered by every
citizen of time South. And it is for the accomn
pishment of these ends that they are intro
duced here. It is only in this way we can
prepare ourselves for the worst, should it ev
er come. Yet your Committee fear that our
citizens, to soime extent at. least, are inconsid
erate and unminidful of these things. What
we say to all is, we have constitutional rights
to the free enjoyment of this domestic insti
tution, standing upon the same footing withi
many of the dearest rilits which we enjoy as
citizens of these United States. These should
be carefully studied, duly estimated, and con
stantly kept before Mur mninds, so that wien
they should be invaded we shall be prepared
for an intelligent and prompt defence of them
at any, and all hazards.
2. 'I'he injuries which have been, and are
doing us, in the enjoyment of this right.
And here let it be remarked that we are
not aware of any essential dilferenice between
the laws which govern private rights, and
those wvhich governi ptiblic rights. For cx
aimiple. if A. otliciously, offensively, and re
peatedly intermeddle with the affairs of
iB. obtruding upon hmigm his opinioiis and vitu
perations for not agreeing with him, none will
hold A to be a quiet anid peaceable citizen.
Or if, again. The cotton grower of thme South
should set himoself up to advise and coiitroh
thme manufacturer of the North, tby insisting
that lie should ptirsue sonme other business,
or should have balances of another kiind fromi
those emnployed; and then not meeting with
success in his self imphosed task, should load
hiim wvith abuse and pursuade his labourers to
quit his service, would not this be held to be
most unwarantable and reprehensible con
duct, an olbence against all good iniorals as
well as constitutional rights.
Now to Abohitionists, and all others wvho
act in concert with them in disturbing thme
Sotith we can say
"Mutaio nomino hiabula, de te, narritur"
while quietly minding our own business, we
have been assailed by the Press, in Congress,
and from the Pulpit. Tihe peace of our citi
zens has beeni interrupted by insurrectionary
and incendiary Pamphlets and Documents.
Our slaves hacve been excited to revolt and
rebellioni against their owiners by such iii
ences brought to bear tupon their minds. We
are thus brought iinto jeopardy by those who
are under every obligation to defenid tis. Otir
natural friends have biecome our enemies,
event as we have rallied around the Constitu
tion, we hatve born the shock of their as
saults, We are threatened wvith being driv
en from this strong hold,.-the very honors
of the alter of the Constitution, it is detemin-~
ed, shall afford us no protection. But let us
look a little more in detail at, these wrongs.
They commenced at a very early ,period ini
the history of our Government. T'he Mis
souri compromise was by no means their star
tineg point. Nor dlid the cneanious tho
tade bytheo 80#
of peitce, put a ~~
compromise op -lti~W~l
inot proviso a
out 6f tht
however at- themr9 d 1i
vrongs whclihav beesa or
Committee i Ih' tdI t
Those of an iore tihtiet Msiaw, Ure
tiolne forulilldikeh, are th a, W .dar
icature and abuse of alli 6l:.
True these are not very coi eU
(at least in their offensive rdjmp); (i r0he
fact that it is hazisrde'ns' for Pul ap
book sellers to expose to- sale sjilh 'a4'i0
far from Masons,. aud Dixons lineatlegg
gions we occupy. And yet imanys t6agglin g
publications of this sort iad their way ken
into South Carolina. Go dowe, to the
border states, and you will Ud' inanZush
publications. From these p"diver inlo0'
free states and there scarcely alythin else
.vill meet your eye in the hands ofchidro
2. Account of the meetingsof Abolitsoatsto,
and of their doings which they manage lit.
circulated among tie, and wh'ich aare off n.
copied (we think injudiciously, into -iouthdin
papers) is another wi'ong we endire. -These
are read here and there byO4colered paople,
and their contents doled out to others.
Now it is enough for all the purposes of.
nischief ifonlya few have accessto them;
for the history of insurrections, and of all at
temps made in that way, most: conclusively;
proves that a few ring loaders cause all the
nischiet; the mass are mere tools.
