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The Sumter Banner:
JBLIIlED-I.ffBY, WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY
WILLIAM J. FRANCIS.
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(FOR THE BANNER.]
BISnOrvILLE 5th July, 1849.
After the conclusion of the Anniversary
celebration at Piedmont Church near Bish
opville on the 4th instant, a meeting was
forthwith called, for the purpose of taking in
to consideration, the subject of Northern in
terference with the institution slavery, and
other matters connected therewith. The
meeting which was large and highly respec
table, was organized by calling Dr. Joun E.
DENNIs to the Chair, and appointing Wmn
Rogers Secretary. The Chairman then ex
plained more fully the object of the meeting
by stating, that it was called to take into con
sideration the cause of the northern people,
touching the institution of slavery, more es
pecially, in regard to the efforts being made
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia
and to prohibit its further extension into the
Territories of the United States; and also, the
course that has been pursued south, as re
gards southern rights and interests. A mo
tion was made and carried, to appoint a coni
inittee of 20, to draft preamble and resolutions
expressive of the sense of this meeting. Wher
upon the following gentlemen were appoint
ed the comniittee, viz, Capt. Jae. Rembert,
T. M. Muldrtw, John 0. Durant, M. Dubose,
J, W. Stuckey, IRI. . Engai* ;m E. Muld
row, Rev. T. R. English, Geo. AlcCutcheon,
Alfred Scarborough, Esq. L. L. Fraser. Win.
Shaw, Hardy Stuckey, Adison Stuckey, Jas.
*#*Witherspooni, A. Alexander, T. B. Fraser,
E1sq. Geo. Huggins, E. Keils, and J. A.
The committee thereupon retired to the
Church, and upon their return made the fol
Your Committee, in approaching iis sub.
ject, have felt that it was environed with
difficulties of a very serious nature, which,
had not a sense of duty and interest forbid
den, would have stopped them in the very
outset of their undertaking. These difficul.
ties arise, in part, from the very freedon
*hich we enjoy, and particularly the free
4dm of speech, and of the Press. Under the
broad egis of the Constitution these are en
joyed by every mai. subject only to those
limitations, which common sense and experi
ence have found to be necessary to the exist
ence of society, and the interest of its miemi.
bars. No action on our part can effect or di
mninish this freedom.
Again, your Committee have felt that, to
some extent, complaint and remonstrance
against rabid abolitionists, and all others wvho
syinpathise wvith themm for transmitting
through the public mail their pamphlets and
papers to the people of the South, are undig
rights under the Constitution of the gUnited
States, we should entrench ourselves behind
this rampart, and wait until thiose rights were
openly assailed, and until this bond of Union
was rent assunder by violence, and trammpled
under foot. To complain andl remonstrate
will only lend our aid to effect a diversion
from the true merits of the controversy be
tweeni the free and slave states of this Union.
It is a course also wvhich, in all probability,
will niow, and for time to come, as well as in
times past, be attended with no advantage to
Your Committee might also mention as
another difficulty wvhich has pressed upon
them ini considering this subject, the state of
publicopinions and feeling upon the same. The
youth, in regard to thie. matter, may be divi
ded into two classes. The lirst of these ap
prehiended no danger from any measures
- which abolitionmists have hitherto employed,
or are nowv employing, to brinig about their
aims. Even the powerful atom of the Press
wielded against us in the dissomination of
abuse-.nay of the most insurrectionary and
incaendiary publications wvhich they can issue,
~hey regard as comparatively harmless "Gal
lie-like they care for none of these things."
The second, are carried away by rage and
jnadness against the authors of such nefari
ous schemes; and as usual with men under
the excitement of strong passionis, they nei
thmer do, nor are they capable of wisely plan
ning how to defend their rights. Of the first
of these classes, or those wvho fear nothinig
upon this subject, your Committee would on
ly say, that they evince neither wisdom nor
kr.owledge of human nature. Nor cani your
Commilttee discover any improvement which
they have made by the stidy of the pages of
history, either ancient or modern, however
shrewd and calculating they may be upon
other matters we can give them no credit for
shewdness and powers of calculating here.
