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THE DAILY CAIRO BULLETIN: FRIDAY MORXINii, JUNE 11, 1880.
THE DAILY BULLETIN.
BTMT aOBXIX (MONDAY! KCITHD).
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"S. A. Burnett Cairo niinoia."
ILLINOIS DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVEN
TION. Headnuarters of Democratic State Central 1
Committee, Springfield, 111., March 18, lt80. f
To the Democracy of Illinois:
The Democratic state convention will be held at
8tringfleld on Thursday, the day of June,
at 10 o'clock, a. m., to appoint delegates to
the national Democratic convention to be held at
Cincinnati on the Mnd day of June, lfcSO, and to
nominate candidates for the following state offices,
Secretary of State.
Auditor of Public Accounts.
Attorney-General. , , ,, ,
Also for the purpose of nominating presidential
''directions of the last national convention
the delegates will be Instructed by the
state convention to vote for or against the abroga
tion of the two-thirds rule. l.v,l,.TI-.
All citizens who are in accord with the Demo
cratic party in principles and and sympathise with
Ma objects are invited to participate in sending
delegates to the convention.
The several couutios will be entitled to one dele
cate for every four hundred votes, and one delegaW
tor every fraction thereof in excels of two hundred,
1 based on the vote cast lor Samuel J. Tllrien in lb.8.
T. V. McNbtH,
A. Obsndobit, . Chairman.
DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL CONVENTION
A Democratic Senatorial convention composed or
delegate from the several counties in this (Fif
tieth) district, will meet at Murpbysbaro, on Thurs
day, July 8, lfo. at i o'clock, p. m., for the pur
pone of nominating one candidate for state senator
and two representatives in the general assembly.
BaMs of representation : One delegate fur each
900 votes and fraction over 100 votes cast for W. J .
Allen, for congress, in 1WB. The counties will be
entitled to delegates as follow:
Vote for Allen. Del
Jackson 1 M9
Vnlon 1 KM 10
By order of committee.
J. P. McLaih, Chalrmsn.
T. P. Boutok. Secretary.
Dated Jonesboro, May 8. 1HW).
The article headed "Credit Mobilicr
and De Golyer" which will be found on
this pago is a truthful and interesting nar
rative ofta few of tho misdeeds of James A.
Garfield, the Republican nominee for presi
Jefferson Davis' plantation at Hurri
cane, Miss., is leased by a firm composed
of lour negroes who were formerly owned
by a brother of the ex-president of the
confederacy. They own plantations worth
$75,000, hire several more, and do a large
mercantile business at Vicksburg, Miss.
The man whom the good Hayes reuioved
from the collectoiship of the port of New
York for corrupt practices, the same has
the Republican party nominated tor vico
president. It was owing to Arthur's re
moval thai Conkling becamo hostile to
Hayes, and a bitter conflict arose in the
Republican party in New York.
Thb Dover, New Hampshire, State Tress
'remarks that "the deputy United States
marshals, who have been sighing for their
paj, can blame nobody but Rut! erford B.
Ilayes who has foripucrile, trivial and part
isan reasons vetoed the bill providing an ap
propriation to pay them. Mr. Hayes has
written himself down as a repudiator ot
government contracts with the government's
servants. Hayes is blocking the wheels of
...i.ti. i, :.- it
Quinct Herald: "The Democrats of
Illinois were never in better condition to
flght than now if tlicy know how to take
: advantage of an . opportunity. There is
harmony in the ranks, there is good feel
log, there is confidence and there will be
; enthusiasm in the campaign and the votes
st tu election if no mistake be made. For
tha good noma of the party and our own
credit we ever pray that the errors of the
; rr convention of 1876 may not be repeat
ed. Tut Democrats in command this timo,
good and true men. Tho party wants
Domocrats not mongrels in tho van.
New Orleans is the great cottou seed
oil market of the world. Her exports for
trie present season so far have been 80,000
barrels, of which 68,000 went to Europe.
Shipments of oil-cake for tho same season
have been 570,025 sacks of which all ex
cept 10,000 went to Europe. ' At the price
now current the seed product alono of the
south would realize $43,000,000, and if it
were all manufactured into oil it would
realize $77,000,000, but it is not all mado
into oil; but plenty comes back to us as
genuine olive oil from Tarma and Florence.
Mr. Reaoan hoped to bring the corpse
of his inter-state commerce bill to life by
the infusion of a little personal mngnetism
in the house, Tuesday, but tailed utterly.
