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OmBOIIIuIjIi CLARKSVILLE TENN S1TTSDAT, DIXOIBEK 8, 18 CO. The President's Message. FtUowCitun4 of the Striate and Eouu of RtpremUative : Throughout the year since our last meeting, the country ha been eminently prosperous in iu material interests. The general health hag been excellent, our harvests have been abun dant, and plenty smiles throughout the land. Our commerce and manufactures hare been prosecuted with energy snd industry, and hare yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of time, has ever presented spectacle of greater material prosperity, than we have done until a very recent period. Why is it then that discontent now extensively pre vails and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with destruction t The long continued and intemperate interference of the Northern peo ple with the question of slavery in the South ern States, has st length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union re now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived so much dreaded by the Fath er of his Country, when hostile geographical parties have been formed. I have long fore seen, and often forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. This does; not proceed solely from the claim on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legislatures to ex dude slavery from the Territories; nor from tlte efforts of different States to defeat the ex ecution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South, without danger to the Union, as others have been, in the hope tliat time and reflection might apply the remedy. The im mediate peril arises, not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the violent agita tion ot the slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, has at length produced its malign influence on the elarcj, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom; hence a sense of security no long er exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehen sions of servile insurrection. Many a matron throughout the South, retires t night, in dread of what may befal herself and her children before the morning. Should this apprehension of domebtic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself, until it should pervade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will be inevi table. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of roan by Lis Creator for the wisest purposes, and no political union, however fraught with blessings and benefits, in all other respects, can long continue, if the necessary conse quences be to render the homes and firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or latter the Ixmds of such a union must be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived, and my prayer to God is that "he would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all generations. But let us take wanting in time, and remove the cause of dan ger. It cannot be denied thut for five and twenty years, the agitation at the North against Slavery in the South, has been inces sant. Iu 1835, pictorial hand bills, and inflam matory appeals were circulated extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves and iu the lan guage of (Jen. Jackson, to stimulate them to insurrection, and produce all the horrors of a ixrvilc war. This agitation has ever since bwi continued by the public press, by the proceedings of State and County Conventions, and by abolition sermons and lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent sjceches on the never ending subject, and ap peals in pamphlet, and other forms, endorsed by distinguished names, have been sent forth from this central point, and spread broadcast over the Union, liow easy would it be for the American people to settle the slavery ques tion forever, and to restore eace and harmony to this distracted country. They alone can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish this ob ject, and all which the slave States have ever conteuded tor is to be let alone, and permitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way, as sovereign States. They, and they alone, are responsible before God and the world for the slavery existing among them. For this the people of the North are not more responsible, and have no more right to inter fere, than with similar institutions 1n Russia or Brazil. Upon their good sense and patri otic forbearance, I confess I still greatly relv. Without their aid it is beyond the power of any Pre-ideut, no matter what may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace and har mony among the States. Widely limited and restrained as is his power under our Con.titu tion and laws, he alone can accomplish but little lor good or evil, on such a momentous ques tion; and this brings me to observe that the election of any one of our fellow citizens to the office of President, does not of itself nflord jurt. cause for dissolving the Union. This is more especially true it" his election has been effected by a-mere plurality, and not a major ity of the people, and has resulted from tran sient and temporary causes, which may proba bly never again occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, the Federal Government must be guilty of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of powers not granted by the Constitution. The late Presi dential election, however, has been held in strict conformity with its express provisions. How then can the result justify a revolution to destroy this very Constitution. Reason, jus tice, and regard for the Constitution all require that we shall wait for some overt and danger ous act on the part of the President elect, be fore resorting to such a remedy. It is said, however, that the antecedents of the President elect have been sufficient to justify the fears of the South that he wili attciup to Invade their Constitutional rights; but are such apprehensions of contingent danger in the future sufficient to justify the immediate destruction of the noblest svs tem of government ever devised by mortals? From the very nature of his office and its high responsibilities, he mut necessarily be con servative. The stern duty of administering the vast and complicated councils of this Govern ment affords in itself a guarantee that he will tiot attemnt any violation of a clear Constitu tional rigrk. After all, he is no more than the Chief Executive officer of the Government. His province is not to make, but execute its las, ami it is a remarkable fact in our history that, notwithstanding the reported efforts of the anti-slavery party, no single act has ever passed Congress, unless we may possibly ex cept the Missouri Compiomise, impairing in the slightest degree the l ights of the South to their property in slaves. And it may also be ob served, judging from present judications, that no probability exirts of the passage of such an net by a majority of both Houses tither in the present or the next Congress. Surely under these circumstances we ought to be restrained from present action by the pre cept of Him who spake as never man s;oke, thitt "sufficient unto the day is the evil there of." The day of evil may never come unless we shall rashly bring it upon oruselves. It is alleged as one cause lor immediate secession, that the Soutfiern States are denied eqn.il rights w ith ihe other States in the common territories. But by what authority are these denied? Not by Oongres., which lias never massed, and I Vlk've never will pass, any a.-t to exclude lavry from these territories; and certainly TtSj! I'V t.ie UIireme Court which has solemnlv 1 li ut slaves are proper! , and like all property, their owners have a rhrlit to U e Jic'ni into the common territories anil hold l" i thereunder the protection of the Consti- J-u i. So far then as Congress is concerned, :c "ijcction is not to anything they have al reau done, but to what they nrnv do hereafter. It ill surely be admitted that this apprehen siotof future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution of the Union. 1 is true that the Territorial Legislature of M'aii, on the 2JJd of February, l-bOil, pased, ' -eat llHSli'. an act over liio t.4jt f tin. !;.. -r, declaring that slavery is, and shall be ver prohibited in the territory. Such an however, platinv violating the manner, it can only be exercised by the people of the Territory represented in a convention of delegates for the purpose of framing a Consti tution, prefatery to admission as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are they invested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign au thority, snd not of subordinate territorial legis lation. Were it otherwise, then indeed would the equality of the States in the Territories be destroyed, snd the rights of property in slaves would depend not upon the guarantees of the con stitution, but upon the shifting majorities of an irresponsible territorial legislate -e. Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsound ness, cannot long influence any portion of our people, much less can it afford s good reason for a dissolution of the Union. The most pal pable violations of constitutional duty which have yet been committed consist in the acts of different State Legislatures to defeat theexe cution of the Fugitive Slave Law. It ought to be remembered, however, that for these acts neither Congress cor - any President can be justly held responsible, having ieen past in vi olation of the Federal Constitution, they are therefore null and void. All the Courts, both State and National, before wlmm the question has arisen, have, from the beginning, declared the Fugitive Slave Law to be unconstitutional. The single exception is that of a State Court in Wisconsin, and this has not only been re versed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation thut there can be no danger from it as a precedent The validity of this law has been established over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unanimity. It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution, requiring that the fugitive slaves w ho, escape from service in one State to anoth er shall be delivered up to their masters. Without this provision, it is a well-known his torical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. In one form or another under the acts of 1793 or 1859, both being substantially the same the Fugitive Slave Law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my ow n, to act with vigor in executing this supreme law against the conflicting enactments of State Leg islatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested disregard of the Constitution and laws to the great injury of the people of nearly one-half the States of the Union. But are we to pre sume in advance that he will thus violate his duty ? This would be at war with every prin ciple of justice of ehristianjJiarity. Let us wait for the overt act. The Fugitive Slave Law has been carried in to execution in every contested case fciuee the commencement of the present administration, though often, it is to be regretted, with great loth and inconvenience and with considerable expense to the Government. Let us trust that the State Legislatures will rejeal their uncon stitutional and obnoxious enactments; unless this shall be done without unnecessary delay it is imposed e for any human power to save the Union. The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, bare a right to de mand this act of justice from the States of ibe North. Should it be refused them, the Con stitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been wilfully violated by one portion of them, in a provision essential to the do mestic security and happiness of the remaind er, in tliat event me injured states, alter having first used all peaceful and Constitution al means to obtain redress, would be justified iu revolutionary resistance to the government of the Union. I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few vears, that anv State, whenever it shall be her sovereign will and pleasure may secede from the Union in accordance with the Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other members of the Confederacy ; that as each became parties to the Union by the vote of its own people assembled in Convention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner, by the vote of such a Con vention. In order to justify secession as a con stitutional remedy, it must be on the principle that the Federal Government is a mere volun tary association of Suites, to be dissolved at pleasure by one of the contracting rarties. If this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of sand, and to be penetrated and dissolved by the first iverse wave of public opinion in any ot tue States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many petty, jarring and hostile republics, each one retiring from the I nion without responsibility, when ever any sudden excitement might impel them to such a course ; bv tins process a L nion miuht be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many years of toil, privation and blood to establish. Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history, as it was framed with the greatest de liberation and care, it wxs submitted to con ventions of the people of the several States for ratification, its provisions were discussed ot length iu these bodies, composed of the first men of the country,. Its opponents contended that it conferred power upon the Federal Gov ernment, dangerous to the rights of the States, whilst its advocates maintained that under a fair construction of the instrument, there was no foundation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects of this or any other country, it never occurred to any individual, cither among its opponents or advocates, to assert or even to intimate that their efforts were all vain labor, because the moment that any State felt herself aggrieved, she might secede from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Con stitution? The truth is, that it was not until many years after the origin of the Federal Gov ernment, that such a proposition was first ad vanced. It was then met and refuted by the conclusive arguments of GcucruIJacksoii, who, in his mc.-Kige of the lr.th ol January, 18o3, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following language : "The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will, without the con sent of the other States, from their most sol cinnob!igations, hazards the liU-rty and happi ness of millions composing this Union, anil can not lie acknowledged. Such authority is be lieved to be utterly repigimnt, bo.h to the principles upon which the Gencial Government is constituted, and to the ol jet ts wlil h it was expressly formed to attain, it is not irett tid ed that any clause in the Constitution giv..s countenance to such a theory, it is altogether founded upon inference, not liom any language contained in the instrument its. If, I.i t from the sovereign character of the several Suites by which it was ratified: but it 1- beyond the pow er of a Sute, like an individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remainders'" In the language of Mr. Madi son, who has been called the Father of the Constitution, it was formed by the States, that is bv the people in each of the States, acting in their highest sovereign capacity, and formed consequently by the same authority which formed the State Constitutions; nor is the gov ernment of the United Suites, created by the Constitution, less a government, in the strict est sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments treated bv the Constitution of the Slates are within their sev- Tit! bv I leflih ( fl eriy nr-curcu "V me onsxn uno'i, WU1 sure e declared void by the Judiciary whenever all Ik- presented in J legal form. Onlv e davsafier mv inai, juration, the Sum . -n... 4rt nf tli f'tiitjwl stf-i'.u. I i this power did not exist in a' Territorial v. .....l. I.... i . . .1 , .- . . -v nni, im-.'ji i:ie laeiiocs t "er or the time, that the corrcctinv of this I Mod ha Jiecn extensively imiiuiied be. t the jeop!e, an 1 the mixtion has giviii "to angry political conflict thr:iiL'i:oiu the Tliose who have appealed irom this f our highest Constitutional tribu- ilar BMcmhhos. would, if tliev could j !- Ten ilurLd Legislatures with powei t f uai-Mul .-i.-l.t.. ..4 11 : . i rriiw . ii'i-!i t. I lilS iiwvr Coiignns i.-express-ly lorhiddeii by the rderal Constitution to exercise. Every Slate I'iihiture in the Union, is forbidden" by its !e Constitution to exercise it. It can not lie rcixed in snv State, except by the people in it nigiicsl ho en ign capacity, w lieu framing iiirmniig lueu cutu; vuu.bui.uuun. la ilae I eral spheres. It is, like them, organized into I Legislative, Executive and Judiciary depart ' incuts. It operates like them directly on per I sons and thiugs, and like them, it has i:t coin ! maud a physical force for executing the pow ers I committed to it; was intended to le pcrctual, j and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any j one of the contracting parlies of the ( onfed j eration. A perpetual union ln-tween the Suites, I and by the ltith article, it is expressly declared i that the articles of this Conic. ier.ition shall be ! inevitably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetuated. The Preamble to the Constitution of the j United States, having express lelirctice to the articles of Confederation, ..fates it was cs j tablished in older to torui a more perfect I'n j ion, docs not imiiiiie the e.ei, ii.il attribute of j perpetuity, but that tin' Union wxs designed to I be perpetual, Hppeai-scunclu.-ively from the na ! ture and extent of the powers conferred by ; the constitution on the federal government. ' These poW tcs embrace tie- very highest attri- butes of national sovereignty. They place both the sword and tie puis.- under its control. Con- giess has power to make war and to make peace, to lai-e and support armies and navies i and to conclude treaties w ith foreign govcni 1 ments. It is invested with the power io coin I money and to regulate the value fhetcof, and j to regtih.te commerce with foreign nat.ons and j rights of l among the several Stales. It is not neeessai v to enumerate tne have lfoen confeite meld. In order to c. crs into effect Congii .ther I nnon tii rrv the -.S pos.-.e- i to angry Jiitrv. Ti I tH' Ilt of i I to populi Je llll .h powers width i Federal (love: il etiumcrjtc -d pow- .-cs t.ie exclusive right to lav and collect duties on inijMirts, and in common w ith the States to lay and collect all oil. er taxes. Rut he Constitution has not only coiil'ei red these high powers upon Coji giess but it has a lopted ctiectnal m a!i to re strain the States Irom inn i terin wiin t'.eir ex. crc'rc ior tiiat p hi pose. 1 1 ha- in a sit one pro hibitory !ai,g'.;.;-e c.xpi.-ssty A elated, that no State shall cnier ii io ativ tnaty, alliance or confederation, grant leltir.- of marine and ic ptis.d, coin money, ti.it lulls of cteuit, make anything but gold and silver oin a tender in payment ol debts, pass any bill of attainder, ix ir ieo law or laws in. pairing the obliga tions ol contracts. Moreover, without the con sent o! Congress no State shall lav any imposts or ditties on any imports or exports except what may be absolutely ncce. -ary for executing its iiispection laws, and il they exceed this amount the excesses thall belong to the United States, and no State shall without the consent of Congress lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement of compact with another State or with a foreign pj?wcr, or engage in war unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of further delay. In order still further to secure the uninter rupted exercise of these high powers against State interposition, it is provided tliat the Courts and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the Judges in every State 6hall be bound thereby any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The solemn sanc tion of religion has been superadded to the ob ligations of official duty, and all Senators and Representatives of the United States, all mem bers of State Legislatures, and all Executive and Judicial officers, both of the United States and the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support the Constitution. In order to carry into effect these laws, the Constitution has established a perfect Govern ment in all its forms, Legislative,' Executive and Judicial, and the Government, to the ex tent of its powers, acts upon the individual citi zens of every State, and executes its own de crees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Gov ernment under the old Confederation, which was confined to malting requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became neces sary, for the purpose of removing the barrier, and in order to form a more perfect union, to establish a Government which could net direct ly upon the people, and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency ot the States. This has been accomplished by the Constitution of the United States. In short, the Gorernment created by the Constitution, and drawing its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all States in the enumerated eases, ihat each one of them pos sesses over subjects not delegated to the Uni ted States, but reserved to the States respect ively, or to the people. To the extent of the delegated powers, the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the Consti tution of each State, and is as binding upon the people as though it had been tcxtually in serted therein. This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful government, invested with all the attributes of sovereignty of the special subjects to which its authority extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction; nor were they at its creation, guilty of the absurdi ty of providing for its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air. but a subsnintiai and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defy ing the storms of ages. Indeed, well may jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears, that a government of euch high powers might violate the reserved rights of the States, and i j- j .i i . .i . i r . . : . w isely uiu uiey uuopt me ruie oi a smci con struction of those powers, to prevent the dan ger, but they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever be so interpreted as to enable any State, by her own act and without the consent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or any of their Federal obligations. It may be asked, then, are the people of the States with out redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government? By no means. The right of resistance en the part of the gov erned againsr the oppression of their govern