In this connection your committee would
remark that even the colonization society to
those only professed object is.to remove allfree
persons of color who are willing to 'go their
Fatherland (which would certainly be a groat.
blessing to the South) has become incidentaly
a source of danger to the South. For in
the first place, while this is the professed ob
ject of the society, written upon the very face
of the Constitution, its supporters in a great
mary instances, are hostile to the institution
of slavery, and fondly hope by this instrumen.
ality to sup its foundation in this country.- It
is not however at their successes in getting
Southern men to send off their slaves, that
we complain so much; but at the tendency of
their eflbrts, and in some cases their direct
aims to bring this institution into disrepute.
This moreover has an injurious influence up.
on our slaves. They hear Liberia spoken of
in such glowing colors,-its growing prosper
ity and increasing resources,-the case of ob.
aiaing a support, and the freedom enjoyed
by its citizens, that their heads become ad
dlied. They wish for such a state of things,
and the wish, very naturally, becomes father
to the thought.
3. Another wrong is the sending to South.
ern men, through tie public mail,. pamphlets
and docunments-touching negro slavery, and
in many cases of a grossly aiusive character.
No man has the right to wound the feelings
and excite the passionsof anither, needlessly.
It is an act of wantonness which no system
of morals can justify; and especially is this
true after fair notice has bieeni given of the ef
fects produced by such a course of conduct.
Some of your Committee have been receiv
ng such communications for years past,
vthout knowing either the source from
whence they came or being able todevise any
lan to defend themselves.
How long this may continue, or how much
more annoying it may become, they are una.
ble to conjecture. Perhaps if a law were
enac eil by Congress requiring every post.
master to stamp the name of his ollce upon
all newspapers mailed there (as in the case
of letters) it might enable us to detertmine,
in part the wehercabouts of those who are thus
4. Still another evil to be deplored is the
existence of a class among ourselves sprung
up it seems of late, who are advocating eman
cipation. We will not suffier ourselves to
canvass, either their character or either mo
tives. Our iminiations shall not picture
theim before us, as disappointed statesmen,
nmen of shattered fortunes.-more visionaries
or reckless revolutionist in their feelings.
\Vc know not who thay are, either "Brutus"
or true "Carolinian"! but we do know; that
with such views feelings and aims as they
have, it would be wise in thenm, to refrain
from publishing anmd scattering broad cast their
plans; or if they cannot contain to go north
of Alason's and Dixon's line before they stop
to p~roclaimi them. Above all men upon the
face of the earth, they conme with the worst
grace from "A T1ruse Carolinian'" or from
'Birutus," who professes to have common in
terest with the muass of our citizens.
I Iaving now consideredl our rights, and the
wrungs wvhich have been, and are still doingr
us, ini the enjoymnent ofthiese rights; before
dismissing this part of the subject, we feel
called upon to declare, that, wvithi those ol
our brethren at the North, who have carefully
refrained from disturbing us in any manner
upon tnis puoint, we have no qtuarrel and to
.vardls those who have stood by us, and nobly
(leended us, entertain the very kinidest feel
ings, which heaven grant, may long continue.
3. Our duty ini the premises.
h~ere your Commnittee, as you may readily
suppose, feel much embarrassed both as to
the iiatter and imanner of their recoimmenda
tiuns. T1haey would however, veiiture to
nake the following suggestions.
1. We should make ourselves familiar with
the nature and extent of our rights, us an in
tegrel porton, of this Confederacy. Knowl
edge is ever favorable to liberty. Tlhie sounid..
est exposuists of Constitutional law should
be carefully studlied, anid urged upon our
children, as worthy of their highest. attention.
Even classical anid mathmematicalI know ledge,
must yield in point of importance to thfis.
A bove all the Constitution itself muiust be car
2. We should never allow ourselves to be
thrown off our guard, by the excitement
of passion. Men undecr the excitement of
passion, are not wise in council or very form
idable in battles.
