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The Conservative. (M'connelsville, Ohio) 1866-1871, August 17, 1866, Image 1

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RATES OF ADVERTISING.
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IHJDj IOIOIMU V III V JDi.
VOL. 1. M'CONNELSVILLK, AUGUST 17, 18G6. NO 5.
THE CONSERVATIVE.
Office, ontlvrct Corner of 1'nlille Bqnurs
rTBLI.SU ED EVERY FRIDAY MOItNINO.
T E II 91 H
Kir one jr, pnyidilc In 'lvnr - .find
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WM. ULKNN, Proprietor.
IMPORTANT PUBLIC DOCUMENT.
Counsel of an Old-Line Whig
and Republican.
THE LEGALITY OF CONGRESS DOUBTED.
Letter from Hon. Thos.
Ewing.
T)ik following Is a corroded copy of
tin- Idler read nt tho Conservative Re
publican Slate Convention held in Col
uiiibus on the 7th inst,: .
LANCASTER. O., Aug. 2, 1862.
. lion. O. II. Browning :
1H..UI Sin Your Idler, ineloing a
copy of it (nil for a -National Coiivcn
' tion to bo held nt l'l t i lacK-t j 1i i:i on the
1 Jth inst., has long been before mo. J
at once expressed to you my hearty
concurrence in its objects, but causes,
ntt within my control, hnvo thus far
delayed mo in giving, as I thon prom
ised, moro definitely and nt largo, my
views on tho subject.
Vo all fool and know that tho condi
tion of tho Country is nnsottloil it is
in.some respects anomalous. Tho dif
ferent departments of tho (lovoriiinoi.it
do not move harmoniously in their
proper spheres, but in some respects re
tard and disturb the action of each
Other. Thoevil ror(ures a remedy, which
van only bo njilied on n careful investi
gation of its causes.
It is most important thai wo have n
distinct understanding of the present
condition of our country tho date of
its organic law as settled by recent
events, imd a consideration of tho er
rors mid irregularities by which its ac
tion is disturbed, and nfair prcsonta
tion of theso matters to tho public with
out u inixturo of the :tssion or preju
dice of party, that may apply tho cor
roclion. This is, as I understand it.
tho object of tho jroposod Convention.
To this object 1 am dcsirouto lend my
feeble aid, as ouo anions the thousands
whoso aggregate judgment make up
public ()inion.
A largo proixu-liou of'theleading men
of tho South have, for more than thirty
years past, boon taught in tho school
of disunion, reared up and educated in
tho political faith that allegiance totho
Ktuto is paramount to allegiance to the
Union, and that u citizen of tho State
may, nt tho command of his State, law
fully bear arms and wage war against
tho United States, and, us u corollary,
against any ono or moro of .the sister
States.
This is not n now doctrine ; it is the
name which under fornix of government
distracted .Europe for moro than six
hundred years, mado every barony and
castle generally n robber's stronghold,
and the whole country a military en
campment. Those holding tho physical force in
cloven Slates in declared in con
vention their secession from thol'nion,
expelled its officers and repudiated its
lnwsiind stood prepared to maintain
uk far as they might, by force of arms,
distinct ami independent nationalities,
confederated for tho purpose of attack
or defense against tho I nion as a com
mon enemy. On thoothor hand, wo
asserted absolute integrity of tho
Union ; that no State could secede from
or cense to bo an integral part of the
Union; that its laws, constitutionally
enacted, were of binding force in all the
States and Territories, mid that to levy
war or oppose armed resistance to the
execution of the laws of tho Union, was
treason, even though such resistance
were in obedience to a law of it State
ami to tho mandate of its authority.
And it is this on which the issue was
taken between tho Union and those
holding the physic al power in the eleven
Ncccding States. A civil war was the
consiTjiienco, great in its magnitude,
groat m its results. Tho supremacy of
the Union has been maintained, tho il
legal and revolutionary (Iceland ions of
nooession have boon annulled, together
with tho ordinances in their support
and maiiiUnance, and the several
Slates, so far as their ollieial acts can
"clled. that object, have resinned each
Its place ns members of tlio Union,
ami acknowledged tho supremacy of
its laws.
