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The news and herald. (Winnsboro, S.C.) 1876-1881, January 11, 1877, Image 1

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VOL.5I---NO._15 WINNSBORO, S. C.. THURSDAY MORNI1NG, JANA Y11, 1877. ,*,,:.
THE WEAKENING CONSPIRACY.
Grant Lowering his Key--A Vlair Finger
in the Presidential Pie.
Correspondence of the Now York Sun.
There will bo no war. The wo
man that hesitates is lost. Thei
Ropublican confederates hesitato.
They will lose.
The question is arithmetical as
wellas Presidential. If Mr. Morton
succeds in whipping into party,
traces every Ropubican Sonator,
Mr. Hayes will be declared Presi
dont. If nino Republican Senators
value conscience and country higher
than party, the will of the popl
will be respected, and Mr. Tilden
A will be peaceably inaugurated.
Nine Republican senators-that is
the question. There are twenty
nine Democratic members in the
Sonate; the other forty-six were all
elected either as Independents or
Republicans. If the Republican
confederates lose but nine members,
the Conservatives will have a iia
jority of the Senate; a majority
that could immediately displace Mr.
Ferry ; a majority against which
the conspiracy could never succeed.
The Presidential problen, therefore,
practically resolves in to the simple
question whether these needed nine
sen.ttors will b forthcoming. My
f-answer, based upon closo observa
tion, direct information, and peisol
al conversation withi members of the
Senate, is that these nino will be
found on the right sido when they
are really needed.
Put down Roscoe Conkling for
one. Though carefully bent upon
avoiding any public avowal of his
position, there is not the slightest
.reasoni to doubt what that position
will be. It will be in favor of honor
and honesty and on the side of thc
law and Constitution. It will be
for the right of Congress to scrutin
ize tile electoral returns and reject
those that are frauduleilt. It will
be against the power of either the
Vice President or the Returnig
Boards to in dic a President. Those
who enijoy the confidence of Senator
Conkling know perfectly well that
those are his views, though h1e has
obvious reasons for keeping them
in reserve until the proper time
nrrives.
Put down James (. Blaine as all
other. I see an incredulous smile.
"W hat ! Jim Blaie ?" Yes Jim
Blaino of Mline. I know
whereof I speak. Strange as it imty
or nist appear, the two most con
spicuous men to thwart the con
spiracy and to prevent the count-ing':
in of Mr. Hayes will be his two
m most prominent rivals for the nomui
nation-will be two men who have
totally different motives and charac
ters, who are themselves nt fiends
but old and unrelen ting enemie. I
do not speak of Blaine with the
same doree of positiveness witi
wlii 1 I speak of Conkling, for the
simple reason th tt the one is more
uniicirtain than the other, But
to-day, from trustworthy informa
1ion, it seems probable that Mr.
Blaine wvill take Mr. Conkling's
position in favor of an honest count.
I shall analyze his motives some
other time. Suffice it to say that
theCy are so~und ,and if lhe does
take that p)ositionl, the generous
American peole will be likely to
forgive and forget eairtain transac
Lions, at present neither fully ex
plained nor fully exaimined.
There' will be no diflieuilty about
seven followers if Conkiing and
Blaine take the lead. It is thought
znore than probable, almost certain,
that Senator Robertson, of Southl
Carolina, Alcorn, of Mississippi,
and Hamilton, of Texas, will be
amonmg them. It is known, that
Soator Jones, of Nevada, entertains
the profoundest admiration for the
ab.lity and char'acter of Mr. Conk
loi,, ani it is probable that Mr.
4(nos, as well as his colleague, Mr.
$Liaron, and such men as Hlarvey,
Hitchcock, Wadleigh, Christiancy,
Paddock, B3urnside, -Dawes, and
even jEdmlunds and Frelinghuysen,
would be strongly influenced by
-Mr. Conkling's views.
But the greatest influence, after
all, in favor of the peaceable inu
guration of Mr. Tilden is the force
of public opinion, the silent but
i dient power of right, the daily in
creasing evidence of the monstrous
-fraud committed by the new con
federates in order to count in
Hfayes ?