3. It is the opinion of your Committee,I
that all abolition papers and documents touch
ing negro slavery, adverse to the views andj
destrojaed ha atel thir recep
tion, by thoge A od t %are drssed,
d they co co ed- 6 adop.
n Wffli ftaus most lik to lefeat the
epds of our eieu s.
so''e l far aise eidol
geutin our feelin&t toyawrds %one who are
prejidiced again. us,'inerely'6eoine of
ignor 8e. uh ai be. .yaluable; friende,
and pially* 1It% ,.eti thzefr t l
d A er are- # 6 eitid' to abi4e by, the
DQ Wcuhould esdeavor'by.the:'public'dis
of all questiois touching our Consti
:t ~ights, to dsseniate just -concep
tipu .thefr.nature and-extent: among. our
o'tiednu. And-also6,to awaken in their
e jicojile can long retain their.liberty,.who
a $Klous concerning enoroachment up
entrr1ghts. Fully to understand- their,
irb.0nd duly to'estimatetheir importance,
,i e aly necessary to the preservation
In poidifusion, your, ommiittee feel that
heyarq. called upon to present in som9 more
t*gible form than .they have, yet doile, the
result of their deliberatias upon this whole
subject,-of suchamomentonA iportance to
the people of the'South; andthy would ac
cordingly propose, for the id tion of the
meeting the followin
S'resoled. That thepeople of the South
iilliyield to no portion. of this coifederacy,
in. their .attachment to this government td
ministered in accordance, with the Constitu
tion of the United States.
2. That the South has ever borne her-full
siharo of the public burdens, ever been-prompt
.tq d to any and every call for men and
n e fonce of the nation's rights and
8.r 'iat much as we prize this union, we
prize far trore our constitutional rights, guar
anteed to uRIn the federal compact.
4. That itis the deliberate opinion of this
meotigand lso of the great majority of the
Sot hthat our-. econstitutional rights have
been -ong, trampled upon, and are in great
dagier of beingwrested from us entiriely.
6a 4Vhnttthe 4outh-has borne their violation
so joi Ohfi forbearance will soon (if not al
ready) -cease to-ie a viriue.
6. hatWe hive witnessed with profound
regret, that indecision and -to us apparent
tameness, which. our latsWConvention has
7.- That iwthe opinioni of this meeting a
Southeeno bould pot only have
been urg~e~kbtube time taand flace pro
posed for ewier'ng'64 i "' v
8. .That thisboaf tsi: organized capacity,
and asndiniqdsl,.wilL strenuously endeavor
to bring a.unty in deing and action at
the South.ii de ef our: commn rights.
9. Thatil- nghioa' -action dt touch
ing the abolishmeat !of'egr6 slavery in pla
ces trnder thcontrolf'the Federal Legisla
ture, is i"-.&r gatior'f our rights, and un
waranted lky the'..Constitution of the United
10. That Territories, acquired at the -ex
pences of the blood-and treasure of the whole
Union are, and of right ought to be, free to
11. That the assaults rade upon negro
slavery, andi the numerous abductions of our
slaves, and oppositions of all kinds raised. to
their recovery by the North, justify and call
for, upon the principle of self preservation,
a strict vigilance- to be exeicised: over all,
among us whose principles are adverse, t'
ours, and who are found in any manner tam
pering with our servants,
12. That the Cornittee nand' meedng, as
individuals, pledge. their property,'siheirives,
and their aacred honor, should iteverbdcomne
necessary to make such sacrificesfor, their
Constitutional rights-their paternalipheri
tance. All of wiich is respectfully' *"6iit
On motion of Capt. J. D. Ashmore, the
prearnblo and resolutians were unanimously
adopted by the meeting.
On motion of Gen. S. R. Chandler, it was
Resolved. That this. preamble' and resolu-:
tions be published in the Sumter Banner,
Charleston Mercury, and South Carolinian.
.JNO. '. DENNIS, Chm'n.
War. ROGERS, &Ce'y.
[From the Washingt'n Union.j
whio has betrayed the south?
It cannot be denie4 'a very great
change in relation t~ h. subject of
slavery has taken place 'in the free
States, not only in the senfiments which
prevail among the mass f thospeople
of those States, but in the political ac
tion of both of the great parties into
which they are divided. .The fact can
not bo denied, that it is butrdewyjears
since when Abolitionism was a, meagre
faction even in the Nbw England
States, and its advocates wore oven
there treated with contempt ridicule,
and sometimes with violence, when they
attempted to hold meetings for the .r-.