Of the second of these classes, or the furiohs,
your Committee would ouly say that they
act unwisely in suff'ering passion to dethrone
reason. If ever coolness, and deliberation,
and firmness of purpose, backed by an intel
ligent view of things are necessary to men,
they are to the people of the South. Yet all
dangers are not death. Every threatning
cloud does not contain the whirlwind or tor
nado. Every storm which rises at sea does
not swallow up those within its reach. And
of every ball discharged in battle, it has been
estimated that only one in ten thousand takes
effect. Such are some of the difficulties
which have met the Committee in approach
ing this subject. But these difficulties, how
ever formidable, have not kept them fromdis
charging their duty to the extent of their
ablity. As the ardent scholar redoubles
his efforts when his lessons grow harder, and
the true Patriot makes the greater exertions
to save his Country the more its liberty is
threatened, so your Committee trust they
have acted in the discharge of their duty.
That the results of our deliberations may ap
pear in some tangible form, we will present
thema under the following heads:
1. Oar Rights.
2. The injuries which have been, and are
still doing us, in the enjoyment of these rights.
3. Our duty in the premises.
1. Our Rights.
When we speak of rights in this connec
tion, we mean, as a matter of course, only
those which have relation to negro slavery,
and in the first place. we remark concerning
these rights, thaL they are not of that class
about which men may form various opinions
as to their existence, nature and extent.
They are recognised in the Constitution of
the United States, interwoven with it and
make a part thereof. Take then away and
it is no longer the Constitution of 1789, that
glorious bark which has weathered every
storm from the time it was launched until the
present moment. Take these away and what
remains, so far as the South is concerned, is
not worth preserving. It can do us no good,
but only evil and that continually. I lad not
those rights been recognised, this Union
would never have been lormed; and as soon
as they are destroyed the value of this Union
to us is gone. The compact iriginally form
ed in the same spirit of compromise must be
preserved in thesame spiriL It will avail but
little for two persons who are estranged from
each other, to become reconciled by imutual
compromise, unless they preserve the same
sirit which first brought theim together.
Agam, we remark that, so tar as the consti
tition is concerned, they are guaranteed to
us just as strongly as the right u trial by jury,
or the rightto the ree and unrestrained choice
of worshipping God in whatever manner our
conscience.s, enlightened by his word, shall
dictate to us to be proper. In other words,
our rights With regard to the institution of
doimestic slavery stand upon the same footing
in the Constitution With those last ention
ed: and as the lattar can never wrested from
us until liberty has beenstrainpled in tlh dust
so neither can the former. Then two things
wth regard to those rights whiehi are under
coisideration, your Committee judge to be
highly imortant, and ought to be constantly
remenbered and well considered by every
citizen of the South. And it is for the accom
pishnient of these ends that they are intro
duced here. It is only in this way we can
prepare ourselves for the worst, should it ev.
er come. Yet your Conuittee fear that our
citizens, to some extent at least, are inconsid
erate and unmindful of these things. Vhat
we say to all is, we have constitutional rights
to the free enjoyment of this domestic insti
tution, standing upon the same footing with
many of the dearest rights which we enjoy as
citizens of these United States. These should
be carefully studied, duly estiiated, and coi.
stantly kept before our minds, so that whenn
they should he invaded we shall be prepared
for an intelligent and prompt defence of them
at any, and all hazards.
2. The injuries which have been, and are
dloing us, in the enjoyment of this right.
And here let it be remarked that we are
not aware of anyv essential ditierence between
the laws which govern private rights, and
ahose which govern ptublic rights. F~or ex
aimple. If A. utliciouishy, ol~ensiv'ely, and re
peatedlly intermeddle with the ahifairs oa
13. obtruding upon him his opinions and vitu
perations for not agreeing with him, none will
hold A to be a quiet anid peaceable citizen.