ments, cannot be denied: it exists independent of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's history. Under it old governments have been destroyed, and under it new ones have been replaced. It is embodied in strong and express language, in our own Declaration of Independence, but the distinction must ever be observed, that this is revolution against an established government, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face : Secession is nothing more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be justifiable revolution, but still it is revolution. What, in the meantime, is the responsibility and true position of the executive, bound . by solemn oath before God and the country to take care that the laws be faithfully executed ? From this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been ren dered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control? Such at the present moment is the case throughout the State of South Carolina. So far as the laws of the United States to secure the administration of justice by means of the Federal Judiciary is concerned, all the Federal officers within its limits, through whose agency alone those laws can lie carried info execution, have already re signed. We have no longer a District Judge, or District Attorney, in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Gov ernment, necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the people, has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not imios.ib!e, to replace it. The only acts of Congress on the sUitute book bearing upon this subject, are those of the 2tth February, 1705, and :d March, 1807. These authorize the President, after he shall have ascertained that the Marshal with his posse comitatus is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any par ticular case, to call forth the militia, and em ploy the army and navy to aid him iu perform ing the service, having first, by proclamation, commanded the insurgents to disperse and re turn peaceably to their respective abodes with in a limited time. This duty cannot, by any possibility, be performed in a State where no Judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no Marshal to execute, and where, even if there were such an office, the entire population would combine in one solid column to icsist him. The mere resistance of these provisions proves how inadequate they are, without fur th r legislation, to overcome a united opposi tion in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power to decide whether the present laws cannot be amended so as to earn out more effectually the objects of the Constitution. T!.e same insuperable ob stacles do not lie in the w ay ot executing the laws for the collection of the customs. The revenue stiil continues to be collected as here tofore at the Custom House in Ciiarleston, and should the Collector unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to perform this duty. Thi n, in reguid to the property of the United States iu Siuth Carolina, this has been purcha-i d for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Le gislature of the State, for the erec tion of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over tin.se the authority to exercise exclusive legislation has been expressly granted by the Court to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this 1 should prove to be mitstiken, the officer in the command of the forts has received or ders to act strictly on the defensive. Iu such a contingency, the responsibility for conse quences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. Apart from the execution of the laws, so lar as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide whaH shall be the relations between the Federal Go vernment and South Carolina. He has been invested w ith no such discretion. He possess es no power to change the relation heretofore existing between them, much less to acknow ledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere Executive officer with the lower of rtc gnizing the dissolution of the confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It litis no resemblance to the leeognization of a foreign tle-fafto government involving no such responsibility; any attempt to do this would on his part be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my uuty to sub- i mil to Congress the whole question, in all its hearings. The course of events is so rnpidiy hastening forward, that the ( inctgency mav arrise when you may be called upon to decide the mo inentotts question whether von possess the power, by force of arms, to compel a State to remain in the Union. I should feel myself recreant to my duty w ere 1 Jiot to express an opinion on this important subject. The ques tion, fairly stated, is: Has the Constitution del coated to Congress the power to force a State into submission which is attempting to with draw, or h is actually w ithdraw n, from the Con fcder.tev. If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and t make war against a State. After much se rious reflection, I have arrived at the conclu sion that no such power has becu delegated to Con rrcss. o.- to any other department of the Federal Government It is inai.iicst. upon an in.-j ection of the Constitution, Cat this is not among the specific and enumetative powers gr.mti d to Congress, r.ml it is cipially :.p; arcnt that its exueise ? not rti cissaiy a .d proper for carving into execution any one ol ,-( po-.vt So far ftctn I: is power ha', in ; bieti iie!i'a!idto Col glxr it was ex pressiv rein-' d l.y t tie convention which framed (he constitution. It uppiais from the j rocedings of that body that on ti e Slst of iiay, 17S7, the clause authorising an cxoei'tion of the force of the whole against a delinquent Slate came up for consideration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, from wl.ieli I shall extract bat a .-iagle sentence. He observed "that the use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an in- i fliction of punishment and would probably be between the two Governments, which at differ- considered by the party attacked as a dissolu tion of all previous compacts by which it might be .bound." Uton his motion the clause was unanimously postponed and mas never, I be here, again presented. Soon afterwards,- on the 8th of June, 1787, when incidentally advert ing to the subject be said, "Any Govern ment for the united States termed on the - supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings of the States would prove as visionary and falla cious as the Government of Congress, evident ly meaning the then existing Congress of the old Confederation. Without descending to particularize, it may be safely asserted that the power to make war against a State, is at vari ance with .the whole spirit and intent of the Constitution. Suppose such a war should re sult in the conquest of a State, how are we to govern it afterwards. Shall we hold it as a province and govern it by . a despotic power ? In the nature of things we could not by physi cal force control the whole of the people and comDcl them to elect Senators and Representa tives to Congress, and to perform all the other duitcs depending upon their own volition ana required from the free citizens of a free State as a constituent member ot tne conieaeracy. But if we possessed this power would it be wise to exercise it under existing circumstances r The object would doubtless be to preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effectual means of destroyins it' but would banish all hone of its peaceable re construction, besides in the fraternal conflict a rast amount of blood and treasure would beexnended. renderintr future reconciliation between the States impossible. In the mean time who can foretell what would be the suffer inen and nrivations of the people during its existence. The fact is our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many means' of preserving by conciliation; but the sword was not placed in her hands to preserve it by lorce. liut may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause and delilie- rate before they determine to destroy tins, the grandest temple which has ever been dedi cated to human freedom since the world be gan. It has been consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past, and by the hopes of the future. The Union has al ready made us the most prosperous, and ere long will, if preserved, render ns the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title of "American Citizen" is held in the highest res pect, and when pronounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our countrymen to swell with honest pride. Surely, when we reach the brink of the yawning abyss we shall recoil with horror from the last fatal plunge. By such a dread catastroube the hones of the friends of freedom throughout the world would be destroyed and a long night of leaden despotism would enshroud the nation. Our example for more than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted as a conclusive proof that man is unfit for self gov ernment It is rtot every wrong, nay it is not every grievous wrong which can justify a re sort to such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the last desperate remedy of a despair ing people, after every other Constitutional means of conciliation had been exhausted. We should reflect, that under this free Govern ment there is an incessant ebb and flow in pub lic opinion. The slavery question, like every tiling human, will have its day. I firmly be lieve that it has already reached and passed the culminating point, but if in the midst of the existing excitement the Union shall perish, the evil may then become irreparable. Congress can contribute much to .arre:t it by proposing.and recommending to the Legislatures of the seve ral States the remedy for existing evils which the Constitution has itself provided for its own preservation. This- has been tried at different critical periods of our history and always with eminent success. It is to be found in the fifth article providing for its own amendment Under this article, amendments have been pro posed by two-thirds of both Houses ol Con gress, and have been ratineu oy ine Legisla tures ot three-fourths ot ttie several Mates, and have consequently become parts of the Constitution. To this process the country is indebted for the clause prohibiting Congress from passing any laws respecting an establish ment of religion, of abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the right of peti tion. To this we are also indebted for the rights which secure the people against any abuse of power by the Federal Government, such were the apprehensions justly entertained by the friends of State rights at that period, as to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether the Constitutioh could have long survived without these amendment-. Again, the Con stitution was amended by the same process after the election of President Jefferson by the House of ReprescuUitives, in February, 1803. This amendment was rendered necessary to prevent a re-occurrence of the dangers . which had seriously threat ened the existence of the Government during the pendency of that election. The article for its own amendment was intended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting Constitutional questions like the present, which might arise between the Government of the States and that of the United Suites. This ap peal's from contemporaneous history. In this connection, I shall merely call attention to a few sentence's in Mr. Madison's justly celebrat ed report in 17'J9 to the Legislature of Virgin- . i iiii ij la. in tins he auiy ana conclusively ueienucu the resolutions of the preceding. Legislature against the strictures of eeyVar other State Legislatures. These were jntffnlv Jbunded lip s' . , . .