We have contended throughout tho
contest that . the seceded Slates were
Slates of Ihe Union, and that the citi
zens, of those States who in any way
aided in dm revolt were guilty of
treason. 'fh.'s pojjit is now yielded
i is sen leu ami not opei) to discussion.
. Your. call invites only those who hold
"the Union in every case indissoluble
Arid perpetual;" and it declares, that no
delegate will take, n seat in theOonven
tion l,who does not loyally accept tho
.National situation and cordially in
dorse" tho groat principle above an
nounced. ! This J most heartily approve. I
would not willingly meet in council or
join in political action with those, if such
(hero bo, who wonhl again open that
(juostion, (he agitation of which has
inflicted such untold misery upon the
country.
I assume, therefore, that the laws of
the i nion enacted pursuant to the Con
stitution are paramount, neither weak
ened nor a lied ed by the laws of the
State that no State can secede from
tho Union, either temporarily or per
manently that (I leordinances of seces
sion, though bearing the names of the
States, were the ads of unauthorized
men, who temporarily usurped tho
power thiU during tlio whole contest,
from its beginning to its close, each and
all the Suites, notwithstanding their
ordinances of secession, were States of
the Union, and at the close of the con
test, the usurped power was withdrawn
and the supremacy of tin' Union ac
knowledged bv t lie authorities of the
States.
It follows as a necessary consequence
Mint i.i-.iu ii. 1... 1 t 1 . I
v ii in mT iii-iu. I4IKI ioieiieu (ii
the rebellion (he States in which rebel
violence most prevailed were each and
all of them, iia Statea. entitled to their
representation in the two Houses of
Congress. Such Mas clearly the under
standing of the slalesmeii who then
ruled tiie stormy scene. Tennessee was
represented after (ho ordinance of se
cession in thai Slate was parsed ; and I
know it was the express wish of Presi
dent Lincoln that lloi land. Ihe Senator
from Arkansas, whoso term had not
expired, and who had taken no part
in the rebellion, should come to 'Wash
ington and resume his seat in the
Senate.
The diflicully existed not in the right
of (he State to be represented, but in
tho means of electing and certifying
Senators and Representatives. Willi
that ditlieully the House of IVngre.-s
hail in the lirsl instance nothing to do;
but when the State returned its'Sena
lors and members, )', n it was tho prov
ince of the two Houses of Congress
each to examine, the credentials of the
proposed member of ils own body, as
certain whether the members of'ouoh
were duly appointed. and whether they
personally conformed to tho requisite's
which each House had established for
its members.
It cannot, therefore, bo rationally
contended, that n State in which the
rebollitAi has boon suppressed, the or
dinance of secession recindod and an
nulled, and the power of the Union ac
knowledged, can be denied its re pre
sentation in tho two louses of Con
gress, because it has been- for a time
controlled by men in a btato of revolt,
when that very condition, while it ex
isted, did not (foprive it of its right of
representation. 5ut thus fur those
States have been dcnied.au ,S7(fVj, their
representation in Congress without
question ns to the quuliiiciit'miis of the
.individual members, or' tho regularity
of their election.
It will be dillleult to establish n po
sition that u portion of the Senate and
the House, which have thus rejected
the representation of a part of the Slates
as States, is a legally constituted Con
gress under tho Constitution. They,
of course, have the power which the
Constitution gives them the Senate
to reject any ami all such members,
individually, for the reason that they
do not represent their several Stales;
the House, that they do not represent
their appropriate districts. Tho Con
stitution defines in express terms the
power of each House over thoniembers
who oll'er themselves for recognition.
The second section of the first article
of the Constitution provides that "tho
House of Representatives shall ho com
posed of members chosen every second
yctirhy thopcoplcnf thosovcru'l Slates,"
that is to say, ot each and all the
"States." To this there is no excep
tion and no limitation. It includes
States which have been in revolt as
well as those which have been always
loyal.