(Or if, again. Tihie cotton grower of the South
should set himself uip to adlvise and control
,the maniutactturer of the North, by insistig
that lhe should puirsue some other business,
or should have balances of another kinad fromi
those emnployed; anid then not meeting with
success in is self imposed task, should load
him with abuse and pursutade his labourers to
qutit his service, would not this lie held to lie
most unwarantable aind reprehmensible con.
duct, an offence against all good njiorals as
well as constitutional rights.
Now to Abolitioniists, and all others whuo
act in cotncert wvithi themi ini disturbming t he
South we can say
"Mutato nozumie tabula, de to, un'rritur"
while quietly minding otur own business, we
have been assailed by the Press, in Congress,
andl from the Pulpit. The peace of our citi
zens has beeti interrupted by insturrectionary
aind incendiary Pamphlets anid Doctuments.
Our slaves have been excited to revolt and
rebellion against their owners by such inhin
eances brought to bmar upon their minids. We
are thtus brought into jeopardy by those who,
are under every obligation to defenad us. Ouir
natural friends have become our encemies,
even ais we have rallied around the Constitu
tion, we have born the shock of their as
sauls, We are threatened with being driv
en from this strong hold,-the very honors
of the alter of the Constitution, it is dotermnin
ed, shall afford us no0 protection. Buat let tus
look a little miore in detail at, these wrongs.
TIhey commenced at a very early >)eriod in
the history of our Government. i'he Mis
souri compromise was by no means tiheir star
made by the Soutljsliiatltir
of peace, put asto) Minisiri
compromise only i htii i
mot proviso and. ichi
follhwed and' are1 ly Astb.t
out of that act 6tM InAotic'6/ ti6 Jd- "
however at- the iore publio, An - t
wrongs which have been Aone s.thae your
Committee wish' tl - puilic ttelibn.
Those of a niore prita~nd ihidinui haturoe
shall briefly comebunder6yview
1. School books and pi4tpqri1 publica
tions for children, arimnie the'or e of car
icature and abuse of slavery at t 136M1B.-.
True these are not very common idwongl us
(at least in their offensivo forms) frpuTtho
fact that it is hazardous for pullmibeif and
.book sellers to expose to sale such -WAieas.
far from Masons and Dixona line as tho -,t
gions we occupy. And yet many stfaggling
publications of this sort find their way even
into South Carolina. Go 'however, to.the
border states, and you will-find inany such
publications. From these paid. over mto'the:
free states and there scarcely aiything else.
will meet your eye in the hands of childrepi.
2. Account of the meetings of Abolitionists,:
and of their doings which they manage tu. git
circulated among ti, and which are Often
copied (we think injudiciously, into southern
papers) is another wrong we endure. These.
are read here and there by6'colored people,
and their contents doled out to otheis. -
Now it is enough for all the purposes of
mischief if only a few have access to them;
for the history of insurrections, and of all at
temps made in that way, most conclusively
proves that a few ring leaders cause all the
mischief; the mass are mere tools.
In this connection your committee would
remark that even the colonization society to
those only professed object is to remove all free
persons of color who are willing to go their
Fatherland (which would certainly be a great
blessing to the South) has become incidentaly
a source of danger to the South. For in
the first place, while this is the professed ob.
ject of the society, written upon the very face
of the Constitution, its supporters in a great
mary instances, are hostile to the in'stitution
of slavery, and fondly hope by this instrumen
ality to sap its foundation in this country. It
is not however at their sus esses in getting
Southern moen to send off their slaves, ' that
we c4miiplain so much; but at the tendency of
their eflbrts, and in some cases their direct
aims to briag this institution into disrepute.
This moreover has an injurious influence up
on our slaves. They hear Liberia spoken of
in such glowing colors,-its growing prosper
ity and increasing resources,-the case of ob.
tailing a support, and the freedom enjoyed
by its citizens, that their heads become ad
died. They wish for such a state of things,
and the wish, very naturally, becomes father
to the thought.
