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NO NOllTII, 1 AX msTIllMtNT AUD TIIEVNioH. ,
. M'ARTflUK; VINTON :C0UNTY; OHIO, : SEPTEMBER 24, 186
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A OA DEL Jr. It I. D.
PHY 8 I C I AN. AND SURGEON
Offers hia Proffcsioual tervicei in tlit
practica of Medietas and Surgery , to the cit
iisui of Humden and surrouudi cauntry.
March 86th 1863,-tfo.
. Jlenrie House,
JAMES WATSON, Propriator. Thirds?
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trWTt;nMKliV A SON ProDrl
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CHANGE OF TIME.
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iloajioolfaaoUbn with through: traJaa.
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Thf otfg h TlckaUfot 'MazatU, , Cbllllooth
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r WIBf. Warf
SM; l? , "xxjtatoodaUon, Train laava
Our Foreign Relations—Speech
of Charles Sumner at the Cooper
Institute—Perils from England and
Ilbn. i Charles Surnnor, ' of 'Maas'a
choietta, delivered a speech At Cooper
institute last evening on "Uur For
eign SolaUiana," by iuvitatlon of tlie
iouDg men's llepubhcanr Atsooiatlofi
of New York. I Tha hall waa fillwl
wilh ita aaditory of both soxes, and
the speaker wj received with much
applause as he came forward on the
platforro, Amonf tlw, special guests
of the occasion -who 'were stated von
the stand wers noticeable Re.' Dr.
Tnr (Inn. Jnaanli ITnviA f3anaal
J "mi w . wvwvf. uvaiv. UQUQIRI
i. M. Watmore, 8. B. Orlttdnden.ttnd
other men of prominence in thd Re
publican party. At a quarter to eight
o clock The tseeting : was called1 to
order by David Dudley Field. Chair-
man of the Committee! wha mndo a
raw prefatory remarks. 1 -
PERILS FROM ENGLAND.
1. There is one act of tha' feritiari
Cabinet which, stands foreinoat an
omen ot peril roremps n lime, tore
most also in the nVagnitade of its con
sequences. J uOiiua planaible id form
it la none tuoiess imuiicus or umusti
. r i -.a r-"... i
fiablo. Of Course ' I refer to that
inconsiderate proclamation in the
named the Queen, as early as May,
1301, wbicti, atter raiuing rebel slave-
motigers to an 'equality, with the
ixttuouiu ijoyerumatu in uvingptent
rights, solemnly declares "neutrality"
between two eutial carties. as if tha
ubcmraiion oi equauty was not an
insult to the Rational Uovernment.
and tbe declaration of neutrality was
not a moral absurdity, butihalve
reason ona an tnoflo pteceaenu wtuc
mike the ctory of the' British name.
Even if the . Draclamation could 'ba
yuiurwiso man improper at any stage
of anch a rebellion, it was worse than
blunder at. that early date. The
apparent relations between the two
powers were more" than friendly. Only
a few months before' the ..voathfnl
heir to tho. British -throne had been
welcomed evury-whero throughout
tho United States except iu Rich
mond as in the land of kinsmen.
And yet, immediately after tho tid
ings of the assault on For Sumter
before tho National Government had
begun to put forth its strength and
even without writing for the arrival
of our newly appointed Miiiistor, who
was at Liverpool, on his way to Lon
don, the Proclamation was suddenly
launctiea. i aouut it any won in!or
med person, who has read Mr. Dallas'
dispatches of May 2d, 1861, recount
ing a conversation with the British
Minister, will vindicate it in point of
time. Clearly tho alacrity of this
concession was uuuappy, lor it bore
an air of defiance, or at least of heart
lessness toward an ally of kindred
blood engaged in tbe maintenance of
its traditional power against an infa
mous pretension. But it was more
unhappy still tliaf tbe good' genius of
England did not save this historic
nation, linked with so many triumphs
of freedom,' from a fatal step, which,
under the guise of "neutrality," was a
betrayal of civilization itself.
But beyond acts , and words, this
name British rabbia shows itself in
the official tone, which has been adop
ted to warn tne .National cause in its
unparalleled struggle especially
throughout the correspondence of the
British Foreign Office. Of. course,
there is no friendship in any of these
letters- .Nor is there any sympathy
with tho National companionship
againBt rebel slavemongers, nor one
word ot mildest dissect even from the
miscreant apostolale which was prea
ched in' their behalf. Naturally tho
tone is in harmony with the sentiment.