Another clauso of tho same article
provides that when vacancies happen
4n the the representation from nny
State, the Executive authority thereof
shall issue an order for an election.
Hero is no qualification, no requisite
condition of the State to entitle it toils
representation. How does any portion
of ( 'ongress, or a committee selected by
A part of Congress, acquire the' power
to lay down conditions and deny repro-.
sentation to Slates that do not conform
to them?
The third section provides lhat the
Senate of the Uni'tod States shall bo
coin posed of two Senators from each
State, chosen by tho Legislature thereof
for six years.
Thofiflh article provides that "no
Stale without its consent shall, even by
an amendment of the Constitution, ho
deprived of its equal sutl'rage in tlio
Senate." So char is the construction
of the Constitution, so fixed the pur
pose of tho Convention, that even an
amendment of tho Constitution wotild
bo void, that should attempt to deprive
a State for u single day, under any con.
difioiis, of its due rep resell tat ion in that
body.
Rut the. Constitution makes ample
nrovision for the prevention of illegal
intrusion in either of those bodies, and
puts it in the power of each to exclude
front itself all Jlombors and Senators
who are unlit from any causo, national
or moral, lor want of duo flection, duo
certificate, defect of loyalty to tho
Union or moral character, to hold their
places in cither of these bodic.
Hence it is very clear to my mind
that tho exclusion of Slates as Slates
for any reason, supposed or alleged, is
it violation of their constitutional priv
ileges. The members who may no in
possession of tho Senate Chamber and
House of Representatives havethesame
right to assume that 'ew York as that
(ieorgia is unfit to be represented until
it complies with their prescribed requi
sitions; and if they may exclude elev
en States they may exclude twtnly. and
each will cllcct alike the Constitutional
legitimacy of the body, which thus lays
down conditions for admission and re
fuses if to those who do not comply with
those conditions.. The wrong 'would
be moro glaring if a majority were ex
cluded, but the principle would he the
same.
It may ho said that in tho Senate
there could not be ,jt constitutional
quorum if twenty Were exclude,', ..hut
what of thai? Admit, the binding ef
ficacy of (he Constitution and there i.,
an end of the argument.
With a view to the present and fu
ture quiet of the country, I am anxious
that tiie present slate of things i-hould
cease i exist. '
Laws formally enacted by the mem
bers tiinl certified, approved by thoofll
eers of the two iloit'cs and 'thel'resi
dent, must be recognized ly our courts
without inquiring into tho regular con
stitution of each of the powcis cnae
fing them, but whatever comes in the
form of law, emanating from a single
branch of the law-making power, is in
m3' judgment open to examination.
As, ,or example, if but one-third of the
States should meet ami take possession
of the balls of the Senate and House of
Ih piYscntutivcs, enact rcolves in the
form of law without executive sanction
or recognition, it would be absurd to
say that the courts would be bound to
hold that stu b resolves were law, with
out having power to inquire into the
constitutionality of the assembly enac
ting them. This is but on t'l foi ti'm i
case tho principles is precisely the
same with that, before us. It is quite
immaterial whether one-third or two
thirds of the States bo excluded from
participation in the enactment. Admit
tiie right of inquiry into the constitu
tion of tho enacting body in one case,
the same right follows in the other, ami
the illegitimacy in tho ono ease is as
clear as in tho other, This dilllculty
applies to tho Civil Rights Rill, to the
last Freed men's Rureau Rill, and to the
Consiitutional Ainomdmcnt.
This objection, together with -the
Constitutional (lillieullies in the sev
eral bills, can bo brought before the
courts, and it is not too much to say
that their decision will be doubtful on
that point, if on that alone. On such
reflec tion as 1 can give it, I think these
enactments would be each and all of
them held void.
This of course, does not apply to
cases where the States did not appear
at the proppor time and place and ollVr
their Senators anil Representatives.