He went over tho same old ground, in a
speech which he was permitted to make;
but the corpse stiffened out and was as
dead as ever, when he ceased his manipu
lations. Mr. Henderson also pushed tor-
ward his bill on tho same subject but it
seems tc be conceded that national regula
tion of railways is a dead duck for this ses
sion of congress. There will bo a new
brood of quacks on hand at the next ses
sion, and the powder for them should bo
kept dry, meantime.
Glass railway ties having, as it is claim
ed, proved a success, the inventors aro be
coming enthusiastic over glass as the com
ing substitute, not only for wood but also
for iron. They now propose to make the
track of street railways of this material,
using broad longitudinal sleepers of glas9,
having a groove in the upper surface, and
so combining in themselves the functions
of both sleepers and rails, do away with
the necessity for separate iron rails, with
their fastenings, joints, and other compli
cations. It is further believed that by
properly tempering glass with oil this very
biittle substance can be made, mass for
mass, stronger than steel, and practicably
unbreakable. Is the glass age to succeed
that of steel? Paper has proved a very
useful substitute for iron, in some positions
and it is possible that, our ideas of the
eternal fitness ot things of things are to be
CREDIT MOBILIER ANDDE GOLYER.
New York Sun, May 6, 1660.
James A. Garfield is now serving his
ninth consecutive term as member of the
house of representatives. At the end of
his term he will succeed Mr. Thurman in
the senate, as night succeeds day. Gifted
with tino natural parts, possessed ot some
literary ability, given to study, popular in
manners, and with a pleasing style of
speech, few men have begun public life
with such advantages. No public man has
sacrificed his opportunities more unworth
ily. Mr. Garfield entered the army in 1801 as
a colonel of volunteers, and left it a major
general in 1803, with arecord which, though
not shining, was quite creditable. The Re
publicans of the western reserve, who had
sent Joshua R. Giddings to congress until
he became recognized as the father of the
house, took up Garfield on his return from
the war, at 32 years of age, and have clung
to him since then, despite the most damn
ing proofs of his venality and jobbery in
legislation. Fidelity to party in its fierce
and intolerant spirit seems, like the mantle
ot charity, to havo covered a multitude of
sins in his ense.
Thrown into the midst ot tho reckless
legislation for which tho calamity of civil
war furnished nn opportunity, ho soon de
veloped the traits of character which have
more recently made his name notorious
throughout the country. He became the
advocate and apologist of the huge land
grants and subsidies by which millions of
acres of tho public domain and tens of
millions of money were voted to great cor
porations and rings. That may be called
the beginning of the organized corruption
which flourished during Grant's two terms.
Garfield voted for almost every job, and for
almost every iniquitous scheme of the lob
by that then controlled tho leading com
mittees. The construction ot tho Union Pacific
railroad furnished tho opportunity for a
gigantic fraud. Congress voted money and
land enough to build it without any con
siderable issno of bonds or stock by tho
company. The directors were forbidden
by law from engaging in contracts or hold
ing other intercuts ot profit. Therefore
they could not become beneficiaries by the
abuse of their trust until that obstacle was
overcome. They soon found a way to it.
A company known as the Credit Mobilier,
organized upon tho French plan, had pto
curetl a charter from Pennsylvania, which
proved to be a failure in its hands. This
charter was purchased. A ring of officers
and directors of the Union Pacific road ob
tained control of its affairs. They contract
ed with themselves under another name for
the construction at exorbitant prices.
They swindled the Lnited States, the bond
holders, and the stockholders for tho
benefit of their own closo corporation.
" In 1867, Oakea Ames, James U. Alley,
and others, known as the "Boston party,"
got possession of the Union Pacific and the
Credit Mobilier. At that time Ames was a
member of congress, and a manufacturer of
reputed wealth. The great contracts pass
ed into his hands, and the dividends of tho
Credit Mobilicr had already attracted at
tention. Elihu B. Washburne introduced
a resolution in tho houte which alarmed
the jobbers tor their immense profits. Col
fax, then speaker, and one of the creatures
of the ring silenced this movement lor a
time by parlimentary tricks. i
Still, the Credit Mobilier monopolists
were uneasy, and projiosed to buy off pro
position. In January, 1808, Ames wroto to
McComb, who afterward started the investi
gation from motives of revenge, "I havo as
signed as far as I have gone" (certain shares
to different states); "tho 50 per cent, in
crease I want for, distribution here, and
soon." A few days after, ho was still moro
urgent. Ho wroto again? "In view of
Washburno s move nere, i , go in lor maK-
incr our bond dividend in full. I want that
$14,000 iucreaso of the Credit Mobilicr to
soil hero. Wo want more friends in this
congress.". As ho himself said, tho object
was to put tho stock where it "would do the
most good." Thq stock was then selling at
$350 a share on a par value of $100. It
was issued in blocks of thirty, twenty, and
ten shares to members of congress at par,
and tho so-called purchase was moro thnn
extinguished by the accrued dividends. It
was a nico stock to hold.