Hard, curt, captions, cynical, It evin
ces an indifference to those kindly re
lations which nations ongbt to culti
vate with each other,and which should
be the study of a wise statesmanship.
There is still another head of danger
in which all others culminate. I reier
to an Intrusive .meditation, or, it may
bo, a recognition of the alavemonger
pretension as an independent nation ;
for such propositions have been openly
made in Parliament,' 'and constantly
urged by tbe British press, and, though
not yet adopted by f Her ;! Majesty's
uovernmeni, iney uaye , never peen
repelled .on principle, soi that they
constitute a perpetual clo'ad, threaten
ing to break, in our foreign relations.
It is plain to all who Jlad no) forgotten
the history, tuat England cover can
be guilty of such , recognition: without
an unpardonable' opostaxy. nor, can
e ho intervene by 'way of mediation,
except in the interests. ofCwfedoj
. "And jetj:8ncb"'aro the' krfta
"elective affihities" newly born be
tween EnglaucT and slavery1, such Ta
mo uuwonujj unnunvBS wiui ri'gnru u
oer' ecmntry: klndrad'to' that wlifch
pfotBiitu in mo may ot uaooge 'jrra
villa and Lord. NorthL that tier M
ostyV Government, instead 6t renol
ing tie prbposition, simply :adjou'rjx
it, uioanwnne aaoptipg ine fctltuaq
Of '6a. : Wa'tch'inir ' W str ike'.' '- 'Tie
British Minister at AVaahingfon.'qf
mbd6l' 'prntjie, . Wboso 'IridivUiisl
desire for'. pece ( cW U 'd6iibVWl
two uuraruuiuu, iu (lyiBUtttcn wuicu
will ba found 'in jhe last Blue, 2ooc;
thtvfts. yet'h8 no 'signs' of'Ha
a conjuncture may ocur. But fQr the
present We are left free to Wage' bittlo
against slavery without any such. In
tervention in arrest of bu'c e&brta : ,
uuujunciuro nt, wureu luceign powers
may step in with1 prdprieW and effept
to prut'a stop to, the ieffusioa W broi,?'
Hero is a plain assu'mbtion that "adoti
PERILS FROM ENGLAND. PERILS FROM FRANCE.
If wo cross; the channel, into Fratoe.
we shall not , bo. encouraged unob.
And et .the Emperor, thoueh bctim?
habitually in concert with the British
cabinet,, has not . intef meddled lo
illoglcally or .displayed :a toraporofw
little .international amiability the
correspondence under; Lis : direction,
even at tue most critical; moments,
leaves little to bedeeiroa in respect of
form. Nor has .there been ft.siaale
blockade runner .under the, French
flag ; nor a single pirate ship from s
French port.; Jiutv.in spite of.'ihesp
things, it is too apparent, tha) the
bmperor. has taken sides, against us
in at least four important public acU,
positively, plainly, offensively i : .Tbe
Duke de Choiseul, Prime Minister of
1 ranee, was familiarly .addressed by
Frederick the Great as "the coaclmIa
of Europe,? d title wich Louis Nn rip.
leon has earned, Jjut he must nbil
try to ba ",tho coachman uf Amorica.'TWAf
EYillnurlnn tliA ATflmnU t( V.tranA
Louia Napoleon has acknowledged
the rebel . siavemongere A wa bel
ligerents, so that with the sanction of
France, our aucieot ally, their pirate
ships, although, without a single open
port which they can call their own,
enjoy a complete- immunity as lawful
cruisers, while. all who sympathize
with thera may furnish snpplies and
muuitions of war. This fatal conces
sion was aggravated by the concur
ronco of the two great Powers; But,
God be praised, their joint act.thuugli
capable of giving a brief vitality to
slavery on pirate decks, will be impot
ent to confirm this intolerable preten
sion, , ,
2. Sinister evonts aro not alone in
this recognition of slavery, which was
followed by an expedition of Franco,
n concurrence with inland and
Spain, against our ueighbor republic
Mexico. The two latter po wers,with
becoming wisdom, vtry soon with
drew ; but the Emperor did not hesi
tate to enter upon an invasion. A
Vench fleet, with an unmatched Iron
clad, -the consumate production of
Drench naval art, is now at vera
Cruz, and the French army, after a
protracted aiege, has stormed Puobla
aud entered the famous capital. This
ar-reaclnog enterprise was originally
said to be a sort of process, served by
a general, for tbs recovery of ott
standing debts due to French citizens:
But tbe Emperor, in a mystio hitter
to General Forey, gave to it another
character. He proposed nothing less
than the restoration of the Latin race
on this side of the Atlantic, and more
than intimates that the United States
must be restrained in power and in
fluence over the Gulf of Mexico aud
the Antilles.- ' ' -' '' . '
And now the Archduko.Maximilian,
of; Austria,' has- been : proclaimed
Emperor of Mexico nnder the protec
tion 'of, France; (It is : obvious that
this imperial invasion,: though not
openly diject'ed against us, would uot
have been tnaae, it our convulsions
bad not left the door of the continent
ajarj 8of that foreign' powers may now
bravely winter- in. .And it is more
obvions' that this attempt to plant a
throne by our side would bate "died
before it saw the ! light,"5 had it not
been supposed that; the rebel slave
mongers were : about to trinmph.