3. Another wrong is the sending to South
ern men, through the publei mail, pamphlets
and documents-touchimg negro slavery, and
in many cases of a grossly nousive character.
No man has tie right to wound the feelings
and excite time passions of another, needlessly.
It is an act of wantonness which no system
of morals can justify; and especially is this
true after fair notice has icent given of the of
fects produced by such a course of conduct.
Same of your Committee have been receiv
ing such coimnunications for years past,
without knowing either the source from
whence they canie or being able todevise any
plan to defend themselves.
How long this miay continue, or how imuch
more annoying it may become, they are una
ble to conjecture. Perhaps if a law were
enac ed by Congress requiring every post
master to stamp the name of his oilice upoin
all newspapers mailed there (as in the case
of letters) it might enable us to determine,
in part the chercabouts of those who are thus
4. Still another evil to be deplored is the
existence of a class among ourselves sprung
up it seems of late, who are advocating eman
cilpation. \Ve will not suffer ourselves to
canvans, either their character or either mo
tives. Our imaginations shall not picture
theim before us, as disappointed statesmien,
mei of shattered fortunes.---more visionaries
or reckless revolutionist in their feelings.
\Ve know not who thay are, either "JBrutus"
or true "Caroinian"! but we do know; that
with such views feelings and aims as they
have, it would be wise ini them, to refrain
from pubhishimng and scatterinig broadl cast their
pln;or if they caiinot contain to go north
of Al ason's andI Dixon's hne before I hey stop
to proclaim them. Above all men upon the
face of the earth, they coiie with the worst
grace from "A True Carolinian'"' or from
"IBrutus,"' who professes to have coniton iin
terest with the imiass of our citizemis.
I laying nowv considleredl our rights, and the
wi ongs which have beeni, anid are still doing
us, in the enijoymient of these rights; before
disissing this part of the subjiect, we feel
called upon to declare, that, wvith those of
our brethren at the North, who have carefully
refrained fromi dusturbinig tus in any manner
upon this point, we have no quarrel and to
wards t hose who have stood biy us, anid nobly
dlefendled us, entertainu thme very kindest teel
ings, which heaven grant, may long conit iinue.
3. Otur duty ini the premises.
Iloere your Committee, as you may readily
suippose. feel munch emubarrassed bthl as to
thme niatter and muanner of their recotnmneiida
tions. They would however, venture to
makhe the following suggestiotns.
1. We should make ourseives familiar with
the nature and extent of our rights, as an in
tegrel portmin of this Confederacy. Knowh
edge is ever favorable to liberty. The sound
est expoisuists of Constittutionial law should1(
he carefully studhied, anid urged upon our
children, as worthy of their highest attention.
liven classical and mat heiiatical k~nowledge,
must yield in point of imoportanice to tIlIis.
Above all the Constittution itself must be car..
2. We shoutld never allow ourselves to bie
thrown off our guard, by the excitemet
of passion. Aleii under the excitemient of
passion, are not wise ini council or v'ery form
idable in battles.
3. It is the opinion of your Commiittee,
that all abolition papers and documents touch
ing negro slavery, adlverse to the views and
interests of the pekil ople te Souihahould.
be destroyed immeditely upon their "recep
tion, by trlie to whom -they are addressed,
and they a.coidingly reeinsend. he adop
tion of this cause, ai most ikily to defeat the
ends of our enemies.
4 We should'a far aws ' can, be indul
'gentin our feelings towards tiose who are
prejudice0d against:, us, merel- 'bee use of,
ignorance. Such may be .valuable. friende,
-and especially willit be thte case if they un
dsraiand and are dbiernilned to abide by, the
Constition of thd:United States
5 .We should endeavor'by the public 'dis.
cusion of all questions touching our Consti
'tuti6al' rights, to disseminate just concep
tionpof their-nature and extent among our
ellow citizens. And also, to awaken in their
mninds 'becoming zeal for their preservation.