The first disclosure ot this corruption
was mado in tho Sun during tho year of
io s, implicating many oi tuu iwimuntuu
leaders. A presidential election was then
pending, and they all vehemently uenieu
any connection with tho fraud. Garfield's
statement was more explicit and bolder
than that of any of his confederates in the
crime. An investigation was oruerea oy
the house soon after tho meeting of con
cress: tho examination of witnesses becan
on Dec. 1 2, 1873. At first Oakes Ames was
disinclined to make any exposure; out
when the incriminated members combined
to swear him down and to free themselves
by rank perjury, his blood warmed quickly,
and he determined to let the truth be
known, though in the end there was much
Garfield submitted to the committee a
prepared statement on Jon. 14, 1873:
I never of ned, received, or agreed to re
ccivo any stock ot the Credit Mobilier or
of the Union Pacific railroad, nor any divi
dends or profits arising from either of
Ames was recalled Jan. 23, 1872, and
testified to the stock he had issued to Gar
field, the dividends allowed him, and the
balance of money paid into his hand,
which Garfield pretended was a "loan." lie
submitted a memorandum of the account
in detail. It came to the knowledge of
the committee that Garfield had visited
Ames with the object of inducing him to
retract or modify his testimony, and ho
was re-examined on the 29th of January,
as follows :
Q. You may state whether, in conversa
tion with you, Mr. Garfield claims, as he
claimed before us, that the only transaction
between you was borrowing $300? A.
No, sir; he did not claim that with me.
Q. State all you know in reference to it. A.
I told him he knew very well that that was
a dividend. I made out a statement and
showed it to him at the time. In our con
versation he admitted it, and said there was
$2,460 due him in stocks and bonds. He
made a little memorandum of $1,000 and
$1,400, and said there was $1,000 of Union
Pacific railroad stock or bonds.
Q. "When was that memorandum made?
A. It was made in my room. I can not re
member the date. It was since this in
Q. Have you the memorandum that Mr.
Garfield made? A. I have the figures that
he made. Paper shown in Garfield's hand
writing. Q. You say these figures were made by
Mr. Garfield? A. Yes, sir.
Q. That was his idea of what wag coming
to him? A. Ye6. hx.
Garfield sought to tamper with and sub
orn Ames, and the attempt ended in his
claiming a larger share in the Credit Mo
bilier than had been allowed to him, after
having solemnly 6worn a fortnight previous
ly that he "never owned, received or agreed
to receive any stock of the Credit Mobilier
nor any dividend or profit arising'' there
from. Tho climax was capped when Ames
produced his diary with the original entry
against Garfield, dated Tuesday, Sept. 211,
1868. setting forth his account for ten shares
These terrible revelations were allowed
to pass unnoticed. Garfield did not dare
to go before the committee and confront
Ames, because he knew there were still
other proofs m reserve. He waited until
Ames was in his grave, and then, with
Schuyler Colfax and others who had been
bribed, he attempted to whitewash the in
famy. But, passing from that period to innie
recent times, let us examine his record after
he became chairman of the committee on
appropriations, and, as one of his pur
chasers said, "held the purse strings of the
Ration." The Forty-second congress, in
w hich the Republicans had large majori
ties in bolh houses, has gone into history
as memorable fcr scandalous legislation.
Among many disgraceful acts was that
authorizing the infamous Sanborn contracts,
by which informers and spit s were enabled
to seize the books of merchants and, by
connivance, to blackmail them, and at the
same time to plunder the treasury of im
mense sums. That lav was the result of a
corrupt combination between certain mem
bers of congress, certain treasury officials,
and one Sanborn, with one Jaynu as the mas
ter workman. Some idea of the magni
tude of their operations may be formed
from the fact that Sanborn drew Irorn the
treasury nearly $175,000 lor three months'
But for Garfield's direct complicity, that
infamy would never have disfigured tho
statute book. The job was done in this
way: Sawyer, then carpet-bog senator
from the south, afterward assistant secre
tary of the treasury, and a confederate of
Sanborn's ring, introduced an amendment
to the legislative, executive, and judicial
bill, authorizing the contracts to be made!
It was a "rider" and not in any way ger
mane to tho bill. But the Republicans
then had the chronic habit of mounting
their very worst legislation as riders on the
regular supply bills. The bill, thus amend
ed, was reported to tho house April 8, 1873,
and the job was badly beaten.