Plainly the whole transaction is con
nected with our affairs,' and I know
not if it may not. bo a stepping-stone
.toi Etoma ac;ual ;' participation in the
widenrar circlo' of the; war1.! But it
can 'be" little ' more' than a transient
experiment for who can'' doubt that
this imperial exotic, planted by for-
fjlkn -care aud '' propped by bayonets,
wHl' disappear' Wfore the isscending
glori'oftLffrepubrio;! ' ' 4 ;' J
'.I'ii. 5-; C i Jj i' iJ.il
question ana tbe real character ot tne
in which tbe Republic is engaged;
l'li enterpristt ol War'naa followed
ty; an enterprise of diplomacy hot less
b?rdy. . , The, Einperor,.not content
wifn stirring againpt ns the unit of
Mexic6,'the AcriIlfcs and the LatiU
race-, ebtered npon work of a different
oliarscter He invited England and
Russia to nuite with Franca in tend
ering to the two belligerents fsuch is
the equal designation of our Republic!
ana tne enjofvo siavemonuer mock-
erkyl) tbeV-jpint mediation to pro
cure "ad - armistice ' for six mouthsi
auring wnicb every act of war, direct
or indirect, should provisionally cease
i i ... .
on sea at wbll as on laud, to ba re-
aewea if necessary for a farther pe
riods The cabinets ot England and
Russia, better inspired, declined the
invitation, which looked to little abort
of recognition itself, i Under the
Armistice proposed, all Our vast oper
ations must have been suspended
th blocfcads itself must have ceased
while the: rebel ports were opened on
the one side to unlimited imports of
supplies ana military stores, and on
the -' other to unlimited exports of
Trade for the time wonld have been
legalized in. those ports, and slavery
wouta navo, litrod its grinning tront
before the civilised world. 'Not dis
heartened by tbiaTailure, the Emperor
al9ne pnjhedJ'grward bis djplomatia
enterprise against usT as he had alone
pushed forward his military enter
prise against Alexico, and he proposed
to our; Qoveroment, the unsupported
mediation of France. His oOer was
promptly rejected by the President.
CQngross,,, by, solemn, resolutions,
adopted by Wth Houses, with singu
lar : unauiity. and communicated
since (o all. foreign Governments, an-
nouncea.tnat such a proposition could
be : attributed,, only "to a misuodar-
standing ot the two state ot the
and that. it. was,1 la its . nature so far
iuapuua tti me uadQQRi.iDteresr, inui
Congress wpojd be. obliged to consider
i.ts repetition an unfriendly , act."
This is strong language,. but it frankly
states the true position of pur coun
try. Any such offer, whatever may
ba its motive, must be an encourage
ment to the rebellion. In an age
when ideas prevail,and even words
beome thiuga, the simple declara
tions of statesmen are of incalculable
importance. But the heid of a groat
satiou is moro than statesman, . The
imperial proposition tended directly
to tho dismemberment of tb 9 Republic
and the substitution of a ghastly slave
Baffled in this effort, twice attemp
ted, the Emperor doss not yet aban
don, its policy.. .We are told that "it
is postponed at a more suitablo op
portunity ;". so that, he too was to
strike if the Gallic, cock does not
sound the alarm in an opposite quar
ter, meanwhile tne development or
the Mexican expedition shows too
clearlv the motive of . mediation. It
was all one transaction. Mexico was
invaded for empire, and mediation
was proposed in order to help the
plot. But the invasion must fail with
the diplomacy to which it is allied. ;
TherFrflch EmpecorJS again si us.