1o people can long retain their, liberty,, who
are not36alous concerning'eneroachment up.
9 tiirrights. Fully to understand- their.
nature and duly to estimate their Importance,
'are especiolly necessary to the preservation
In conclusion, your Committee feel that
Jhey.Are called upon to present in some more
tangiblo form than they have - yet done, the
esult of their deliberations upon this whole
subject, of such:.momentona. hnportance to
the people of the-South; and, would ac
cordingly propose, for thWa tion of the
meeting the following:
1. Resolved. That the people of the South
will yield to no portion. of this confederacy,
in. their attachment to this vernment ad
ministered in accordance wi the Constitu
tion of the United States.
- 2. That the South has ever borne her-full
'shard of the public burdens, ever been prompt
to respond to any and every call for men and
*woneylo defence of the nation's rights and
3. That much as we prize this union, we
prize for more our constitutional rights, guar
anteed to us in the federal compact.
4. That it is the deliberate opinion of this
meeting and also of the great majority of the
South,.that our, constitutional rights have
been long trampled upon, and are in great
danger of being; wrested from us entirely.
. . That the South has borne their violation
so long that forbearance will soon (if not al
ready) cease to be a viriuc.
0. That we have witnessed with profound
regret, that indocision and to us apparent
tameness, which our late Convention has
7.. That in-the -opinion of this meeting a
SoutheruConvintion should not only have
been urged, but the time and and 'place pro
posed for its meeting..
8. That this body in Its organized capacity,
and as individuals, willstrenuously endeavor
to bring about unity in feeling and action at
the South in defence of our common rights.
9. That allcongreilonal action at touch
ing the abolishment 'of negro slavery in pla
ces under the control of the Federal Legisla
ture, is in derogation 'of our rights, and un
waranted by the Constitution of the United
10. That Territories, acquired at the -ex
pences of the blood and treasure of the whole
Union are, and of right ought to be, free to
11. That the assaults made upon negro
slavery, and the numerous abductions of our
slaves, and oppositions of all kinds raised to
their recovery by the North, justify and call
for, upon the principle of self preservation,
a strict vigilance to be exercised over 'all
among us whose principles are adverse t'
ours, and who are found in any manner tam
pering with our servants,
12. That the Committee and meeting, as
individnals, pledge their property, their lives,
and their sacred honor, should it ever become
necessary to make such sacrifices, for - their
Constitutional rights-their paternal inheri
tance. All of which is respectfully submit.
On motion of Capt. J. D. Ashmore, the
preamble and resolutians were unanimously
adopted by the meeting.
On motion of Gen. S. R. Chandler, it was
Resolved. That this preamble and resolu
tions be published in the Sumter Banner,
Charleston ialercury, and South Carolinian.
.NO. E. DENNIS, Chm'n.
WVar. RoG EHS, Sec'y.
[From tihe Washington- Union.j
Who has betrayed the South?
It cannot be denied; thtta very groat
change in relation to the subject of
slavery has taken place in the free
States, not only in the sentiments which
prevail among the mass of thogpeople
of those States, but in the. political ac
tion of both of the great parties into
which they are divided . The fact. can
not be denied, that it is but a few years
since when Abolitionism was a mneagre
faction even in the New England
States, and its advocates wore oven
there treated with contempt, ridicule,
and sometimes with violence, when they
attemplted to hold meetings for the. pur
pose of discussing the doctrines' which
they professed. Nor had it made' any
head way in Congress. The South
presented, at that time, an undivided
front upon a question which affected"so
v'itally her great interest, and she was
sustained by a band of firm and intro
pid friends among the Democratsofthe
free States, which enabled her in* n
great measure to suppress oven .th ig
itation of the dangerous qro (o
slavery. It cannot be deniod,'lt nuot
more than six years ago the South w.s
triumphant in the halls of Cong~ess 'ol'
this question, which so intimatelyin
volves her peace and security, and wds
enabled through the fidelity ofth
Democratic Representatives from the
free States, offe~ to sup '~aU
agitatior. -2p She subject. Such was
the state oF things no farther back than
Now what is the state of the question
both in Congress and the States in
.which slavery does not exist ? In Con
.gross the South .have bben defeated
and prostrated on this great question.