Then came the fine hand trickery to play
its part. Mr. Garfield, instead of allowing
the bill to go back to tho senate, where the
action ot the house might be concurred in,
moved directly for a committeo of confer
ence, so as to let six men legislate coercive
ly for three hundred, with himself as chair
man on the houso side Of course tho job
was put back on tho bill, and it pissed the
senate, where it had originated. But tho
houso stood firm, and again, by a majority
of one, refused its assent on a call ot the
yeas and nays. Twice defeated, the bill
was recommitted to the samo conference,
and when next reported the job had a long
tail of verbiage, attached to deccivo some
and to operate as an excuse for others whoso
prejudices had meanwhile been conquered.
Mr. Garfield then appliod tho previous ques
tion, and drovo tho bill through by ten ma
jority. Addition, division, and silence won
Gen. Garfield is mainly responsible for
the passage of tho salary , grab and bock
pay steal, the history of which may bo
briefly recited. Gen. Butler reported a bill
from the judiciary committee, Feb. 7, 1873,
to doublo the pay of the president and in
crease the salaries of the vice-president,
cabinet, speaker, justices ot the supremo
court, and members of congress. Tho
scheme had been thoroughly canvassed,
and only wanted a favorable chance to be
launched. Threo days after Gen, Butler
moved to suspend tho rules, so as to attach
this bill as a "rider" to the miscellaneous
appropriation bill then pending. It was
beaten by thirty-nino majority, which in
cluded some of the strongest friends of the
proposed plunder, who voted that way for
effect. Tho first fire was thus drawn, and
Butler knew where to plant his batteries.
Tho legislative appropriation bill camo
back to the houso February 24, loaded with
one hundred amendments. The natural
course was to have had them printed, so
that members might examine the new
items. But there was a game to play, and
Garfield took tho lead. By virtue of his
chairmanship, he moved that the house re
solve itself into committee of the whole on
the special order. Suspicion had been
awakened, and adjournments had been
voted down previously. Dawes was put in
the chair, and the door was opened for the
grab. Garfield had assured members that
tho bill would not be called up that night,
and the house was thin except on the steal
ing side, which was in the secret of Gar
field's treachery A special vote was de
manded on the Butler amendment, now
moved as a "rider" to the pending bill. It
was defeated by fifty-two majority, Butler
himself votine against it. But he immedi
ately moved to reconsider and to adjourn.
Nothing was now wanting to rivet the vote
but refuse to adjourn, and then to clinch it
by refusing to reconsider. The issue was
clear, but right in the face of the lnrge
majority just recorded the house adjourned
by a still larger majority, leaving the recon
sideration alive and kicking. The next
day Butler's motion to reconsider was first
in order, and when Farnsworth moved to
lay it on the table and finish the business a
majority of thirty-nine answered in the nt g
gative. The next vote fixed the congressional
pay, and the bill, with this graft, was sent
to the senate, and thence to a committee of
conference. On the last day of the session
Garfield reported the bill back, doubling
the president's salary from the 4th of
March, instead of the end of the fiscal
year, and raising the pay of congress from
$5,000 to 17,5000, retroactively lor two
years, with a long catalogue of augmented
salaries for public officers. He pretended
that there was danger of an extra session
unless the Teport was adopted and told the
house, "It may be an unwise expenditure
in some respects, but in most cases the in
crease is proper and ought to be made." It
was finally driven through ly a majority
Garfield's connection with the Washing
ton ring is also well known to the country.
One of the most notorious of the corrupt
contracts made hy Boss Shepherd was that
awarded to De Golyer & Mcuellan ot Chi
cago, for laying a wood pavement. This
contract covered two hundred thousand
yards at $3.50 a yard, which the superin-.
tendent of contractors swore could be put
down at $1.50, every item of cost included.
So there was a clean profit of $400,000 to
be divided. To further this job, which
was preliminary to others to follow, the
sum of $9 1,000 was expended. It was
given out in the spring of 1872. At that
time Richard C. Parsons was marshal ot the
supreme court, and had converted that of
fice into a headquarters tor the lobby. He
was known to be an intimate friend of Gar
field, and the ring wanted Garfield's aid as
chairman rf the appropriations.