It would have a quieting died and bo
but a reasonable sacrifice to const itution
and law to repeal, at the earliest possi
ble moment, all such enactments of tho
last session of Congress which- have
not received the sanction of the Presi
dent. For whatever tho decision of
the Courts may be on tho suluVol, it is
quite clear that the opinion' of the
Rench and liar of 1 lie Umteil Jsi.if.-.u
outside of political circles ami bovomh
jioouc.u iiiiiueiiee, win nor, do unani
mous in favor of tho validity of these
laws. They will not be absolutely and
entirely respected by the mass of the
people as tney would have .been if cn
nded by a Congress in which all of tho
United Slates were suffered to be rep
resented. There are reasons urged for refusing
tho admission of tho eleven rejected
States into tho legislative councils of
the Nation. Stripped of all nmbigitj-,
the result is this : Exclusion is said to
be necessary in order to retain power
in the hands of the present majority;
and it is not, 1 think, generally claimed
to be Constitutional, but right and rea
sonable in the present excepted case.
Rut allow this as a precedent, and
speoiall excepted cases will arise, ill tho
opinion of tho party in power. The
present Congress can not say, "thus
far and no further." Tho Constitution
allows no such exception; if violated
but for 11 day, it is violated.
This I look upon as the great source
of evil pregnant with political mischief.
It is a sap applied totho very foundation
of our National edifice: and if pressed
forward to ils results, must shake, if
not destroy if. Jt is needless and idle
to dwell upon the pant thai, which be
longs to history; but. it is not perhaps
improper lor me to say thai I hau' not
in all thing) entirely concurred in tlio
action of tlio past or present Executive.
In the direct political movement neces
sary to preservo the integrity of the
Union and enforce its laws, in tho con
duct of (he war, I felt no difficulty, no
hesitation. I felt, too, tho necessity, us
ft wnr measure, to remove tho power of
mischief from those who actively ami
openly attempted to obstruct tho rais
ing of our armies or to induce desertion
from tho ranks. Their crimo approach
ed treason, but did not fall within ils
definition. Tho position of thoso in
ils ( ommi-sion was ambiguous, occu
pying middle space between traitor and
spy; but whatever tho judgements of
Courts might bo upon their ads. the
performance of n duty which the Presi
dent owed, tho Constitution required
that the)- should be depirved of tho
power of' mischief.
It was necessary to protect our nr
mies in the process of formation against
hostile elements as well as to protect,
them againts meeting and opposing
armies in tho field. .Military commis
sions are warrantable only in cases in
which the commanding (ieneral is jus
tified in ordering execution on his own
inundate without trial, then he may
properly organize a commission to ad
vise niul share with hint (ho responsi
bility; but I have never been satisfied
willi the trials and convictions by mil
itary courts where our civil courts held
undisturbed sessions, and our civil
laws could executed. Such things
have nevertheless been done, and I
have not failed to protest against it in
the properquai tenind u-.-all my powc i s
of reason and argument to prevent it.
The prevention of mischief is one
thing, the trial and punishment of a
crime complete is another.
I'or this use of military tribunals the
administration of President Johnson is
not entirely free from responsibility,
but as far as 1 know, it, was only when
he was fresh in his ollice, near 'to the
surrounding circumstances which in -
flueiiccd the action of his predecessor
and of his counselors that he fell into,
what I consider, a, vital error and
showed from the first a purpose to ap
ply to the mischief an early mid,
whenever possible, mi efficient remedy.
Thus," in the only instance in which he
great!)" erred, it was by uniting in the
policy of those who now most condemn
him ; it v. as by f ullering himself to be
borne onward by the wild tide of
events which threatened lo swee; away
and obliterate the ancient landmarks
of our Republic, and it was only when
he attempted to check its violence that
he encountered tierce resistance, oontu
maly and repro. ich.
Resides the illegal constitution of the
two houses of Congress, by the exclu
sion of the eleven States, there was a
vice a novelty in the proceedings of those
two assemblies by the appointment of
a joint committee on the all important
question of reconstruction, and the ad
mission of members to each body a
committee similar to that of public;
safety in the constituent assembly of
Franco in the days of tho revolution,
and almost equally potent.