She has been insulted, and even the sa
cred 'guaranties of the Constitution,
which should be her protection, have
been grossly violated and trampled upon
in the Huee o Representatives. The
rules adopted prev.cnt the agitation
of the subject have been repealed, and
even on the great question relating to
the territories, she has failed in obtain
ing the rights and securities which she
claims under the Constitution. And
what is the state of the question in the
free States ? A cliange equally as
radical and profound has there taken
place among both people and politicians.
6x years ago the South could rely im
plicity upon the support of one of the
great parties at the North. She had
friends in Congress from the North be
longing to the Democratic party, who
nobly defended and mAintained her
rights. But now, what is the state of
things ? Nearly all those friends have
been stricken down and have disappear
ed, and she is left to battle for her
rights almost alone and single-handed.
These are facts, stubborn facts, and
they cannot be denied. And now it
remains to inquire into the causes
which have produced this great change
in the sentiments and conduct of the
people of the free States, and in Con
gress, upon the subject of slavery, and
to ascertain, if possible, who have been
In our judgement, there is but one
cause, and the authors to that cause are
as apparent to our view as the cause it
self. It is the alliance of the South
ern Whigs with Northern Whigs; for
which the leaders of the Whig party in
the South are alone responsible. Let
us look back into the history of the
slavery question in Congress, and see
if we have not abundant evidence to
support the position which we have as
Every Southop'man will remember,
that the agitation of the slave question
in Congress is comparatively of recent
date. It commenced under the auspi
ces of the late John Quincy Adams,
who owed a debt of hatred and revenge
to the South for the political hostility
wbiich both he and his father encoun
te-ed from the Democracy of that por.
tion of the Union. He became the
great agitator, and the patron of the
pretended right of petition, under which
the abolitionist claimed. the-right of inun
dating both Congress and the country
with his inflammable matter upon the
subject of slavery. In 1838, the nuis
ance had become so intolerable in the
House of representatives, that body
found it necessary to take some steps to
suppress and put an end to it. And
hence the resolutions known as the
"Atherton resolutions" were adopted.
Those resolutions were presented by
Mr. Atherton, a Democratic member
from New Hampshire, and were adopt
ed by a unanimous vote on the part of
the Southern members, and a large
share of the Democratic members fromn
the free States, very few if any Whigs
from the free States voting for them.
They provided that Abolition petitions
should be received and referred to a
committee without reading.
Still the agitation was not allayed.
Under the lead of Mr. Adams, 'aided
and assisted by Mr. Slado, a Whig
from Vermont, and Mr. Gde dings, an
other Whig from Ohio, petitions of the
most objectionable character, and inost
insulting to the South, continued to be
presented in greater numbers than ev
er ; and so great was the excitement
produced by them, and the consequent
interruption of business, that the House
was compelled, at the session of
1889-'40, to adopt the celebrated 21st
rule, which excluded the reception of
petitions upon the subject of slavcery.
This resolution was adopted by the
unanimous vote of the Southern mem
bers, and twenty-eight Northern Dem
ocrats ; all the Whig members from the
free States voting against them except
one. Th~us, at that time, the whole
Whig pgrty of the North had abandon
ed the interests of the South and, come
cut on theosido of the Abolitionist ; is
jeaving the South and a devoted band
ofNortherii Democrats to fight the
bqtles of the South against the incen
s,-ie who wore endeavoring to light
tetotrch of insurrection and servile
wa ti her very bosom.