The agent of the contractors employed
Parsons, with a fee of $15,000, as "coun
sel," although there was no cause to argue,
no contest ot any kind, and no tribunal to
appear before. It was a thaw to throw
dust in the eyes of the public. Parsons
paid Garfield $3,000 as his share, July 12,
1872, for which he was forced to admit be
fore the last investigation that he made no
argument, oral or written, had never ap
peared before the board of ptblic works,
and had only once spoken to Bob6 Shepherd
on the subject. That "fee" was a bribe
out and out, and nothing else, as was sub
sequently shown. Garfield becime the
agent ot the ring, and through his influence
and activity threo millions and a half of
dollars were voted to Boss Shepherd and
his confederates in less than sixty days, be
tween the 8th of January and tho ;id of
It would be easy to continue this dis
creditable record, and to show that in al
most every instance of venal legislation,
Garfield's name is to be found ou the side
of jobbery, stealing, and fraud. These
facts ran not be disputed, and they will
stand to his dishonor, whether he remains
in public life or goes into enforced exile.
45 YEAKS MFORE THE PUBLIC.
Dii. C. McLANE'S
aro not recommended as a remedy "lor all
the ills that flesh is heir to," but in affec
tions of the Liver, and all Billions com
plaints, Dyspepsia, nnd Sick Headache, or
diseases of that character, they stand with
out a rival.
AGUE AND FEVER.
No better cathartic can bo used prepara
tory to, or after taking quinino.
As a simple purgative they are uncqualed
BEWARE OF IMITATIONS. .
Tho genuino aro never sugar-couted.
Each box has a red-wax seal on tho lid
with tho iniprcRsion, McLane'sLivkhPiu,.
Each wrapper bears tho slgnsturos of C.
McLane and Fi.kmino Biuih.
Jf Insist upon having tho genuino Dn.
0. McLank'b Livek Pills, prepared by
FLEMIMG BROS., Nttsliunrh, Pa.
tho market being full of imitations of tho
name McLase, spelled differently but same
THE EQUITABLE LIFE
Assurance Society of the United States.
120 BROADWAY NEW YOEK
The Popularity of the Equitable Life Assurance Society,
indicated by the fact that for
nual New Business has been
Company in the world, is due,
known promptness in the payment of Death Claims, and its
rule never to take advantage of technicalities where an
equitable claim exists.
As a GUARANTEE of this,
cious influence of a technical policy, adhered to by many
companies, the Equitable makes ALL ITS POLICIES, old and
new, throughout the United States,
After the policy has been in force for three years.
ki The Equitable Life has
January 1st, 1880, 51,882,736, and closed its
books upon that date without
The Equitable Life Assurance Society was the first to in
T0XTIXE SAVINGS FUND POLICY,
And thereby to popularize life ins uianceto degree before
By the late report of the Insurance Commissioner for the
states of Massachusetts and New York, the Equitable Life
Assurance Society shows the following strong points:
FIRST The Equitable lias a larger ratio of assets to lia
bilities than any of the leading companies.
SECOND The Equitable saved more of its income last year
than any other company.
THIRD-Tlie Equitable's death rate was less last year than
any other of the leading companies.
FOURTH The Equitable realizes a higher rate of rent, or
interest, on real estate than any other company.
The Society takes pleiwnra in referring to the following well known business
men insured in the society, comiKising an
ADVISORY BOARD OF REFERENCE FOR CAIRO:
Til OH. W. n.VLLIDAY, Cunhler City Katlonil
Fit AN K L. (1ALIOHKK, Cairo City mill.
J. M. rillMirs. Prf Bldcnt HMIUUy I'hlllips
PAVt.O. 8CUUII. WholcKule and retail drug-
WIM.1AM 8TRATTON, of Stratton Bird
WALTON W. WRIGHT, of O. D. Wllllamoon.
A Co.. Bout Stort'i and Commlfdon murchauta
FKANKIIOWH. ofC. M.Itowo A Broa., pro
KRNK8T B. rETTIT, UrocorlRa. quceniwaro
For any Information or Insurance apply to any Member of
the above Board or to -
E. -A.'. BURNETT, Agent.
Corner Twelfth St., and Washington Ave., Cairo, Illinois.
W. N.CRAINK, General Manager for Illinois, Iowa, Netirlska, and the
Territories, 108 Dearborn Street, Chicago. i 1
Eleven years its average an
larger than that of any other
in a great measure, to its well-
and to counteract the perni
paid since it.s orgzanization to
a contested or past dne claim."
SIMPSON n. TABER, of Taber Broa., manu
facturinxJcwelcra. WILLIAM 1). LirrET, AaalnUnt poetmaetcr.
W. E. CiOIILSON, Dry gooda, fancy Rood and
Tnos . TAKR, General erchandle and
JACOB BURGER, of Bnrger Broa. dry ftooda
and clothing. 1 ,
JOHN KPI10AT, Proprietor "Sproafa Refrig
GEO. R.;LENTZ, Superintendent Cairo City,
mill. t .
HERBERT MACKIE, of A. Mackte A Co.'b