-. . , . r on the protest ot tne -v lrgmia legislature ains't the Alien and Sedition acts, as palpa ble and alarming infraction of the Constitu tion. In pointing ou". the peaceful and Consti tutional remedies, and he refer! cd to none other, to which the States were authorized to resort, on such occasions, he concluded by saying that the Legislatures ol tne .states might have made a direct representation to Con n-ess with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two offensive acts, or they might have represented to their respective Senators in Congress, their wish that two-tliirds thereof would have proposed an explanatory amendment to the Constitution or two-thirds of themselves, if such had been their option, might, by an application to Congress, have ob tained a convention for the same object. This is the very course which I earnestly recom mend in order to obtain an explanatory amend ment of the Constitution on the subject of sla very. This might originate with ..ongress or the State legislatures, as may be deemed most advisable to attain the ol ject. The explana tory amendment might be confined to the final .settlement of the true construction of the Constitution or three special points; First, an express recognition ol the rglns ol proper ty in slaves in the States w here it now exis e or may hereafter exist. Second, the duty of pro tecting this right in all the common Territories throughout their Territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery as their Consti tutions may prescribe. Third, a like recogni tion of the right of the master to his slave who has escaped from one State to another, to I e restored and delivered up to l.im, and the validity of the fugitive slave law, enacted for this purpose, together with n dec laration that all State laws impairing or defeat ing this right are violations of the Constitution and are consequently null and void. It may be oljeeted that this construction of the Constitu tion has already been settled by the Supreme Court of the United Slates, and what more ought to be required. The answer is that a very large proportion of the people of the Unit ed States still controvert the correctness of this decision and never will cease from agitation and admit its being in force until clearly established by the people of the several States in their sovereign character. Such an explanatory amendment would, it is believed, forever term inate the existing dissensions uud restore peace and harmony among the Suites. It ought not to fie doubted that such an appeal to the arbitra ment established by the Constitution itself would be received with favor by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event it ought to be tried in a spirit of con ciliation before any of these States shall separate themselves from the Union. When I entered upon the duties of the Pres idential offi -c the aspect neither of our foreign r.or domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We were involved in dangerous complications w ith sevoral nations, and two of our territories w ere in a state of revolution against our Government, a restoration of the Af rica slave trade had nu merous and powerful advocates; unlawful mil itary exj edi i ins w re conn enanccd by many of our citizens and wete suffered, iu defiance of the efforts of our Government, to escape from our shoies for (he puipose of making war upon the inoffending people of neighbor ing Republics, with whom we were at p-ace. In addition to these and oilier difficul ties, we ex erii need a revulsion in monetary nfiairs, soon alter my advent, proving of unex ampled severity and ruinous consequences to the country. Win n w e tike a retrospect of what was then our condition, and contrast this w ith its material prosperity at the time of l lie late Presidential election, we l ave abundant vcas"n to retirn our gtateful thanks to tliat i n.crcnul rrovaietice, wnuii :,as never lorsi.teu Lps, as a natio!', iu all (tar trials. ent period of the discussion, boie a threaten ing aspect,' hare resulted in a final settlement, entirely satisfactory to this Gorernment In my last annual message, I informed Congress that the British Government had not then completed arrangements ' with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua in pursuance of the understanding between the two Governments. It was nevertheless confidently expected that the good work would era long be accomplished. This confidence has 'since been fulfilled. Her Britanic Majesty concluded a treaty with Hon duras on the 28th of November, 18S9, and with Nicaragua on the 28th of August, 1860, relinquishing the Mosquito Protectorate. Be sides by the former the Bay Islands are recog nizedas as part of the Republic of Honduras. It may be observed that the stipulations of these treaties conform in every important par ticular to the amendments adopted at London, on the 17th October, 1856, between the two governments. It will be recollected that this treaty was rejected by the British Government because of its objection to the just and impor tant amendment of the Senate to the article relating to Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Honduras. It is a source of sincere satisfaction to all classes of our fellow-citizens, and especially to those engaged in foreign commerce, that the claim on the part of Great Britain forcibly to visit and search American merchant vessels on the high seas, in time of peace, has been abandoned. This was by far, the most dangerous question to the peace of the two countries, which has existed since the war of 1812. Whilst it remained open they might, at any moment, have been precipitated into a war. This was rendered manifest by the exasperated state of public feeling through out our entire country, produced by the forci ble search of American merchant vessels by British cruisers on the coast of Cuba, in the spring of 1858. The American people hailed with general acclaim the orders of the Secre tary of the Navy to our naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, to protect all ressels of the United States on the high seas from search or detention byvthe vessels of war of any other nation. These orders might have produced an unfortunate collision between the naval forces of the two countries. This was most fortunate ly prevented by an appeal to the justice of Great Britain, and to the law of nations, as ex pounded by her own most eminent jurists. The only question of an importance which still remains open, is the disputed title between the two governments to the Island of San Juan, in the vicinity of Washington Territory. As this question is still under negociatioo, it is not deemed advisable at the present moment to make any other allusion to the subject. The recent visit of the Prince of Wales in appropriate character, to the people of this country has proved to be a most auspicious event in its consequences. It cannot fail to increase the kindred and kindly feelings of both countries in their political and social in tercourse with each other. 41 FRANCE. With France, our ancient and powerful ally, our relations continue to be of the mosj friendly character. A decision has recently been made by a French Judicial Tribunal, with the approbation of the Imperial Government, which cannot fail to foster the sentiments of mutual regard that has so long existed between the two countries. Under the French law no person can serve in the armies of France un less he be a French citizen. The law of France recognizing the natural right of expatriation, it follows as a necessary consequence that aFrenchman.by the fact of hav ing becomeji cuizen of the United Suites, has changed his allegiance and has lost his native character. He cannot, therefore, be compelled to serve in the French armies, in case he should return to his native country. These principles were announced in 1852, by the French Minis ter of War, and in two late cases have been confirmed by the French judiciary. In these, two natives of France have been discharged from the French army, because thev had be come American citizens. To employ the lan guage of our present Minister to France, who has rendered good service on tins occasion, " I do not think our French naturalized fellow citizens will hereafter experience much annoy ance on this subject. I venture to predict that the time is not far distint when the other con tinental powers will adopt the same wise and just policy which has done so much honor to the enlightened government of the tmperor. In any event, our government is bound to protect the rights of her naturalized citizens everywhere, to the same extent as though they had drawn their first breath in this country. We can recognize no distinction between our native and naturalized citizens the rarious ports, to this date, " Debentures for this amount, to wit: 800,000 taels for Canton, 100,000 for Shanghai, and 100,000 for Fuehou, were delivered according to the terms of the convention, by the respective Chinese collect ors of the customs of these ports, to the agent selected by our Minister to receive the same. Since that time the claims of our citizens hare been adjusted by the Board of Commissioners appointed for that purpose, under the act of March 3d, 1859; and their awards, which proved satisfactory to the claimants, hare been approved by our Minister; in the aggregate. uiey amount to the sum ot f 498,694 78. The claimants have already received a large pro- that myreconimendations would notbe sustained by Congress, the next alternative was to ac complish in some degree, if possible, the same objects, by treaty stipulations with the consti tutional government ucu treaties were ac cordingly concluded by our late able and excel lent Minister to Mexico, and on the fourth of January last were submitted to the Senate for ratification. As ther have not received the final action of tliat body, it would be imrroDer forme to present a detailed statement of tbeir provisions. Still I may be permitted to express the opinion, in udvanee, that they are calcula ted to promote the agricultural, manufacturing and commercial interests of. the country, and LATENT BY TELEGRAPH. eonfl-icafion in the port of Mexico and Sonth ' su ivepuunci", nooa laept may Be in a nis- lur.Kii ana revolutionary condition. It la my set !'"d cnnTierian thnt wiikont m-h a nnwn- SfSVESg&l Latest too Washington! WHAT rljht to deirand. ttrcrioji or hxsbebs or cos brim. I atrtun recommend to Congress the paesre of 1 S0UTHESJ titution, appointing a certain day previous to the 4. h ol March, in each year of aa odd camber, for the election of Representative throughout all the States. A limilar power has already been exercieed with general approbation, ia tne lo- CLXXCXAX XH occur. KFTSI TO O f I w -s7VCi i IV. VVUUIIJ. BUM portion of the sums awarded to them, out of 1 to secure our just inflaence-with an adioiuinsr u- r. i i : e 1 1 ' . i r , . . . J 'o . RUSSIA. Between the great Empire of Russia and the United States, the mutual friendship and regard which has so long existed, still contin ues to prevail, and, if possible, to increase. Indeed, our relations with that Empire ara all that we could desire. SPAIX. Our relations with Spain are now of a more complicated, though less dangerous character, than they have been for many years. Our cit izens have long held, and continue to hold, nu merous claims against the Spanish Government. These have been ably urged for a series of years by our successive diplomatic representa tives at Madrid, but without obtaining redress. The Spanish Government finally agreed to in stitute a joint commission for the adjustment of these claims, and on the 5th day of March, 18'jO, concluded a convention for that purpose, with our present Minister at Madrid. Under this Convention, what have been denominated the Cuban claims, amounting to $128,635. 