In an .e. ? hour, nodeV'temptations
which .should be scouted, he forgets
the precious tradition of. France whose
blood, commingled with ours in a
common cause: he forgets the sword
of Lafayette and Rochambean flashing
by the side ot the sword of Washing-
iogton and Lincoln, while the liliea of
the ancient monarchy floated together
with the stars of our infant flag ; he
forgets that early . alliance, sealed by
Franklin,. which gave to the- republic
the! assurance oi national life, and
made France the partner of her glory;
Heupietas, tuptitoa fidumani
but dace Ma jphnis; and he forgets
still mora tha obligations of his own
narne, how thi first Napoleon sur
rendered to us Louisiana -and tbe
whole region west of the Mississippi,
saying, "this occasion of territory es
tablishes forever the the powers of the
United States, and gives to England
maritime rival destined to humble
her pride and be' forgets also bow
he, himself, when beginning bis in
tervention for Italun liberties.boasted
proudly that France always stood for
an 'Woa atid,: ; forgetting these
things, wbiob mankind can not forget,
be seeks the disjunction of tbe Re
public, with ! the spOiiatiou of that
very territory wbicb bad come to us
from the first Napoleon .while Franc,
always standing for an "idea." - is
the "idea" of welcome to.anew evanr
'el of slavery, witb Mason and Slideu
f : s . i -'. - '
as the evangeliBts. Thus is the im
perial influence thrown on the sidu oi
ttAel slavemongers. Unlike tho an-
ciunt Uaul, tbe Lmperor forbears for
the present to fling Lis sword into the
scale ; but he flings hrs beaVy band,
li not nis sword.
Trample npon the Republic In
France rample upon the republic
in Mexico it remains to be seen if
the French Emperor can prevail as a
tram pier upon this republic. I do
not think he can : nor am I anxious
on account ot the new emperor of
Mexico, who will be as powerless as
w ..... . .
King Canute against the rising tide
of the American people. His chair
must be withdrawn or be will bo
The Suspension of the Habeas
. Congress alone, by the Ccnstitu
lion, has the powor to suspend the
great writ of freedom, the hahat cor
pus, but it can. only do so in particu
iar localities, wuere tne orciiuary pro
cess of iaW can not be enforced. It
can only do so even then for a limited
and definite time.- But Congress can
not order a general suspension ot tbe
writ all over the United btates. and
in placet voheit thtrt It no inturreo
Hon and no invasion. Neither can
Congress delegate, its right to sua-
Send the writ to tho President or, any
ody else, Congress can no more
delegate its right to suspeud tho A
beactrput than it can delegate its
power to impeach and try the Presi
dent to so'tno other tribunal. It is n
discretionary power, aud must "bo
exercised by it. Yet this Abolition
Congress has sought to do this illegal
and unconstitutional thing, and Lin
coin refers to it in his proclamation.
It does not, however, add to his au
thority one iota. Congress can not
part with its authority; and if it could,
it cart not suspend the writ, except
when there is an insurrection cr an
invasion. Thore is bO insurrection
or invasion aoy;wLora ia the North j
and the attempt, - therefore, of , tbe
President to set Aside tha laws and
override the c'vil tribunals is a com
plete usurpation of power.
, The suspension of the habeas cor
pus is the destruction of the liberties
of the poopla. There is no person,
ever so innocent, that ho can hot be
arrested at the will of the President,,
or any of bis officers, and confined
during pleasure. No legal process
and no law can release him. The
law is suspended by the Emperor's
ukase, which gives the President all
the of the Czar of Russia.
Within the Limits of Necessity.
The Qasettet in speaking of the
late suspension of all the rights of the
people by tho President's proclama
''From tha well-known dcs'ro of
the President to keep the exerciee of
power within the limits of necessity,
it may be concluded that bo would
not bare authorized this without
proof whiwh impressed conviction up
on his mind that it was necessary."
Tho Gazette don't speal tof the do
sire of the President to "keep tho ex
ercise of power within tho limits of
the Constitution," by which alono ho
has any power, and which be has
sworn to support,' ! but ' within the
'limits of necessity," of which "ne
cessity" he is to be the judge. In
other words, the President is simply
to do any thing and every thing that
he imagiues to be necessary that is,
he is to be tbe most absolute King
and Emperor the world ever saw.
No Czar and, no Dictator oyer . bad a
greater grant of power than to do
what be supposed to be "necessary,"
unrestrained by any written consti
tution or law. The people of the
United States have put in tha Consti
tution what they regarded as "neces
sary',' for the President to do, and his
ideas of "necessity" must conform to
Significant. During the reading
of the Declaration of Independence,
by D. F. Deyore, Esq., at the cele
bration on the 4th of July, a Repub
lican came to the ground, and after
listening intently for a short time, in
quired of one of his friends:
" Wb'y do yon permit that Butter
nut to read such treasonable stuff
beret" '' -"-'-" i
kWhv " reolicd tha other, ."that'a
the Declaration of Independence."