pose of discussing the doctrines wih
they professed. Nor had it ngade ~
headway in Congress. 'The Sot
presented, at that time, an und~ividd
front upon a question wvhich afectedrso
vitally her great interest, and alle was
sustained by a band of' firm ~4 ntre
pid friends among the Demot'tftle
frece States, which enabled i~~ii7W
great measure to suppress Q~
itation of the dangerous qj~
slvery. It cannot be deuie* I~
more than six years age the 8th as
triumphant in the halls 6f Ooxn~s
this question, which so inti~~jl
volves lher peace and scr
enabled through the ildet oti
Doecratic Rep entatives?93 ti
free States1 of ly to au~#O
agitation upon the subjet. Such was
the state of things no farther back than
Now what-is the state of the question
both ih Congress and the States in
which slavery does noiOxist? In Con
gress the South have bben defeated
and prostrated on this great question.
She has been insulted, and even the sa
ced 'guaranties of the Constitution,
which should be her protection, have
been grosly violated and trampled upon
in the site *Representatives. The
rules adopted o prev.ent the agitation
of the subjet have been repealed, and
even on the great question relating to
the territories, she has failed in obtain.
ing the rights and securities which she
claims under the Constitution. And
what is the state of the question in the
free -States? A change equally as
radical and profound has there taken
place among both people and politicians.
6ix years ago the South could rely im
plicity upon the support of one of the
great parties at the North. She had
friends in Congress from the North be
longing to the Democratic party, who
nobly defended and maintained her
rights. But now, what is the state of
things ? Nearly all those friends have
been stricken down and have disappear
ed, and she is left to battle for her
rights almost alone and single-handed.
These are facts, stubborn facts, and
they cannot be denied. And now it
remains to inquire into the causes
which have produced this great change
in the sentiments and conduct of the
people of the free States, and in Con
gress, upon the subject of slavery, and
to ascertain, ifpossible, who have been
In our judgement, there is but one
cause, and the authors to that cause are
as apparent to our view as tbe cause it
self. It is'the aliance of the South
ern Whigs with Northern Whigs; for
which the leaders of the Whig party in
the South are alone responsible. Let
us look back lito the history of the
slavery question in Congress, and see
if we have not abundant evidence to
support the position which we have is
Every Southoyman will remember,
that the agitation of the slave question
in Congress, is- comparatively of recent
date. It commenced under the auspi
ces of the late John Quincy Adamns,
who owed a debt of hatred and revenge
to the South for the political hostility
wbich both he and his father encoun
te-ed from the Democracy of that pdr
tion of the Union. He became the
great agitator, and the patron of the
pretended right of petition, under which
the abolitionist claimed.the-right of inun
dating both Congress and the country
with his inflammable matter upon the
subject of slavery. In 1838, the nuis
ance had become so intolerable in the
House -of representatives, that body
found it necessary to take Some steps to
suppress and put an end to it. And
hence the resolutions known as the
"Atherton resolutions" were ado pted.
Those resolutions were presented 'by
Mr. Atherton, a Democratic .member
from New Hampshire, and were adopt
ed by a unanimous veo on the part. of
the Southern members, and a large
share of the Democratic members fromn
the free States, very few if any Whigs
from the free States voting for them.
They provided that Abolition petitions
should be received and referred to a
committee without reading.
Still the agitation was not allaved.
Under the lead of Mr. Adams, -aided
and assisted by Mr. Slade, a Whiig
from Vermont, and Mr. Gdedings, an
other Whig from Ohio, petitions of the
most objectionable character, and inost
insulting to the South, continued to be
presented in greater numbers than ev
er ;.and so great was the excitement
produced by them, and the consequent
mterruption of business, that the House
was compelled, at the session of
1889-'40, to adopt the celebrated 21st
rule, which excluded the reception of
petitions upon the subject of slavery.
This resolution was adopted by' the
unanimous vote of the Southern mem
bers, and twenty-eight Northern Dema
ocrats ; all the Whig memhers from the
free States voting against them-. except
one. Thus, at that time, the whole,
ahgprty of the: Nerth had abandon
dthinterests of the, South and: come
i~on the side of the Abolitionist ; is
~ovagthe. South and a devoted band
rherxn Democrats to fight the
~atps of Ahe South against the incon
(jrs;~ ho were endeavoring to light
l&t'trl.ofrinsurroction and servile
war hnietoy bosom.