64, in w Inch more than one hundred of our fellow citizens are interested, were recosnized, and the Spanish Government agreed to pay one hundred thousand dollars of iius amount with in three months following the exchange of rat ifications. The payment of the remaining $-3,G35 51 was to await the decision of the commissioners for or against the Amistcad claim, but in any event, the balance was to be paid to the claimants, cither by Spain or the United States. Those terms, I have every reasQn to know, are highly satisfactory to the holders of the Cuban claims. Indeed, they have made a formal offer, authorizing the State Department to settle their claims, and to deduct the amount of the Amistead claims from the sums which they are entitled to re ceive from Spain. This ofler, of course, can not be accepted. All other claims of the citizens of the United States against Spain, or of suljects of the Queen of Spain against the United States, in cluding the Amistcad claim, were by this Con vention refeired to a Board of Commissioners in the usual form. Neither the validity of the Amistead claim, nor any other claim against either party, with the single exception of the Cuban claims, was recognized by the Convention. Indeed, the Spanish Government did not insist that the validity of the Amistcad claim should be thus recognized, notwithstand ing its payment had been recommended to Congress by two of my predecessors, as well as myself, and an appropriation for that purpose had passed the Senate of the United States. They were content that it should be submitted to the Board for examination and decision like the other claims. Both Governments were bound respectfully to pay the amounts award to the several claimants, at such times and pluccs as may be fixed by and according to the tenor of said awards, and transmitted by this Convention to the Senate for their constitu tional action on 3d May, 1860, and on the 27th of the succeeding June, they determined that they would not advise and consent to its ratifi cation. These proceedings place our relations with Spain in an awkward and embarrassing position. It is more than probable that the final adjustment of these claims will devolve upon my successor. I reiterate the recom mendation contained in my annual message of December, '1858, and repeat that of De cember, 1S59, in favor of the acquisition of Cuba from Spain by lair purchase. I firmly believe that such an acquisition would contri bute essentially to the well-being and ptosp rity of both countries, in all future timo, its well as prove the certain means of immediately abol ishing the African Have Trade, throughout the world. I would not repeat this recommenda tion upon the present occasion, if I believed that the transfer of Cuba to the United States, upon conditions highly favorable to Spain, could justly tarnish the national honor of the proud and ancient Spanish Monarchy. Surely no person ever attributed to the first Napoleon a disregard of the national honor of Fiance, lor transferring Louisiana to the United States for a fair equivalent, both in money and com mercial advantages. the fund provided, and it is confidently expect ed that the remainder will, ere long, be entirely paid. After the awards shall have been satisfi ed, there will remain a surplus of more than $200,000, at the disposition of Congress. As this will in equity belong to the Chinese Gov ernment, would not justice require its appro priation to some benerolent object, in which the Chinese may be specially interested ? Our Minister to China, in obedience to his instructions, has remained perfectly neutral in the war between Great Britain and France and the Chinese Empire, although in conjunction with the Russian Minister, be was ever ready and willing, had the opportunity offered, to employ his good office? in restoring peace be tween the parties. It is but an act of simple justice, both to our present Minister and his predecessor, to state, they have both proved fully equal to the delicate, trying and responsi ble positions in which they have on different occasions been placed. JAPAN'. The ratification of the treaty with Japan, concluded at Yeddo on the 29th of Julr, 1858, were exchanged at Washington on the 22d of May last, and the treaty itself was proclaimed on the succeeding day. There is good reason to expect that under its protection and influ ence, our trade and intercourse with that dis tant and interesting people will rapidly in crease. The ratifications of the treaty were exchanged with unusual solemnity. For this purpose the Tycoon had accredited three of his most distinguished Ministers Plenipotentiary, who were received and treated with marked distinction and kindness, both by the Govern ment and people of the United States. There is every reason to Deueve mat tney nave re turned to their native land entirely satisfied with their visit, and inspired br the most Iriendly teelinKS tor our country. Let us ardently hope, in the language of the treaty itself, that there shall henceforward be perpet ual peace and friendship between the United States of America and his Majesty the Tycoon of Japan and his successors. BRAZIL. With the wise, conservative and liberal gov ernment of the Empire of Brazil, our relations continue to be of the most amicable character. KEW -GRENADA. The exchange of. the ratifications of the Convention with the Republic of New Gre nada, signed at Washington, on the 10th Sep tember, 1857, has been long delayed from ac cidental causes, for which neither party is cen surable. These ratifications were duly ex changed in this city on the 5th of November last. Thus, has a controversy been amicably terminated, which had become so serious at the period of my inauguration as to require me, on the 17th April, 1857, to direct our Minister to demand his passports and return to the United States. Under this condition, the Gov ernment ot JSew urenaaa nas specially ac knowledged itself to be responsible to our citi zens for damages w hich were caused by the riot nt Panama on the 15th of April, 1856. These claims, together w ith other claims of our citizens which had been long urged in vain, are referred for adjustment to a board of Com missioners, I submit a copy of the Convention to Congress, and recommend the legislation necessary to carry it into effect. COSTA RICA AND NICARAGUA. Persevering efforts have been mode for .the adjustment of the claims of American citizens against the Government of Costa Rica, and I am happy to inform you that these have finally prevailed; a Convention was signed at the city of San Jose, on the 2d of July last, between the Minister resident of the United States, in Costa Rica, and the Plenipotentiaries of that Republic, referring these claims to a board of commissioners, and providing for the payment ot their awards. 1 his Convention will be sub mitted to tho Senate for their Constitutional action. The claims of our citizens up?n the Republic of Nicaragua, have not yet been pro vided for bv treaty, although diligent efforts for this purpose have been made by our minis ter resident in that Republic. These are still continued, with a fair prospect of success. MEXICO. Our relations with Mexico remain in a most unsatisfactory condition. In my two last an nual messages I discussed extensively the sub ject of these relations, and do not now propose to repeat at length the facts and arguments then presented. They proved conclusively that our citizens residing in Mexiio, and our merchants trading thereto, had suffered a series of wrongs and outrages such as we have never patiently borne (rom any nation. For these our successive ministers, invoking the faith of treaties, had, in the name of their country, per sistently demanded redress and indemnification, but witnout tue slightest effect, indeed, so confident had the Mexican authorities been, be cause of our patient endurance, that they uni versally believed they might coiumit their out rages upon American citizens with absolute impunity. Thus wrote our Minister in 1856, and expressed the opinion that nothing but a manifestation of the powers of the Govern ment and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. Afterwards, in 1857, came the adoption of a new Constitution for Mexico, the election of a President and a ('ongress under its provisions. and the inauguration of a President within one short month. However, this President was ex pelled from the Capital bv a rebellion in the army, and the sqpreine powers of the Repub lic was assigned to Gen. Aualoaga. This usurper was in his turn soon compelled to retire from the place by General Miramon. Under the Constitution which had thus been adopted. Gen. Juarez, as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, became the lawful President of the Re public, and it was for the maintenance of the Constitution, and Ins authority derived fram it, that the civil war commenced and still con tinues tn be prosecuted. Throughout the year 1858 the Constitutional paitv grew stronger and stronger. In the previous history of Mex ico a successul military revolution at the Capi tal had most universally been the signal for suhniivuon throughout the Republic. Not to in the present A majority of the citi- Republic, as to whose fortunes and fate we can never feel indifferent; whilst at the same time hey provide forthe payment of a considera ble amount towards the satisfaction of the claims of our injured fellow-citizens. KANSAS AND UTAH. At the period of my inauguration I was con fronted in 'Kansas by a revolutionary Govern ment, existing under what was called the To peka Constitution. The avowed object was to suDuue tne territorial Government by force, and to inaugurate what was called the Toneka Government in its stead. To accomplish this object, an extensive military orgnnization was formed and its command entrusted to the most violent revolutionary leaders. Under these circumstances it became my imperative duty to exert ttie wuole Constitutional power of the Executive, to prevent the flames of civil war from raging in Kansas, which the excited state of the public mind both North and South might have extended into the neighboring I States. The hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed against each other by emitsaries both from the North and South, to a degree of inaligntr without parallel in our history. To prevent eventual collision, and to resist tne civil magistrates m enforcing the laws, a strong detatebment of the army was stationed in the Territory, ready to aid the Marshal and his deputies when officially called upon as a vose cotnittitus in the execution of civil and criminal process. Still the