, The two houses were, by tho np
poinment of this committee and the
powers granted it, consolidated, and
there was no longer, for the more im
portant purposes of the session, two
houses ofCoiigress two deliberate as
semblies. Indeed, there- cuiildbejio
free deliberations in cither of those
bodies. They were fe ttered and bound
by (ho action of the joint committee,
and no member could be permitted to
introduce ii measure without its first
passing through this ordeal : indeed, it
was as much as tho political ' standing
of any Senator or Representative was
worth to dispute its behests. In a few
instances it was attempted, hut on each
occasion followed by an explanation
and an. apology.
-Men are dialled by the strong cur
ent, of events where their own delibe
ate judgement would not carry them.
In tho composition of most men pos
sessing intelligence and some force of
character, there is more of tho osier
than the oak heneo it is that in times
of high party excitement tho moro ren k
less and violent govern, in political as
semblies, sober-minded men, their su
periors in knowledge and intellect.
-Measures were adopted almost unani
mously which would not passed tho
two Houses by the free votes of the
members, without, this restraint. Its
efficacy must have been understood and
its necessity foreseen, or this strange
anomaly in American legislation would
not have been resorted to.
Ry the report of tho Committee on
Reconstruction, it appears lo have been
their opinion (hat. what is generally
understood as an executive duly, the
right of determining when tho insur
rection or rebellion in the State has
ceased and it is in n condition for self
government, pertain to tho two Houses
of Congress, ami not to the President.
They say it was his duly to execute
the laws of Congress, and they ignore
and they in dfed deny his right to do
his duty inkier the Const itution, except
as they may direct und impel him;
this is their lirsl. radical error, and the
close of the report shows how unlit n
legislative body is for tho performance
of executive duty.
It'was well shown in the long Parli
ament in England, when they under
took to exercise executive power, it is
equally well shown hero.
Not only could not Congress agree
as to what should be done to effect re
construction, when it should begin, and
how far it should advance, without tho
aid of a Coinmitteo of Rec onstruction,
but that coiiimilto, so selected, had to
say that tho result of their report Avns
a mutual concession of conflicting opin
ions. ...
It would seem that their inability to
agree might well hnvo admitted of,
some dofereue'o find respect for the op-1
j
,
i
inions of the President, who, with more
knowledge, certainly an oqualy patrio
tic spirit, much larger information and
longer deliberation, differed from some,
pcrnapK an oi tiuni; nml if he were
mistaken, and members wero returned
from States not organized so as to bo
competent to return (hem, each House
had (ho power lo determine tho ques
tion for itself, in tho case of each indi
vidual member, and on full information
to reject such members.
There seems to be no agreement on
the points in which it is charged that
the President erred. Every act nod
each conceivable omission to act is ob
jected to by different individuals. The
only particular in which they agrco is,
uiae no din not. m an inings conlorm
lo the will of Congress, lie had opin
ions of his own, and expressed them in
time ami form as prescribed bv the
Constitution. Rutolher grave 'injec
tions were urged.
Senator Trumbull, in a speech lately
delivered to his cniistim-iits, claimstha't
the President did not punish traitors
stillicicntly; in other words, that there
had not been blood enough shed, orthat
there had not been ruin and misery,
poverty end privations enough brought
upon the people of the South lo teach
t ln-iii lhat rebellion was unprofitable.
-Mr. Trumbull, hud his views been
carried out in detail, would have taught
them well t liat io,v.(i) was even less
profitable than rebellion, and I would
ask under what law, after the war had
ceased, could the President hang or
shoot, or imprison, -those w ho had been
Ira i tors.' ihe matter must hare been
submitted to our courts of justice, and
no time had elapsed tutlicieiit to or
ganize and ollicer courts ami bring to
trial an Jiundreu thousand criminals
for f ivii-iin,
Mr. Trumbull (and I take him as n
fair specimen of (ho violent members
of his jKivty). claimed that the Presi
dent, iii a conversation with him. seem
ed to yield lo the opinion or expressed
the opinion that tho laws should be
rigidly executed against those who
violated them. When he conversed
with -Mr. Trumbull, according to the
account we have of tho conversation,
he seemed to be smarting under tho
infliction of heavy recent wrongs, and
he spoke with feelings of indignation
and resentment common t men und
justifiable in their private stations; but
when he become President of tho Uni
ted States these feelings ought to hnvo
neon, ami 1 trust they were, suppressed
and his personal wrongs forgotten.
His ollice was then the restorer of nuh-
lie peace and order, not tho avenger of
private wrongs, or tlio instrument by
which pr.vate vengeance might be
gratified, and it bt-camo a question
w hat was the best mode of ftcoiicilin"
11 . . . .... . -s
an men to Uieir comlitioiis and estab
lishing peace and harmony in tho
count ry.
That popular passion and prejudices
still exist in the South, is undoubted.
The opinions of men as to their ab
stract rights, are not changed; for no
man or men were ever resoneil into a
change of opinion by the cannon or
tlio iiayonct. 'J hough .they may bo
well taught to live at peace nml enjoy
freedom and safety of life and property
under a regular Constitutional (Jovern-
ment, rather than sudor a repetition of
mo norrors ana desolation of it civil
war.
It is tho remark o n- writer, who
lived through tho French Revolution,
who reasoned Hugely, and observed
much that "tho remedy for popular
passions is to bo found, not in tho des
potism or military infliction, but in tho
assumed sovereignly of tho law."
For theso reasons I do not united in
the censure which Senator Trumbull
casts upon the President, becauso we
discover humane feeling in his ofliciel
action, for tho miseries of thoso who
hal most wronged him, especially as I
am conscious Unit his kinduessuud for
bearance tended much more thou se
verity to tho establishment of union
and harmony.
I am not tho apologist of tlio Presi
dent, it is Rimpjy- my turn to uo him
and all others right und justice accor
ding to my own conceptions. In theso
I may greatly err, but my opinions are
formed on passing events, and with a
view only to the interests of my coun
try. It is idle to impung tho motives
and apply personal abuse to those who
differ with us in political opinions to
call names to use contemptuous epi
thets, and thus depreciate personally
thoso whoso arguments wo iiml to be
unanswerable.
Thero is much of this that is neither
creditable or statesman-lilco iu tho
speech of Air. Trumbull, which is now
before me, but I will not commont up
on it.
My wish is that- tho Republican
party, very many of whoso members X
highly respect, may return to tho paUi
of Constitutional rectitude, and walk
ing in that path, I wish them a long
ami successful administration of their
appropriate sphere in tho affairs of
government, but if they and tho Oon
blirtition and tho Union cannot exist
together, las earnestly desiro (hoir
speedy and final overthrow.
Practically, my opinion is that a hu
mane forbearance in tho execution of
penal laws, which Bhouhl mnVo it the
lutercst of men to prefer the Union and
the laws and order to anarchy, is the
only sound policy. Somo will un
doubtedly become outlaws, but as few
as possible should be A t'ivf-li 4 1 41, af.
condition, and tho few that, baring
uecn aiiowe-d me privilege of citizens
and the right ) of property, who choso
to form themselves into predalory '
bands, whether thcvnlundr-vfimnn f,.n.l
or water, should be exterminated j an
enemies of the human race.
I hope much from the good effect of
your convention. I ant suro that it
will bo conducted in n spirit, of kind
nsss and conciliation, nt tlm cm,t ;,.n
with firmness and decision. I trust
much in its effect on public opinion
much, indeed, in ils effect on tho opin
ions and odious of tho nrosent. c!..n.
''ress. Ill'h i I I holm nt llin novl illu
sion of (his Congress, to find a stale of
feeling such that no considerable chan
ges may bo necessary to secure tho tri
umph of Constitutional yiw, and tlio
union, pence und prosperity of each
und every part of our common coun
try.
I am, very respectfully, yours.
T. EWING.
To the Hon. O. II. Luowninu, Washi
ngton City, I). C.
Under the Load.
Quite n number of perplexing, eub
lects iust now minor fhn Iwm.vi till r
porters of the Pepu'bliean parly. Tho
ultra radicals who have assumed tlio
entire control and management of tho
IicPllbliean orfunizatioii urn tint t.-
their wits in excusing and explaining
mom to ino voters, Among tlieni
are :
Tho Philadelphia Convention.