.Aftor this olear - demonstration- that
the South hadnothng to hope rt
Whigs of the Noith, and l
hope from tha diemoirats whV
proved to be her true and steadfabt
friends, what course ought she'td 1uie.
pursued ? The voice of re'.on a dof
common sense answers, thatieshetsiu'1
have stood by her true 'friehas Iftvtid
free States, the ,Deaddrats. Bdfwhi
course did she take?' TheDer ifo4(
of the South continued to -stppoit .
Northern friendd.oftho South; but the
Whigs of the South deseited hidA
After this demonstration .6f 'divisi6
among the politicians ad pe'plo of A&
South, and the alliance of the Southeij4
Whigs with the Northern Wliigs, ivhif
was the course' of the latter? They
became openrand avowed Abolitionists:
They passed resolutions against slave
ry, not only in their popular conenz
tions, but in their State Legislaturei;
and permitted no opportunity to; pidS
to inflame the popular mind against
slavery. And in Congress,'Whig Rep:
resentatives from the North voted on
all occasions and on. all estions,
against tho.South. At home t ey wa
ged incessant war against; the Demo:.
crats who. had maintained the ri hts of
the South. They joined with the Ab
olitionists in hunting down and desto
ing politically every Northern man who
dared to stand up ir defence of ti
constitutional rights of the SoUth:
And while these Whig enemies:'of the
South were engaged in this infarnous,
work of hunting down the true friends
of the South. Southern Whigs aided
-them and encouraged them, - Oxulting
with them over ever victim whom they
had prostrated and iestroyed. South
ern Whigs rejoiced in every victory,
which their Northern Abolition allies
gained over the Democracy -of the
North, upon whom alone the- South
could rely for the defence of her rights.
When the Democracy of -New Hamp-'
shire was temporarily broken down and
defeated by the treachery of Hale,
Southern Whigs, both orators and
presses, were loud in their rejoicings
at the event. They exulted at the
election of Hale to the Senate, and
a gan in .the election of Wilson and
Tu k (Abolitionists) to the House
These are Afacts which cannot :'with
truth be denied or gain-sayed. eIt eni
not be denied that so far back as the
adoption of the twenty-first rule, the
Northern Democrats were the only
friends which the South had in= the
North. Nor can it be denied that fromr
that day to this, Northern Whigs, aid
ed and abetted by Southern Whig -
have been constantly hunting then4
down, making this very friendsip to
the South and support of Sou ter
rights the pretext and cause of accusa
tion against them.
But these are not all the facts goin'
to show the treachery of southoni'
Whigs to southern interests-conduct
which has tended more than all other
causes to alienate the Democratic
friends of the South, and to throw he#
great interests at the meray of NorthI
ern Abolitionism. In the session of
1843244 the 21st rule was repealede
It was accomplished by the unanimotg
vote of Northern Whigs, a prtion 'or
Northern Demnocrats, and several
Southern Whigs-Stanley of North
Carolina, and Botts of Virginia, being;
among them. Here is an instance is
which Southern Whigs not only desert.
ed the true friends of the South froi"*
the North, but they deserted the 'Southo
ern cause itself. After such a betraJ
al of Southern interests by the: South.
ern Whigs, could the South look lois
ger even to the northern Democrat0
for sympathy and support. We appeal
to all candid Southern men of all par
ties, and conjure them to ponder this
qjuestion. But this is not all, The ter
ritorial question came up,- and was 'd&
bated in Congress. Northern 1)etW
crats desired that the question shpuld1
be settled. Mr. Clayton's componM
bill was offered'; and 'uhile not aNoti
ern. Whig voted foi- it, enegh' ofthe
Northern Democratic rebilentt
did, to insure itspasg-i i
Southern Whigs iadvtd' b~
But they did not, ti
Pendloton of Virii,~O
defeated it, andlett~I
presenl, to disttaqt
monaco it#' OaC ie 4
Here is anwo~ desit$'
in alliande- it 'hf~~)
era interests is not 1 e(. 0