troubles in Kansas could not have been permanently settled with out an election .by the people, tne ballot-box being the surest arbitrator of disputes among freemen. Under this conviction, every proper effort was employed to induce the hostile par ties to vote at the election of delegates to frame a Sute Constitution, and afterwards at the elec tion to decide whether Kansas should be a slave or free State. The insurgent party refused to vote at ejer, lest this might be considered a a recognition on their part of the Territorial government established by Congress. A better spirit, however seemed soon after to prevail, and the two parties met face to face in the election, held the first Monday of Jan uary. 1858, for members of the Legislature and State officers, under the Lecompton Con stitution. The result was the triumph of the anti-Slavery party at the polls. This decision of the ballot-box proved clearly that this party were in the majority, and removed the danger of civil war. i rora that time we have heard nothing of the Topeka government, aud all serious danger of revolutionary troubles in Kansas was then at an, end. The Lecompton Constitution which had been thus recognized at this State election, by the votes of both politi cal parties in Kansas, was transmitted with the request that 1 should present it to Congress. This I could not have refused to do, without violation of my clearest and strongest convic tions of dutv The laws, and all the proceedings ""which proceeded and loiiowed its lormation, were fair, and regular on their face, and what I then believed nnd expressed, has proven true, the interests of the people of Kansas would have been nest consulted by its admission as a State into the Union, especially as the majority within a brief period, could have amended the con stitution according to their will and pleasure. It fraud existed in any or all of these proceed ings, it was not for tne President but for Con gress to investigate and determine the ques tion of fraud, and what ought to be the conse quences. It at the two erst elections the ma jority refused to rote, it cannot be pretended that tins relusal to exercise the electoral fran chise could invalidate an election fairly held under lawful authority even if they had not subsequently voted at the third election. It is true that the whole Constitution bad not been submitted to the people as I always desired, out tne precedents are numerous of the ad mission of States into the Union without such submission. It would not comport wfth my present nnrnose to review the proceedings of loiitrrees noon the Lecompton Constitution. It is sufficient to ob- eerve that their final action has removed the lust vestiee of serious revolutionary troubles.' The desperate band recently assembled under a noto rious outlaw in the Southern portion of the Ter ritory to resist the execution of the laws aud to plunder peaceaDle citizens, will, I doubt not, be speedily brought to Justice. Had I treated the Lecompton Constitution as a nuhty and refused to transmit it to Congress, it is UHt difficult to imiiu'ine, whilst recalling the position of the country at that moment, what would have been the disastrous consequences both in and ont of trie i-rntory, from sucn denlection of duty on iiie pari 01 me f.iecuuve. f eacc has also been restored within the Ter ritory of I tah, which at the commencement of my Administration, was in a state of open re bellion. This was the more d inventus, as the people animated by a fanatical soirit. ana en trenched within their mountain faatneases, might ' nave maun a long ana lormiaaoie resistance. Cost what it niibt, it was necessary to bring them into subjection to the Constitution and the laws bound policy, therefore, as well as hn- mnntty. required that this object shonld. if pos sible, be accomplished without the effusion of blood. This could only be effected, by sendiDg a military force into the Territory, sufficiently strong to convince the people that resistance would be hopeless, nnd at the same time to offer them a pardon for past offenses, on condition of immediate submission to the Government- This policy was pursued with eminent success, and the only cause for regret is the heavy expenditure required to march a large detachment ol the army to that remote region, and to furnish its sub sistence. I tah is now comparatively peaceful and (luict. and the military force has been with drawn, except !that portion of it necessary to keep the Iuiliuiitt in check, and to protect the emigrant traius on their way to oar Pacific poa- pointment of the Mme day lKrocghoat the Union ior noiainjj tb election ol electors for President and V ice President of the t'nited States. My at tention waa earnestly directed to this subject from the fact that the 35th Congress terminated on the 3d of March, l&D, without making the nec essary appropriation for tha service of the Post umce department, and I ws then forced to con sider the best remedy for this omission, and an immediate call of the present Congress was the usual resort. Cpon inquiry, however, I ascer tained that fifteen ont of (he thirty-five States, composing the confederacy were without Repre- Bcumi.ircs. Biia mat consequently mieen states wonm oe aieiranctnsed by men a call. These fif teen Mate will be in the san-e condition on the 4tn or ai.-orn next. Two or them cannot eicct Representatives according to State laws, uatil different periods, extending from the be?innin? oi jagui next nii toe "ta or November; and yon remember ia ujy last Message I gay warning iu m umv ui tiiuuua iim alarming oauger, the salvation of r institutions miaht depend upon the power ci the President immediately to useiuuiB a luu vuzraea io meet tne emenrencv. f TAB IFF. It ia SOW rttllti evident that thm financial necessities of tbj Government will require a modification of to Tariff during your pres- ""'""i Hue purpose oi lncreaaimr i - In this respect. I denim tn roltmta tv. ... commendation drained in mv lut t nnl iesa''t-. in faVOr f imnminn noiS. In.iuJ of ad valorem dut.es, on ail imported article to which these can pperly be applied. From long vitrei .awwu auw c Benence, i am convinced tnat tpecinc duties are ieeeMirv. both tonmtM4 ih revenue; and to eeire to oar manufacturing in- incaia iiui auiuuiiai inciuenuu enconrm?ment rhich nnavoiuabl-fe-esnlta from a mnn tariff- As an abstract prf.owitlon, it may be admitted that ad valorem tliics would. In theorv. be the , but if the experience of this limercial cations has demon- ties cannot be asked and col- It frauds apon the revenue, f wisdom to resort to specific Im the Terr nature of an nri talorem duty thivjmust be the result under it. The inevitable conf qnence is that foreign good w in ito cuicrni ii iwg man meir irne value, rne Treasury will the 4-fore lose the dntr on th Hit ference between tieir real and fictitious value, and to this extent ie are defrauded. The temp tation which ad Tiorem dntie present to a dis honest Importer, at irresistible. His obieet to pass bis goods ttrough the custom house at the very lowest vauiatitti necessary to save them from confiscation. In tiis he too often succeeds, in spite of the vigiitnee of the revenue officers. Hence the resort Io false invoice, one for the purchaser, another br the custom house ; and to other expedients tn defraud the Govern The honest importer produce his invoice to the collector, stating theactnal price at which be purchased the artijes abroad. Not so the dis- nonest importer, and the azent of the foreign manufacturer. And here it mav be observed that a very large proportion of the foreign mannbe- lura imouriea irom anroaa. are consumed for sine to commissioa mercnants, wan are mere agents employed by the manufacturers. In snch cases, wnere no actial sale has been made to fix tneir value, the foreign manufacturer, if he be dishonest, prepares an invoice of the goods, not at their actual value, but at the very lowest rate necessary to escape detection. In this manner the dishonest importer nnd the foreign manufac turer enjoy a aecia-a aavaniage over tne Honest merchant. They are thus enabled to undersell the fair trader and diive him from the market In fact, the operation of this system has aireadv unveil irom ine pursuit oi nonoranie commerce many of that class of regoiar and conscientious merchants, whose character throughout the world is tne pnue or our euancrv. 1 be remedy for tUtse evil is to be found in specific duties, so tar as this mar be practicable. They dispense with any inqniry at the Custom House into the aciil cost or value of the article. Tie Prtsl4cit' Hessase Ctaaeaat! most just and earn! and of all other ci strated that such di lected without gr-j men it is ine part duties. Indeed, tii The Commander or Pert Mait, Call lor 51 ntUo, IXTERESTTOG FOREIGN NaUrs. namLKsnirjEci-m litis lost. Intertstlif fnm Hashintlaw Tie Sectjdaa w . . ! "a aieTccBcat uucasstal Major Scott and Delazon Smith Dead. From Washington. W1SHI50TOX, Dec 4.Stnate-Y.T. Cllnr man moved the publication of the President'! messaga. lie thought a number of the States would secede within sixty days, and the best thing Congress could do ia to divide the public property fairly, after paying the national debt. Mr. Crittenden said that the gentleman had bet ter have stayed away than to come to make snch propositions. Clingxan replied that when the Union ceases to protect North Carolina, the latter would give good bye. senate adjouned. Hocsa. The House disensmd the question of printing the President's Message. Several Southern members refused to vote on the pro position or amendments, on account of their State having called Conventions to consider Secession. Nothing was accomplished, and the Ilonse adjourned. The President's Meswige is condemned by extremists, both North and South. The con servative members, including those from the border slave States, approve mainly of the general principles ennumerated. Fart Moultrie. Sew Tobk. Dec. 5. The Herald's Wash ington correspondent says Jhat the Commander of Fort Moultrie, has asked the War Depart ment for additional troops and munitions. It is understood that the President and Secretary of War, favor the demand, but the rest of the ' Cabinet differ. foagrrff. WasmsGTOx, Dec O.SiSATtv Powell moved the reference, to a special committee, that portion of the President's Message relat ing to political affairs. Uocse. Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on Ways and Means, reported the bill of ap propriations, for the payment of invalid and other pensions, also, a bill for the support of the Vt est romt Academy. Referred to the Committee of the Whole, Discissioa tf tha Dkialet Qaestlaa. WanisoTo;, Dec 5. Sis in-Green of fered a resolution enquiring into the expedi ency of establishing an armed police, for the border States, free and slave, to maintain peace and execute the Fugitive Slave Law. Hale attacked the President's Message, as failing to look at the secession movement in the face. Brown said : Let's separate. T- . : .1 .v.... j : 1 c. .it- .nrl it . ,h. . . (j.. ncimm cam m. HID WllllUI.WWK OMira UI1P fixed by law. Tlieysresent notemptation to the cIa,m ""ther allegiance. Vi e intend to go oat appraisers of foreign eoods. who receive but small I Ot the I nion before the fourth Of March, Binaries, mm niui oy undervaluation III a re riNAHCES. In my first annual message I promised to em ploy my best exertions in co-operation with 1 ongress, lorcouce tne expenditures or theuov- ern ment within the limits of a wise and judi cious economy. An overflowing treasury has rudnced habits of prodigality and extravagance, hich could only be cruduallv corrected. The work reouircd both time and patience. J applied mvsulf diligently to this task from the besinuintr. aud was aided by the able and energetic efforts of tne heads of the uiBiTent Executive departments. The results of our labor in this good cause did not appear in the sum total of our expenditures for the first two years, mainly in conseuuence of the extraordinary expenditures necessarily in curred in the I' tah expedition, and the very large amount 01 tne contiugeut expense 01 congress, during this period. These greatly exceeded the pay and mileage of the members. For the year enuutg 40111 juue. irsrt, wniisi tne pay ana mile age amounted to 1.4!l.214, the contingent ex- pentvs rose to f i.im.vni tj: and for tne year ending June, 1K9. whilst the oav and mileaire ainoiiuieu to m.h t, ine contingent ex zens pcrsi.