Let mne briefly present soe
evidence of the ofh'ective operation
of these moral forces upon the
minds of some of thle most import
ant of the new confedoerates ; let me
sihow cone'usively that a change
has come over the spirit of their
dream ; that cmonftidenice in the suc
cess of their plot has vanished, and
# erious doubt has taken its place.
Here are a few facts:
Grant talks in an entirely new
key. In recent conversation he has
shown irritation at the "mistaken
viewv of the public;" to use his own
language, as to is position. I be
liove that Grant's mind has under
gone another change within the
last fortnight. I know at least,
beyond the shadow of a doubt, that
in a recent conversation with a most
V.. intimate friend, Grant said that lie
never expressed or even indicated
the opinion that Hayes was elected
and would be inaugurated ;. that he
(Grant) "would not mix in the
matter." but surronder the Govern
mont to whomso( 3r wats legally
elected, "glad, most glad, to get
out of the White House." How
longI he will stick to this opinion
remains to be seen. In this catego
ry I may mention a thing both iu
portant and aniusing. The friends
of anl honest count havo an ally inl
the White House. I trust it is no
indelicacy (I know i is the absoluto
truth) to say that Mrs. Grant is
most emphnatically against tho
scheme of the new confedorates to
count in Hayes. The plain sonso
and womanly instincts of the lady
have convinced her that Tilden is
fairly elected ; and whatever in
fluence she possesses is oxorcised
over Gen. Grant to abate his orce
p)artisanlship and to neutralize the
eOfect of the manipulations of
Chandler, Don Cameron & Co.
But of this, more some other
time.
Mr. Ferry, too, talks differontly.
Hle, likewise, has changed his mind
considerably. It was openly said
by Morton that Mr. Ferry would
simnply refuse to receive the Tilden
returns from the disputed States.
But Mr. Ferry has recived them all
without a word of objection. It
was openly asserted that Mr. Ferry
would Count the Electoral votes, and
not Congress, and Mr. Ferry for a
very long time assented to this at
least that studied silence which
gives consent. But I hear from a
distingu ished Senator from the East
that MIr. Ferry has quite recently
dentied that he ever clainedt any
right whatever to count tho Elector
al votes. It was generally asserted
and generally believed that the
majority in the Sen tto would insist
upon )Mr. Morton's idea that the
Vice-President, and not Congaos,
hatt the power to count. But I near
from another prominent Senator
that this plan is abandoned, and
that a majority of the Senate. will
now unquestionably hold that Coll
gross has the power to count as
well as to reject Electoral roturns,
and not the Vice-President. With
the abandonment of this plan or
with the impossibility of its cxecu
tion, the plot must fail. The Re
publican confederates are weaken
ing all ilong the line. J. P.
Governor Hampton and the Pfesidentia
Election.
Several of our contemporarics out
of the State have o(mmonil1l1ted upon
'io recently published letter of
G,>rcrn r Hampton to Governor
Hayes. These comments have all
been kind, and have don, full justice
to the patriotism, good sense and
oarnest purpose (if Governor Haimp
ion. They tttribute to his exces
sive love of his Stato and anxiety for
its rehabilitation and prospority, and
to his general good nature, his ad
mission that Governor Hayes, as a
p))ssible President, may possibly be
instrummental in settling the vexed
p,>litical questions which now agi
tato the public mind. They difli r
withili him upon that point, as we
have ditlreed with him, but it may
a j ustly formed conclusion of otter
minds that it was his (duty to enclose
a copy of his letter to the Repub iP
(a'1 candidaLte. It was priepar1ed and
first transmitted to Governor Til.
den, but, upon01 secondl thought, and
from a sense of courtesy, and be
cause of tihe necessity of constantly
maiking p1 dn and clear the peaceful
disposition and law-abiding' tetmper
of ouri peole, was likewise forwatrd
ed to his commpetitor'. Its burden,
in other resp~ects than those 1mon1
tioned, was that we of the South
shiould discountenance a resort to
force iln settling the Presidential
qulestioni ; that we nieedl peace, and
hope) to see it preserved in the most
trying circumstances.