Loiter of Hon. Thomas Kwing.
Jfcmoval of r.-nlicnl IfciuililwMina (Vmri
office, and pulling in their placo ton
ui ,i i ivrt i ,!,.. .......
...........Vtll-'M III VII.
Pros-dent Johnson's reeoiiKlrnctvoii
policy.
i he radical advocacy of noirro Suf
frage.
The late over-wholmini flnmru-mi in
victory in Kentucky.
ino aiiatnloment ot tho radical or
ganization by the most prominent Ile
publicans in tho country.
mi i . i . i . r -.
i no eioings oi tno luto Congress in
nassiiirr Civil 1ci-ht V.ilU l'i-i.,.,lnif,i.'
I.J - - - ... , .&.x..-...vur.
Jiireau IJills, oprcssive Tariff measures
. ! . 1 1 I 1 . . . . .
voiing ot nunnrods 01 tiiousamls dol
lars extra in the pockets of the mem
bers, iVc.
Tho support of tho Constitutional
amendment by Colonel Granger, and
all tho leading ultra men of tho radi
cal Organization. - t
Making "eleven Irelands," eleven
Polands, eleven subjects of arbitnry,
unconstitutional and oppressive le"fs
latioti out of the Southern States.
disregard, on tho part of the majori
ty in Congress, of the spirit and letter
of the Constitution in ils most inijKir
tant features bv Tuisiiirr tnut l,.,i u ..v
eluding front their seats members, cleo-
...!: i -.i . . .
ecu in accordance witit existing statu
tes, State and Federal, ic.
The revolutionaty schemes of tho
radical" leaders as cytiokpi) 1w TimiM T
Paymoud and others, and as avowed
by Senator Wilson and liOpresontalivo
Jloutwell, of Massachusetts.
Theso and other kindred doings of
tho radical managers have- placed tho
ltcnilblicnn T.Tii ti- "iin.l.,. (1... I I
and will bo likely to keep it there.
Honest voters, lis WO firA i n fiivmnil nt-.k
daily abandoning tho Republican or
ganisation some cominiF ovur- in tli
Democrats, others connecting tbem
selvesw ith tho "National Union Party"
under the lead of President Johnson,
Secretary Seward, Senators Cowaa
l)iwi1!tll, Ttivxn iIaII.. O t
.-vvnuvji-i-wii umiukiivm, uce clonal
parties, such as tho radical is at tho
present time, cannot long exist in a
ueo country. j.no ono or tlio other
must iro down. Tim nvjnlt. nu in rlii)i
will fail cannot long bo in doubt.
Zanesville Signal.
f5 ml10 incenso hnrnivl in ihn
Chinese empire in idol worship is eaid
to cut. fi lhh nun non ....... ,u.. ri..
chaturo.
Tho inenso which tho Amorican Con-
gross burua annually to its ebony idol
cloesii t cost quito that much, but tho
amount is enormous.
IC? It bus been decided by Unitol
States Commissioner Purkcr, atBull'alo,
that a mau cannot roll tobacco leaves
into tho form a cigar, and siiioko thoni
himself, without taking out a (Joreru
mcnt lieoriBo as u t-igur maker.
Tho Englis.li and French jour
nals have spoken of the resignation of
Prince do Met ternich from his post of
Minister for Austria at tho Court of tho
Tuileries. A Vicuna letter btates that
he did offer to withdraw, but was not
allowed by the Emperor Francis Joseph.
rssr During tho provuloneo of a tor
nado ( tho vicinity of Calvoston, on
tho 29fchult.,a little girl, ugod ftvoyoars,
was lifted high in tho air and curried
fully fifty foct beforo alighting, but,
strange sny, no bones wore broken,
though nhe was badly bruised. -
. m i s i
SvTyTho Radicals aro carious about
tho .Philadelphia Wigwam. Qhis id
natural, as. thero they will bo ucalped

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