-tciitlv sustained the Constitutional peaces amounted to $1.4.n.5tt5 78. I am happy. ... v-l, !,;., 1...J ' luiurui ju "OH O.IUU1J1ILUUCU oit. ior.:::i;N eklatioxs li;l"AT BRITAIN. Our relations with (Ircat Britain are of the most friendly c'nanu ter. Since tlie commt r.ce lr.ent of my administration, the two dangerous questions arising from the Clayton and Ifulwer treaty, nnd from the npht of search claimed by the British iovernment, have been amica bly and honorably cdjustcd. T!ic discordant constructions of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty AUSTRIA, 4C. With the Empire of Austria and the remain ing continental powers of Europe, including that of the Sultan, our relations continue to be of the most friendly character. CH1SA. The friendly and peaceful policy pursued by the Coveriiment of the United States towards the Empire of China, has proouctd the most satisfactory reMilts. The treaty of Tientsin, of the 18:h of June, 18."8, has been faitlilully ob served by the Chinese authorities. The Con vention of the 8th November, lfcoS, smjij.Ic mentary to this treaty for the adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens iu China, referred to in n.y last annual message, has already been carried into effect, so far as this Wi:s practicable. Under tiiis convention, the s im cf r'fOOO taels, equal to about 7Ki,aj( 1, was s.ipuiated I to tie paid in satisfaction '! fue claims of American citizens oat cf the one-fiftieth of the receipts for tonnage import and export duties on American vessels, at the ports of Canton, Shanghai and Fuchou; and it was ufirctdthat this amount shall be in full liqui dation of all claims of American citizens at Government. When this in April, 1850, by the Government of the United States, its authority extended over a huge majority of the Mexican States and peo ple, including Vera Cruz, and all the important seaports on the Kepubhe. I rorn that period our commerce with Mexico be:an to revive. and the Constitutional Government lmsaflbrded it all the protection in their power. Meanwhile the government of Miramon still heh' sway at the Capital, and over the surrounding country. and continued its outrages against the few American citizens who still had the courage to remain within its power. To cap the climax, after the battle of Tacubays, iu April, 1839, Gen. Marques ordered three citizens of the United States, two of them physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that place, and shot without trial. This was done, notwithstanding our unfortunate countrymen were at the moment engaged in the holy cause of offering relief to the soldiers of 'both parties who had been wounded in the battle, without making any distinction between them. The time had arrived, in my opinion, when this Government was bound to exert its power to avenge and redress the wrongs of our citi zene, and to afford them protection in Mexico. The interposing obstacle was, that the country under the sway of Miramon could not be reached without passing over territory under the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Govern ment. Lnder these circumstances I deemed it my duty to recommend to Congress in my last annual message, the employment of a suf ficient military force to penetrate into the in terior where the government of Miramon was to be found, with, or if need be, without the consent of the Juarez government, though it was not doubted that his consent could be ob tained. Never have I had a clearer conviction on any subject than I have of the justice, as well ns w isdom, of such a policy. Xo other alternative was left, except the entire aban donment of our fellow-citizens who had gone to Mexico under the faith of treaties, to the systematic injustice, cruelty aud oppression of Miramon's Government. Besides it is ceit rin that a simple authority to employ this force would of itself have accom plished all our objects without striking a single blow. The Coii:t tutional Govcrnu ent would then have been established at the city ot Mexico, and w ould have been ready and willing, to the extent of its ability, to do us justice. In ad dition, nnd I deem this a most important con sideration. Foreign Governments would have lieen deprived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and domestic concern of Mexico. We should thus have been relieved from the ii.Iii::' roil of resting even by foice, should this become neees-ary, any attempt bv these Gov ernments to deprive our neighboring Republic of portions of her territory, a duty from which we could not shrink without abandoning the tieditional and established policy of the Amer can people. I am happy to observe that, firmly relying upon the justice aud good faith of these Gov ernments, there is no present danger that Mich a contingency will happen. Having discovered you that during tht 1:11 riws"il V.r nmliiirr .n tha Oi.h I IwtfO'k the total expenditures of the Government in all its branches. Legislative. Executive and Judicial, exclusive f Public Debt were reduced to the sum of 55.4(i2.-ltt5 4t. Jhis couclusively appears from the books of the Treasury, in the year ending on the 30th June, lHuSi. 1 lie total expenditure, exclusive or the public debt, amounted to 31.901,1?J 77; and that lor tne year ending aotn .nine, lssn, to fW.&w.- sit Vi: wnilst 'tic hooks or the Treasury show an actual expenditure of if 511,(1-15,474 72 for the year ending 3)th of June 1SMI, including $1,040,007 71 forthe contingent cxpeuses of Congress. There must be deluded from this amount the snm of $4,-O0t with the interest npon it of $150,000, appropriated by the act of 15th February. IsOO, f. rthe purpose of supplying the deficiency In the revenues and defraying the expenses of the Post Office Department for the year ending 3oth of June, 1S5D. This sum, therefore, justly chargea ble to the year lssoil, must be deducted from the sum of $5!.84rt,474 72, in order to ascertain the expenditure for the year ending 30th June, IStiO. which leaves a balance for the expenditures of that year of 5j.40!.4i5 40. The interest on the public debt, including Treasury notes forthe same fiscal year ending on the 30th Jnne, iHiO, amounted to $3,177,314 62, which, added to the above sum o' $55,402,405 46, makes the aggre gate of $58,579,739 08. It ought in justice to be observed, that several of the estimates from all the Departments for the year ending 30th June. IN' weic reduced oy congress oelow wnat was. and still is, deemea compatible with the public Interest. Allowing a liberal margin of f&jO.uuo for this redaction, and for other canses, it may be safely asserted that the snm of $01,000,000, er, at the most, $0',000,0o0, isamply sufficient to admin ister the government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, unless contingent events should hereafter render extraordinary expenditures nec essary. This result has been attained in a con siderable degree by the care exercised by the ap propriate Departments in entering into public contracts. I have myself never Interfered with the award of any snch contracts, except in a sin gle case that of the Colonization Society. I deemed it advisable, while its responsibility in each case properly b longs at the head of the De Iiart tin lit. with the general instruction that these contracts should always be given to the lowest and best bidder; it has ever been so given. It is my opinion that public contracts are not a legit imate source of patronage to be conferred upon personal or political favorites, but that in all such case a public officer is boand to act for the Gov ernment a a prudent Individual would act for himself. AFRICAN SLAVS TKADB. It fs with great satisfaction I communicate the fact that, since the date of my last annual mes sage, not a single slave has been imported into the I piled States in violation of the law pro hibiting the African Slave trade. This statement is founded upon a thorough examination and in vestigation of the subject. Indeed the spirit which prevailed some time since anion;; a por tion of onr fellow citizens in favor of this trade, seems to have entirely subsided. I also congratu late ynu npon the pnblic sentiment which now exists against the crime of setting on foot mili tary expeditions within the limits of the United States, to proceed from thecce aud make war np on the people of an unoffending State with whom we are at peace. In this respect a happy change has been i.HW ted since the commencement of my administration. It snrely ought to be the prayer of every christian and patriot, that snch expedi tions may never receive countenance in onr coun try or depart from our shores. It would be a useless repetition to do more than refer with earnest commendation to my former recommendations in favor of the Pacific Railroad, of the grunt of power to the President to employ the naval force, or force in the vicinity, for the protection of tht live and property of our fellow citizens, passing in transit over the different Central American routes, against sudden and law less outbreak and depredations; and also to pro tect American merchant vessels, their crews and cargoes, aauut violent and unlawful seizure and caves, render thenuelves independent. Beside. specific duties best conform to the requisition in the Constitution, that no preference shall be giv en by any regulation of commerce or revenue to t he port of one State over those of another. I n. der our ad valorem system such preference are to some extent, inevitable, and cpmplaints have often been made, that the spirit of this provision has been violated by a lower appraisement of the same article at one port than at another. An im pression strangely enough prevails to some extent, that specific duties ire necessnrily protective dn tie. Nothing tan be more fallacious. Great Britain glories in free trade, and ret her whole revenue irom imports, is at the present moment collected under a system of specific duties. It is a striking fact, in this connection, that in the commercial treaty ol 23d January, IStiO, between France and England, one of the article provide that the "ti talorem i nties which it imposes shall be converted into specific duties within six months from its dat, and these are to be ascer tained by making an average of the price for six months previous to that time. The reverse of the proposition woulf be nearer the truth, because a much larger anion at of revenue wonld be col lected oy merely contorting the ad valorem