So much for tile letter. If an
error at all, it *was oneO which leant
to the side of p~atriotism and
The Columbus (Ohio) correspond -
ent of the New York Jlerald has
d me a seri.>us inljustic'. to Governor
Ha~impton, ninmton tionally, no doubt,
aulI through misconception of the
statemnentr of Judge '1. J. Mackey
as to his p)ositionI. It mlust be
known that Governor Hampton had
not tile slightest agency in Judge
Mackey's visit to Ohio. He dlid not
know or inquire what took him there.
H-aving informed Governor Hamp
ton lhe wasl going thither on p~rivate
business, the Governor aivailedi him
self of the opportunity of transmit
tinig by him a duplicate of his letter
to Governor Tilden.
The correspondent may have ac-,
oepted Judge Mackey's owr1 views to
be the same ais G:>vernor IHampton's.
But that was a great mistake, cor
taiinly. Judge Mackey was a warm
supp~lorter of Governor Hampton
and did good service to the cause of
the people of South Carolina in the
late camp)aign. But his opinions are
very different from Governor H unp
ton's. He is a fine talker, 'but he
spoke for himself only, and wve are
sure did not claim to give anything
more than the letter to which we
havo aUudeod as coming from him.
Gornor Hlamp ton, of course,
thinks, as all well-informed mcor
must think, that Governor Tildor
was fairly elected President of th<
United States. His opinion to thai
offect is decided and has been un
waivering from the first. He hopor
and means that he shall be peaceful.
jA inagurted. On the other hand
he novOr regarded Governor Hayos
ats Olected, and canl never do so until
such a claim on the part of his friends
and ou his own part has boon con
stitiutionally ostablishod. That is
as far off as the Grook Kalends.
Colunbiu Reister.
Crime North and Soutith--ianoralizing
Intluences of Slavery.
A favorito thomo of the canting
organs of "the party of moral id ons"
isij the allegod prevalenco of crimo
in the South. According to suchi
papors ias Iarper's I eekly, the
Chicago Trluine, the Philadelphia
A mreri(an and others of their class,
tho white people of the Southern
States iro but one dogroo above
barbarians MAuirdor, especially
negro killing, is represon tod by
theso journals to h) a e oiluo
pastime with our young men, while
all the minor degroos of crimo are of
universal provalonco among our poo
ple. While these pious folks deplore
our moral depravity, in their chari
ty they attribute it to "the demoral
izing influences of the institution of
slavery."
The South needs no viidication
from such slanders. We do not
claim ontire exIomption fr*om the
crimes and vices that deform hit
imanity and society everywhere. Our
people 110are not free from the prompt
ings of temper and passion, and the
bad whiskey of the South is as fall
of all devilishness as that of the
North. Bat, while this is time case,
wo lo claii that the criminal re
cords Will doniiioiistrite that in pro
portion to our population thero are
as fow murders committed in the
South as in any portion of the
Union, and that for tile lesser crimes
such as robbery, burglary, arsoI
and theft, Georgia will compare
favorably with any other section of
tile Union. While this is true in
general, it cannot be denied that
we are far behind Clhie more civilized
and onlightened North in morcon
ary crime. For the contrivance
and execution of mean. heartless and
mercenary villainy-for such crimes
as the Beecher seduction, the Piper
belfry horror, and the Pomeroy
murders in Boston, the Charlio
Ross kidnapping e.so, for burg.
l'ries and bank robberies, the rob
bery of graves ani the sanctuaries
o churches-tho 1y il, civilized and
onlighten d North may justly claim
pre-eminnicC. Of this fact the
local columns of tile newspapers of
the groat cities afford amplo proof.
Tuo latest developma&i of t i,
peculiar talent which has in the
North clevated professional villainy
to the rank of a fine art is the re
cent hyen L perforiwico in Illinois,
tihe star cracksmon in which exploit
woro Chicagoans, and dooubtless
liabitial ronders of that veracious
sheet, brothcr Model'f Tribune.