.Af atIi ea~r d4emonetiationtht
h South hiid nohg td
Whigs of the*Noh, had
fope from, tha'eodi~i
proved to be her true a'4stead.fit
ricnds, what couise ou hta s tdA 1' e.
ursued ? The voie rio, AlMai10
:ommon sense a'i , )tlH t4ii
Iave stood by het* troe frsif 66
*ree States, the Denwdici- di Mvili
yourse did she take ? TiVIbq d
)f the South -contnimid to po
Northern friendsof the South
Whigs of the South -deeted ih
After this demonstration ,df 'divIset
imeng the politicians a#6poplo of tug
South, and the alliance 6! the Souithei
Whigs with the Norther6 -Wliigs whif
vas the course' of. the ,latter? The
)ccamo open*an I avotdd-Abolitionisis.
they 'passed resolutionsagainst slavef
ry, not only in their populat cosin
,ions, but, in their State Logielat
ind permitted no opportuiity'to pas
to inflame the popular thind agamat
3lavery. And in Congtess, Whig lM'
resentatives from the Noith voted
[ll occasions and on all qgestions
against thoe South. At ho'me tiY a
ged incessant war against the Deio
rats who. had maintaimedtheirightWf
the South. They joined with thiAb
litionists in hunting down and detfof
ing politically every Northern manwho
Jared to stand up in defeuce f tIh
constitutional rights of the. Soith.
And while these Whig enemiesof"iie'
South Were engaged in this -nfaiious
wvork of huntirig down the i true friends
>f the South. Southern Whigs nidil
.hem and encouraged them, exaltig
vith them over every victim-whom they
2ad prostrated and destroyed. Soutli
!rn Whigs rejoiced in -every -victor
shich their Northern Abolition allift
gained over the. Democracy of: thb
North, upon whom alone theBn outh
sould rely for the defence of her tightd.
When the Democracy of New Ham'p
ihire was temporarily bioken down end
lefeated by the treachery of Half
Southern Whigs, both orators and
presses, were loud' in their rejoicingg
it the event. .They exulted .at the
Aection of Hale to the Senat, and
'gain in the' election of Wilson- and
Luck (Abolitionists) to the Houised
These are 4tacts which clxanot wioih
truth bq denied or gain-sayed. ettt
not-be denied that so far back as th
doption of the twenty.frst rule 19ter
Northern. Democrats were 4IN 6odly
friends which the South had ipthe
North. Nor can it be denied thatfeoni
that day to this, Northern Whigs, aid
ed and abetted by Southern '-hi
have= been constantly hunting thiA
down, making this very friendship o
the South and support of" Southern
rights the pretext and cause of accusa
tion against them.'
But these are not all the facts: gm-oin
to show the treachery of southrz
Whigs to southern interests-conUie
which has tended more than all"' lli
muses to alienate the DeiogbA
iends of the South, and to, thrw he
;reat interests at the mercy of Nrth&
rn Abolitionism. In the sessiona'f
t 843-'44 the 21st rule was -repiiledi
It was accomplished by the unanimoid
vote of Northern Whigs, a portioneof
Northern Democrats, and'"gerent
Southern Whigs-Stanley of North
arolina, and Botta of Virginig, being
among them. Here is an megtend i
which Southern Whigs not only deert.
ed the true* friends- of the' South frobi'
the North, hut the~y deserted'the Sotitis
en cause itself. After such a tta
al of Southern interests by the Sout.
erni Whigs, could the South lfoot16le
ger even to thie northen Democrat.
dr sympathy and support. We appeal
t all candid Southern men of all ptwJ
ties, and conjure them to ponder 'thi*
:uestion. ' Bit this is notl, The teW'
etoral question came up,. and was'd
bated in Congress. Norhers tem
rats desired that the question h~~ji ~
be setiled.' b. Clayton'a con c i*
bill was offerect; and wLhileint aNeyt -
ertn. Whig voted for it, noig '4d
Northoril Demogatin ed eet
did, to insure -its
Southern Whigs '~~
luding, Stephens o
dfeati t and ti#
in d eih
era mtre~ isnt b 'ji .'.