dntie or a taritt luto general equivalent specific duties. To this extent the revenue would be increased. and in the same proportion the specific duty might be diminished. Specific duties wonld secure to the American manufacturer the incidental protec tion iu which ne is lainy eunuea unaera revenue rann. ana to mis. snrely no person wonld ohiwt 1 be framers of the existing tariff have gone fur ther, and in a liberal spiri. have discriminated in favor of large and useful branches of onr ixanu- f:WtllrU rwif h rniuincr tlia. r.t. nfdnli n ...... . - - ...... . . . .. V . w,v W . U 1. . ILL. UIVU mo importation oi similar articles irom anroaa, but what is the same in effect, bv admitting arti cles free of duty which enter into the compooition of their fabrics. Under the present system ft ha been often trnl v remarked that this incidental protection de creases when the manufacturer needs it most, and increases when he needs it least, and constitute a sliding scale which alwav operates against him. The revenue of the country are snhiert to similar fluctuation, instead of approaching a steady standard as would be the case under a system of specific duties. They sink and rise with the sinking and rising prices of the article in foreign countries. It would not be difficult for Congress to arrange a system of specific dntie which would afford additional (tabilitv both to our revenne and our manufactures, and without injury or lujusuce m any interest or tn country. This might be accomplished! by ascertaining the average value of any given article for a Hm of year at the place of exportation, and by simply converting the state of ad valorem duty upon it which might be deemed necessary for reveuue purposes iuiu me lorm 01 a specincauty. Such an arrangement could not injure the con sumer if he should pat a greater amount of duty one year this wool be counterbalanced by a lesser amount the next, and in the end the aggre gate would be the sarin. I desire to call your im- meuiaie siienuon 10 o.e present condition or the Treasury, o ably au clearly presented by the Secretary in his repoi to Congress, and to re- commena mat measures oe promptly adopted to eimmu it w uiscuarp-ciLs pressing oongaiions. The other recommendation of the report are well worthy of your fot orable consideration. I herewith transmit Congress the reports of me secretaries 01 nr. oi me iavy, or tne inte rior, and the PostmaVer General. The recom mendations and snggt; ions which ther contain are highly valuable, atil deserve your careful at tention. 1 The report of the ? stmater-Gencral details the circumstance nr:-r which Cornelina Van- derbilt. on my request, agreed, in the month of July last, to carry tne)Ocen mail between our Atlantic and I'acitlc ccfi-ts. Had he not thus act ed, this important a er-communication must have ben suspended, least for a season. The r. M. General had no (l ower to make him anv other compensation B .n the postage on mail miiiier, wincu ue mirp, carry. 11 waa Known at the time, these poJtag would fall far short of an adequate compensation a well as of the sum w hich the same scrvict had previously cost the Government. Mr. Va!erbilt. in a commendable spirit, was willing tolry npon the Justice of congress 10 mane np ie tendency, and I there fore recommeuded, tl.t an appropriation be granted for this parposl-. I should do great injta-tice to the Attorney Gen eral were I to omit th4 mention of hi distin guished services io the measure adopted and prosecuted oy Dim ior ine defence or the Govern ment against numerous ana anfounded claims to laud in California, purporting to have been made py the .Mexican Government, previou to the treaty ol cession. The successful oppositloa to these claim ha saved to the United States, pnblic property worth many minions 01 aouart. asa to inaiviai in" duals hold title under them, at least an equal amount. rAUIHI l.t EAKSAS. It has been represented to me from source which I deem reliable, that the Inhabitant in several portions of Ktnss have been reduced nearly to a state of startation on aeronnft of the almost total failure of tf-iir crops, whilst the har vests in every other por am ol the country nave been abundant. The I nspect before them for the approaching winter it well calculated to en list the sympathies of evcy heart. The destitu tion appears to be so geiiral that it cannot be re lieved by private eontriiittion. and they are ia such indigent circumslan- as to be unable to purchase the necessities if life for themselves. I refer the subject to Con Jess. If any constitu tional measure lor tneir t-tier can be devised, I would recommend its addition. DISTRICT OT'COLCXBIA. I cordially commend Hoyonr favorable regard the Interest of the pcofe of this district. They are eminently entitled 1 yonr consideration, es pecially as unlike the ptmle of the States, they an appeal to no government except that or the tuion. HAJfSS DICUA'A. erutaent 1 utlr JIardrr In Sparta.-U, Mr. Win. Moroas, of Pparta, waa killed 0J jnua named Wn. M. Grees, in that pW 'Saturday week. The murdered man was atabbtd in seventeen differ ed pjacea. Morgan fired at his antagonists only once and without eS ct. The murderer was arrested, tried and eotimitted to jail. W. T. Green, Jas. H. Bryan and C. Davis were also tried as accessories to the murder. The first named was belli' to bail in a bond 01 $5,000 ; Bryan and Davp were bound over 0 answer the charge of aastult and battery. Official Vote f lertfc Cartllaa. We are indebted to the Raleigh Regitter for the of ficial vote of the State of North Carolina in the late Presidential election The following is the vote : Breckinridge and Lane.. 43,559 Bell and Everett 44.9U0 Breckinridge's majority,'. . ,. 3,543 The Electors on the Douglas and Johnson ticket received only 5701 votes in the whole Suite. On account df informality in the re turns made by the SiiriEj of Bladin and Madi son, the vote of eacl of those counties was thrown out, and the Jieriff of Alleghany failed to make any rcuurn the vote of that county. (3T The A'JantaJ (Ga.,) Daily National American baa beft discontinued for the present on account of the failure of its pro prietors to make colix-tions. The Weekly will be continued. ' peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must. Five States will go out, and Louisiana and Arkansas will call a Conventions pretty soon. Wigfall thought the President would precipi tate the measures he intends to avoid. Sailsburv said tliat Delaware would not do anything to lead to a separation of the States, Adjourned. House. The Homestead BUI passed by a vote of 132 to 76. Washisgtos, Dec. 5. Ilors. The House passed the Military Academy and Pension bills, and adjourned. arrival ef the Canadian Later frea Earepe. New York, Dec. 5. The steamer Canadian has arrived at Portland, with Liverpool dates of Friday, Nov. 23, via Queenetown. The steamers Asia, Borussia, Fulton and Vigo had arrived out. LivERrooL, Nor. 23. Cotton ssles of five days 33,000 bales, of which speculators and exporters took 4,000 bales each. The market opened very dull, and all qualities declined $, and even more for inferior qualities. On Thursday there was an improved tone but no advance. Sales Friday 8,000 bales, of which speculators and exporters took 2,iHX bales, closing firm. Orleana Fair 6; Orleans Middling ej; I plana fair 7; Ipland Middling 6. Stock at Liverpool 075,000 bales, of hich 437,000 bales are American. Bread- stuffs quiet; buyers demand a reduction. Infe rior wheat declined. Provisions steady. Con sols 83 j 94. Money market slightly easier. The Bank of tngland agreed to exchange two million sterling gold for the same amount of silver, with the Bank of France. A better feeling prevails everywhere. Po litical news unimportant. . Ferelgm. Niw York, Dec. 5. Funds were buoyant and money easier. The "Times" hopes for in early reduction in the bank rate of discount. Francs. Count Moray is going fc Rome on a special mission with an autograph letter from the Emperor. It is stated that Walewslu will succeed Per- signy in the London Embassy. Rent 70f 15c There is no new movement in Italy. The Clergy of the Neapolitan Provinces are paying homage to Victor Emanuel. The Arch Bishop of Naples returns to his See. The rumors of a new Sardinian loan are con tradicted. The Dowager Queen of Naples with the Yonng Princess arrived at Rome. The French are about to occupy Terracina. The Queen of Spain presented a rich sword to Guyon. It is reported that Gayon said he would not deliver the material belonging to the Bourbon troops who entered the Roman States, either to to Emmanuel or Francis. Vienna letters speak of a guarantee from the German Confederation and Russia for se curing Venetia to Austria as necessary for the security of Germany. The Bombay mail had reached England. England. There were vague rumors of a reduction of 25 per cent, on the duty on cotton and yarns. The result of our Presidential eon test is commented on with satisfaction in England. Terrible Shipwreck. TTe Braxilion Corvertte Donna Isabel waa shipwrecked on the Coast of Barbery and 100 seamen and 23 officers lost. The seigeof Gaeta continues. Colonel Pianelli surrendered his battallion of chaseners to the Piedmont. The insubordination among the chiefs of the Bourbon troops indicate that the complete evacntioo of Gaeta is resolved npon. A castle n ar Munich is prepared for Francis 2d. France asks the Piedmontese whether Garibaldi pro poses to attack Venetia in the spring with her unction. It is rumored that five Neapolitan provinces are in a statj of siege on account of the movements of the anti-annexationists. The province of Alvirri has partly risin en insurrection. The Peidmontese had occupied Terracina, but Antonclli protested and Guyon told, them to evacuate. A Naples dispatch says Francis 2d burst a blood vessel on the 2'Jd. Francs. The prohibition against the ex portation of iron has been abolished. Arrival ef fallferala Express. Fort Karkt, Dec, 5. The California ei- press of the 24 th has arrived. Trade waa dulL Attempts to force sales of Cuba sugars at no tion were unfavorably met, and the marker declined 11 cents. The Eastern feces demonstration are regretted. Major Scott ana Delaxon Smith are dead. $ 1 1 , j9f UTW Frazpr' River has been received at Victoria since November 4. 5egr Rlst. - A riot occurred at the Victoria theatre. The negroes, who had been assigned separate seats demurred and drove out the whites. The rir otcrs were arrested. Frem Slsseiri. LiDgpiNDisci, Mo., Dec 3. The N!w Mex ican mail of the 12th has arrived. Business at Santa Fe was very dulL News unimport ant. Fran CeergU. Mili.idgevii.ix, Dee. 3. The Retaliatory Bill passed tae House after the rejection ot Spray berry's amendment. The Sereteiea Xsvtseai. Washisotos, Dec. 3, Efening. A consul tation is holding between ssveral Delegates from the Southern States on the co-operation of the border States in the Secession move ments. The Union meeting of Representatives and Senators was postponed at the request of Mr. Crittenden. DbtaTkaace at Bts. Boston, Dec 8. After the dissolution of the John Brown meeting, bis sympathizers held a meeting at the Baptist colored church. A dis turbance was apprehended, and a battalion or infantry was held in readiness, bat the polk prevented the threatened disorder. Many of the leading business men and others largely out-voted the Abolitionists st the former meeting, the summary dissolution whereof wan viewed with general satisfaction.