A few days since the co:mntry was
shocked by the report that an
attempt Iad been made to steal the
body of the late President Abraham
Lincoln from tie sarcophagus in
which it reposes in the monument
erected to his memtory near Spring
field. There wore vai'ous surises5
ait thle time ats to' whiat coulld be tihe
p)ossible object of the resurrection
i ts who had b)een banlled iln an at
temfpt to steal the remains of the
deado iPresidenmt. Thme conclusion
arrived at by tile loyal Chicago
press was. thait it wais aL diabolical
plot by Southern reb~els to desecrate
the grave of thle author of the
emi)ancipati on proclaima tion, and to
"carry out thim ir oft-r'epeaited threat
to s-catter whant remained of Father
Abraham to the four wvinds of
hecaven." An immes amount of
pious1 indcignaitionl~L was arl ousd
amonmg the loyal ChIicagoans ag'ainst
time sacrilegious roboel vamndamls of the
South. But we hlave now a very
diferent solution of the affair. It
turns out that the attonlpt to steal
the remains of Lincoln was a purely
local enterprise or speCculattion,
pltanned and partially executed, not
by t h Cicago whiskey ring, but
by a ring of Chicago counterfeiters,
whose objet was to nccure a large
pecuniaury reward from tile govern
mnont and' to procure the pardlon of
one of thEIr gang by the name of
Boyd, who hand recently been con
vietedl and sent to tile Illinois peni
ten tiary. Boyd is an engraver of
cola~'terfeit p)lats, and is an imipor
tant member of tile Chicago coun1
tarfeiting fraternity, who it was all
important to themn should be set at
liberty, Tile plan of the conspira
tors was to steal the remains of
Lincoln and secrete them, when
they confidently exp~ected a large
reward wVouldl b) ofiorod for thleit
recovery b~y the family and1 by the
govern men t. Then they in tendAd
to offer through their agent to sAr
render tihe romainse inl consideration
of the sum of $200,000 and the un
conditional pardon of their /con
federate Boyd. By a more acdont
they failed in the accomplishalnnt of
their scheme, and one of th' gang
having "poeached," the othe have
been arrested, and their wv 1e con
spiracy disclosed.
Now we admit that, a cool
business transaction, this affair has
no parallel in the annals fSouthern
crime. Could such a mnonstrousi
piece of sacrilegious illailny have
been planned and c. cuted any
wvhere ont of loyal, nm al Chicago ?
And yet those Chica hyena% woero
never exposod *to I demoralizing
influences of slav 'y.--Savannaa
a. Nans.
The Mackey Houco om Represontatives
Is It a Lawful House?
We have rocoivod a copy of tl
report of a special committee ap.
pointed by the Mackey Houso o
lopresientativos rolativo to the or
gapnization of that body and the con
stitutional validity thereof.
It is an ingenious and able papoi
presenting the most plausible ar
gutuent for sustaining the illega:
action of Chamborlain and his part)
in their usurpatiorL of the authority
of the State. Summed up in a foNV
words tbo arginout is this:
The Board of State Canvassers had
full authority to refuso cortificatos
to the iembers clot from Laurens
and Edgefield. Their action could
not be reversed by the Supreme
Court. That thus there woro only
116 mmburs elect to the House of
Roprosentatives ; that the Clerk of
the late House, having full authori
ty in law to make up the roll of
members, was justified in putting
this number on his roll, and in ex
cluding all others ; that the Mackey
House, having boon organized with
fifty nine members, 'the majority
of one hundred and sixteen, was
dily constituted, and that conso
quently all its action is in strict
accordance with the Constitution.
It will be observed that the key
stone of this argument is the legali
ty of the action of the State Boar'd
of Canvassors. If this position be
not maintained the whole fabric falls
to the ground, and the organiz tion
of the House undor Mackey and all
of the subsequent actions of the
Chamberlain Government must per
force be illegal. The legality of the
action of the Board of Stato Can
vIs':ers depends upon three propo
sitons
1. Eithor that this Board ho-trd
the protest and c o n t o a t
with regard to the elections in
Liaureni and Edgefiold, and do
cided that they were fraudulent ;
2. Or that, without hearing the
protest and conteAt, they had facts
before them which iuiduced the belief
that the elections were invalid, and
that they, in consequenco thereof,
refused to issue certificates of elec
tion ;
3. And that in this they wore
acting with authority of law.
1. No protest or content was in
fact heard. The idea of a prooe.t
or contest involves judicial action
ulon a case made, in whicv. there
aro parties complaining and parties
defending ; the result of which do
ponds upon facts established by
ieg:d t.stimony, governed by law
produced and relied upon ; it is a
trial before a logal tribunal. In
the presmolt case the prima facie
count of the ballots cast in those
two counties showed thnt certain
Democrats had the highest number
of votes. No notice of protest was
served on any of them. No notice
of contest was given. No testimony,
in a legal tense, war. hoard. No
witnesses wore exa:nined. Cortain
e.c )arte statements, it seomus, were
somehow made before, or pit into
piossession of, the Board. But there
was no pretenlce of any legal exami
nation into the cases. Indeed the
two memberra of the Boardl wYho had
characters to lose (the Soerotary of
State anid the Attorney General)
votod against the action of the ma
jirity in the case of JLmrons county,
and the former filed his formal pro
test agaminlst the action of thme Board
irelation to bo0th of the counties,
on the ground that they had decided
uplonl an ex parte showing.
II. But it may be said that the
Board board1 no protest or contest,
anid yet that they saw enough to
prevenit them from issuing certifi
cates to the immbers elect from
Laurenis and lilgefieldl. It is diili
-culht to catch the distinction be
tweon this course of action and one
adopted after hearing a pro test. Thbe
election was either valid or invalid.
If valid, the certificates wvere isaned
ais a matter of courso How could
it be declared inivalid without the
exminantion of tes timnony, and h w
cold testimony be examined unless
the~ issue was made as to the validity
of the election, and howv could the
issue be made without a protest or a
contest'? If the Board of State
Canvassers pass5 at all upon the
validity of tihe election, they must (do
so in some judicial capacity. In
th capacity they decide upon issues
raisedl before thomn. How can these
isues be made, except by parties
mnterested in setting aside the result
against parties interested in sustain
ing it ?
It must be borne in mind that
there is no p~retence that Lmtrens
and Edgefiold failed to hold an elec
tion. The people met on tihe day
fixed by the amendment of the Con
stitution ; the managers of election
opened the polls ; the ballot boxes
wvere regularly prepazredl; the ballots
wvere cast, andl after the polls woero
closed the boxes were opened, tihe
ballots taken out by the managers,
and tile votes wvere counted, and tihe
result certified Under these cir
cumntunces could the Board of State
Canvassers declare that there was
nuot a valid election ?
Fortunately we are not left to any
theory of this subjoct, and we are
spared a long examnin ition into the
principles of law applicable to it.
In the case of Gilbert Pillebury
and others vs. tile acting Board ol
Aldermen of the City of Charlestou
(1 South Chrolina. nanorts, 20) th
wholo matter is discussed. Th
caso Was olaboratoly argued befo
the Supreio Court by Messr
Chamborlain and Corbin, and t
Court, rocognizing tho force of thei
logic, ruled with themii. That cau
docides as follows : The 5th soetio
of thu act to provido for the electio
of officors of the imcorporated citic
and towns of the State, &c., ratifie
Septembor 28, providing that "th
ianagurs of olectiol shall decid
conitested cases, subject to the ulti
mato decision of the Board of Aldoi
men or Wardens whon organize(
Oxcept the election of a mnajority o
the personis voted for is contested ()
the mnagtors are chargid witih ilt
gal con1duc0t, inl which cass tle r(
turns together with the lballots shal
ho examined and the caso investiguut
od by the acting Board of Alder
men, who shall declaro thu election
and their decision shall be bindinm
on all parties, does, not authori
Mhe (wing Board of A Idermien in<
case comting properly befor it t(
adjudgUe the elttion to be illegal am
Void. Its authority is limited to ai
examination of the returns togethei
with the ballots, and a declarution o:
the results of the election."
Ill. The olection hamving taken
place the Board of Stato Canvassern
had no warrant in law for hoarin'
any protest or contest, or for pans
ing any opinion upon thu validity oj
tho eloction.
The power of the Board of Stat.
Canvassors iar derived eutirel)
from thu Statuto : "The Boardl
shiiall, upon the certified copics of the
statements made by the Board of
County Can vassors, proceed to make
a statemniit of the whole nunber o;
z'otes given at such election for thc
various officors, and for each of thom
voted for, distinguishing thu several
counties in which they wore given.
Thcy shall certify muich statomonts
to bo correct, and subscri)o the
samno with their propor names. They
shall make and subscribo on the
proper statemont a certificate of
their determniniation, and shall do
liver the sfame to tho Secrotary of
Stato. Upon such statement they'
shall thon proceed to dotermino and
declare what persons have been, by
the greatest umld/er !f Votes, duly
elected to such oflicos or either of
thon."
This is their geacral duty with
regard to all officos-to make a
st ,toment of Jthe wholo number of
vots given at su h election for the
vario is oflicos and each of them ; to
subscribe on such statoment a cor
tificate of their determination, and
deliver the s:ino to the Secretary
of State. Upon such statemon't
they should proceed to determine
and declaro what persons have bein,
by the greatest number of votes
duly olected to such oilicos. Such
is their duty on tho count, and it i:s
manifestly simply ministerial--to
count the votes and declare who
has received the highest nunber.
Tihe Act then d Is : "fltey shall
h Lvo power, and it is made t'eir
d ity to decide, all cases of protest
or conto.t that may arise, n-hen the
po e " to do ,9o does no't, by the Con
st au'on, reside in some other bodg.'
fum other wvords, no p)ower wv.mt 30
ever is given to them to do any-.
thing but to make up, fro'n thme
statements of the County Cjanvas
sors, a statomont of thme
whole number of votes given at the
election, and from such statement to
determine anid declare wyhat personis
km tve been, by thme greatost number
of votes, (11113 elected-except in
certain cases of p.O test and contosi.
which do not, under the Constitu
tion, reside in seome othor b~ody.
If an election takes place and the
mana11gers count thme votes, anid the
County Canvassers sond up their
statomontsm to time Board of State
(ianvassers, this Board can, under
no circumstances,.(d0 but two thinigs:
1st. Make up a statement from thme
statements of thu County Canvas
sers of the whole number of votes.
given at such election. 2d1. And
decide conteusts and1 protests in cur
tain excep)tod casos.
Thu only inquiry left for us,
therefore, is, w hether the poe
to decide contests or protests in
the case of an election for members
of the House of Roprosentatives, by
the Constitution, resides in soine
other b)ody than the Board of State
Canvmssors?7
By an oxpress p~rovision of the
Constitution the Houso is the sole
judge of the qualifications of its
memubors. The Board of State Can
vassers, in determining such a ques
tion, violated the Constitution ;, and
in detormining any question as to
the validity of the election not only
violated the Constitution, but mas
sumned a power not con furred uponl
it by "the Acts of Assembly.
We have thus demonstrated thai
the action of the Board of State
Canvassers, upon wvhich alone reits
the legality of the Mackey House, is
illegal and void. But it is said tha:
the Clerk of thme late House who by
law and usage made up the roll o.
the House, could not admit any
othbr names upon his roll thar
those of persons holding the cortili
cates of the Board. of State (ani
vassers.
There is no la'. conferring thiu
power on the Clerk. We deny the
usage. It certainly did not oxis
under itho old Constitution. No:
hasm it existed under the last Con
stitution. Thme first, session a.
which the Clerk ason~ed to or
is ganizo the House was in 1872, an
11 o ropoated it in 1874. At over
j. previous 0sesion the neibers olc(
. Met in the Iall of the House <
r Repreell tatives, Called onl som
o Imiember elect to take the chair',ulnd
n WhoSe direction the roll of electiv
n districts was c'alld, 'whoreupon th
4 mllemblers produced their credentiah
1, were sworn ill by the Chairman, an1
e when this was dono, voted for thoi
o Speaker.
- In 1872 and 1874, the sorvices o
-- Chairian wore dispelnod wit]
and the clerk called the roll. Bu
f even in these cases the member
V elect, when their names were called
produced their credentials at th
desk. Why ? That the Clerk shouh
pass upon them ? Surely not ; fo:
the House, as w hamve seen, is tll
solo judge of the qualifications of iti
members. But for the judgfmont o
the House, shl1ould they be calloc
imto question.
But even admitting that som<
evidence of election was necessary
ome credential for tho appearanct
and qualification of the memberi
elect, what better evidence could x
firnishied than that hold by the
melubers who were excluded t The
Board of State Canvassers had,
under their hands, cortified a state.
ment mado up from the certified
statements of the County CanvasserE
of the whole munber of votes given
at the lato election for the various
officors, and for each of thom voted
for. distinguishiog the several
countics. They had dolormined
and declared what persons had
received the highest numier of votes
at tile election. And thisi statement
was a record ill the highest Court of
the State. Of this record every
pors'on in the State had notice,
binding upon him. So the acting
Clerk knew that there were ono
hundred and twenty-four members
elect to tho House of Representa
tives, and ho could not, ther'ofore,
delaeo less than a ma.jority of this
number a, qiorimn of tihe House.
So that in anly point of view the
organization of the Mackey House
a illegal, and every act, deed, mat
ter or thiing attempted to be done
ald( Iperformed by it was, and is,
utterly void.--News and Courier.
The Pross on Hampton.
The brave, moderate and inag
nanimnous inaugural Message of
Governor Haunpton, of South Caro
lina, recently (levored at Colum,
bji, commei1nds itself so fully by its
tine to all reasonablo men that it
would be superfluous to say one
word in praise of it. If the Southern
Demnocrats ill Congress do not un
d.)rstand that the paramount object
of good men at the North to-day is
ti remit the carpet-bagged common
VealthS of tile South to the mango
ment of their own afltirs through
snez-h muon ias the author of this ines
S ige, thiey gravely mistako the torn
por of the times and the needs of tho
ni ttion. It is to secure this end, not
only nlow but, for all time to Come,
t.t it is noeessaly that the usu-pation
of Presidient Granmt and of tihe 00on
spirautors whlo surirounid him should
bie rebuko1 and~ punished by the
sap~ romoi law. This is anl objet far
ab~ove the election of any individual or
the triumph of any political party.
Every utterance of tihe legally
elected Governor of South Carolina
brings his charactor out in striking
and pileasing contrast to that of the
man whol( has stolen the office and
whose crimlo is up)hold biy the admin
istr-ation at Washington. General
Hampton's inaugural aiddro-ss, deliv
orodl yesterday, is characterized by
the spirit which might he exp~ected of
the popu)lar header, who, under gro'
pro.vocation, has kept his own tem
per and restrained thec just indigna
tionl of an outraged peoll. His
inauwguration was more regular than
thlat of Chamberlain, which took
place a few days ago, but while
bayonets instead of ballots rule
in South Carolina, 1hampton wvill be
Governor only in name, unless the
State Senate retunms to roason in at
reo)ognition of the .legal Execiu
tivoe and legal House5( of Representa
tivos.-Philadeipi Times/tfC.
Govern >r Hampiton coldn'ht have
been expecRtedl to "sp)eak wyith bated
broath"' on suhl aln iccatsionl, and 1h0
will be b~etter able to roestrainm and
control the patssions of his poo
plo [ad koop thomn within
tho limit-i of the law by letting
thon\ see how fully lhe shares their
indignation. There can be no
do>ubt that he has acquired such a
moral ascendancy over the citizens
of South Carolina that there wvould
be no substantial opposition to his
government if the Fodoral troops
were wiLthdrawnl. Hie is able to pre
s'3rvo peace, maintain Order and trail
(uilizo the State from the instant
timt the righlt of local self-govern.
mont is resp~eted. No intelligont
observer can doubt thlat oey South
Carolina intorest would be promoted
under an administration so wise,
just and considerate as his certainly
wuld lie if outside elements of di's
turbance woero taken away.-Nen
- Y'ork, Aerald.
Dr. J. J. Lee, a well known citizer
of Abboville county, died ver~y sud
denly Friday beforo last, from whal
physicians pronounco 1 an attack o
apoplexy, induced by congestion e
thn hrin am1 stomach.
d Governor Uampton's Regor4 Without a
Stain.
From the New York \Yorld.
In its issue of Wodnesday the
r Now York 7mes publishod a ttor
from a correspondent in South
OCarolina, substantially, and at great
length, charging Gen. Wiade Ham1p.
ton with dislionesty in settling with
his creditors after the war. That
General Hampton like very many
f Southern planters was forced into
bankruptcy by the total loss of all
his slaves, the terrible depreciation
of property and the damages inci
dent to war, is undoubtedly true
3 othrwie the statements in the
Times letter are a mero tissue of
falsehoods. Gen. Hampton's largest
creditor, who appears as such in the
schedule of bis liabikties as printed
in the Tines, happens to be now in
this city, and yesterday denounced
the letter as atrociously falso and
libellous. "Gon. Hampton's settle,
mont with us," said lie, "was strictly
and in every respect honorable. The
1inze' statement that 'the creditors
have never recoived a cent' in satis,
faction of their claims is no less
untrue than the whole tenor of the
letter. He gave up every dollar of
his property to his creditors, and I
received a considorable proportion
of my claim. It does not need,"
he added, "that Gen. Hampton's
creditors should opposo their de
nials to those libellous assertions in
the Times, for no man who knows
his singularly scrupulous and high,
minded sense of honor but would
pronounco any assertion to Rhe con,
trary as false; but, in the face of
such a publication as this, I cannot
refrain from protesting against it as
utterly base and unfounded. Had
(Ion. Hampton occasion now to call
upon me for assistanco, most cor,
tainly I should not hesitate to give
it."
In contradiction of the entire sub
stance of the Time.' charges, it may
be well to statc-a fact well known
to all his friends-that, having sur
rendered all his once large fortnne
to his creditors, he lived for some
time after the wr in circumstances
of actual poverty, being forced to
soll evon the furniture from hie
rooms and the carpets from his
floors to support his family. In
this he shared the common lot of
very many neighbors and of planters
generally throughout the South who
were utterly impoverishod by the
war.
In the Timea' publication Gen.
Hampton's schedule of liabilities
foots up over a million of dollars,
while his assets, as returned, fall
very greatly short of that amount.
This discrepancy is easily explained.
The larger part of his debts was for
money borrowed upon cotton and
for the working of his plantation.
During the war he had over fivo
thousand bales of cotton destroyod
by fire, which at a low estimate were
certainly worth over $1,000,000. In
slavo property Gen. Hampton be
fore the war was worth fully $500,
000, while his landed estate was very
large and very valuable. It was
upon this prop)erty, wvhich the war
reducedl to a comparatively insignif
icant value, that the moneys were
loaned. His case is the same as
though a New York merchant had
borrowed a large amount of money
upon property which was conisidcrod
by both borrower and lender as
worth far more than thto amount of
the loans, and as if that property
had afterward been dostrojod by
causes of which neither borrower
nor lender hiad any thought and for
which neither had considered a pro
vision necessary.
The charge in the TIimes that
Gen Hampton, in making a settle
mont with his creditors, so arranged
it that a debt to his wife had prece
dence of all claims is pronounced by
a gentleman in this city, who is
thoroughly conversant with Geon.
Hampton's affairs, as bo0th false and
malignant. Mrs. Hampton's prop
orty, which she had inherited in her
own right, had been turned over to
her husband, and wvas swvallowed up
in his own losses by the war. That
she did not have precedence over
other creditors is sufficiently proved
bythe circumstances,ared
alluded to, in which her husband,
herself and their children wore
forced to live after the war.
One other statement-that Geon.
Hampton is not a citizen of South
Carolina, but of Mississippi-is also
denounced as utterly false. Geon.
Hampton has never boon a citizen
of Mississippi, and has never ceased
to be a citizen of South Carolina.
A newspaper in E~ngland, speaking
of American affairs, makes a very
ridiculous blunder. It says, "As an
evidene of the important part that
American women are assuming in
politics, the widowv Butler has just
been elected to the United States
Congress." A Paris journal makes
a mistake equally ridiculous,
when it informs its readers t at
Messrs. Edlgefield and Laurens have
been excluded from the South Carom
lina Legislature.
Forty years ago there was a an
in Boston who had six or seven very
corpulent daughters. When asked
-how many children he had, his
answer was generally something of
this kind : "1 have three boys and
Sabout thirteen hundred wolght, oi
'4irs.

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