"Oh, it is, is it? I thought it was
The President's Belt.
can rinra h'l nr. m.
tight hand and order the arrefct of a
citizen or lNw rork, and I can ring
a bell on my left hand and ordrt- th
arrbBt ot a citizen of Ohio, and no
power on earth but the President caa
release them. . Can - tbs Queen of
England dots ranch I" Thia-ww
the celebratedrettMnk made by. tha
lion. Wm. H.' Seward, Lincoln's;
Secretary of 8tate, o Lord Lyons,
tbe British Minister ia Washington,
and by him it was writteh Wn n..
communicated to bis GoVernmebt.
L.ora Lyons' dispatch containing if,
waa published in the New York
Timtt about the firstof March, 1862.
What a beautiful sentiment it is fnr
an American citizen to peruse I How
it will stimulate him to sing the glo
rious ode about the "land of tbf freel"
Every body's life and liberty enjoyed,
not under the protection of tbe law,
for there is none, but bv : th fa
and grace of the President. Whea
Mr. Seward, who is simply the clerk
of tbe President, extends hi hon
and touches the bell, its vibrations
are instantly felt for fifteen hundred
miies. it is the knell of fate to some
unfortunate citizen, who haa i
the displeasure of arbitrary power,
and he is forthwith incarcerated in
prisoo. where no Writ nF An
put can reach him. What a potent
bell ia that if' 1f rr
many tunes has its loud peals been
heard through lie JondJ comnlAtAlo-
drowning iu its clatter the old Liber
tV Bell in PhilaJalnhia - I.lr.1.
claimed freedom ta tha nut ton In 177ft
Seward's bell must have' been the
bell that was formerly in the Rastlle
at Paris,' and, was rung by i Louis
XIV when ha.declared 4,I am the
State." It must ba the bell that was
rung by the Roman Emperors in the
days of their unchecked and arbitrary
power, when fiiiwero tho gods of
this earth. Our Revolutionary Fath
ers thought they had broken such bells
but Seward aud Lincoln have man
aged to procure one. At its magio
touch men tremble, and human liber
ty, if uot life goes down before it. It
is a potent boll, for it has rung tho
funeral notes of freedom in thin
try. When it rings constitutions and
mws are silent, . t here Is hardly a
neighborhood in the United States
that has not heard the notes of this
famous bell; it will go down to histo
ry as the moat remarkable thing of
In tho hands of Seward this bell
has been no idle bauble. It has been
used used so freely that it is almost
cracked in its harsh notes. The re
mark was no mere boast; it waa a
tact a dreadlul fact for the Ameri
can people to consider. . Whole vol-
umej upon our political condition
would not describe it so well and for.
cibly as this remark of Mr. Seward.
It tells of our lost freedom it sug
gests tho days when no citizen could
be injured in his life or liberty, except
Dy uue process of law. it is a harsh
reminder that we are no longer a ireo
people; we have no longer rights
inalienable rights that cau not bo
invaded by tho executive branch of
Government. Painful as this fact is,
it is useless to disguise it. We may
mouru and lamont over our lost estate,
but that will not bring it back.
Two years and a halt Republican rule
has, apparently, finished our political .
career of freedom. The f olden ven.
sol of freedom ia broken onr rrida
and boast of freedom are among the
incidents of the past, bba.l we ovet
return to tbe bapnv davaof 1880. and
can we ever repair the injuries which
have been inflicted upon our glorious
Uovernmentf . Have the people suf-
a . . . ! i.
uuieuh luiaiiigeiiuu iu uneo iu . wioir
mieht at the ballot-box. while ret
tbey ate permitted to approach that
naiioweu 6pot, ana eject from power,
in a Deacelul and constitutional wav.
those who employ against them the
arbitrary decrees oi tbe despot, ana
thon make it the subject of congratu
lation. Tha Deoule. if thav flra dia.
posed, can yet brak Mr. Seward's
bell tbey can shiver it to atoms
and put again in its tho old bell
fTT The Boston Post recotninencta
Conductor Lincoln, to "put down the
breaks" on the Administration cars.
as they aro off the track, and the
uemocratic cars are on it ana coming
up with a tremhndous speed, and
with eteam on that will sweep all
obstacles away - before the gigantic
rjSVabiry'is"& fttroug cjpnk that
makes all the virtue Btyggar: