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The Toiler ONE TEAR $1.50. SIX MONTHS 75c. I BUNDLE RATES I $1.00 Per Hundred Address all mail and make all checks parable to THE TOILER 3207 Clark Am. Cleveland, Ohio. Entered a- Second Class Matter, under the name 01 The Ohio Socialist, Fe..uary 21, 1917, at the Post Office at Cleveland, 0, Under Act of March 3, 1879. EDITOR .Elmer T. Allison Published Weekly by The Communist Labor Party of Ohio at Cleveland, Ohio. Telephone: Harvard S639. CLEVELAND, OHIO, FRIDAY, JUNE 11th, 1920. "Force and Violence"! With an astonishing amnlation and rapidity ths capitalist nations of the world and the different states which make up the United States of Amer ica have for two years or more been passing laws against the use of "force and violence" by insurgent and dissatisfied elements of the population in soaking to bring about governmental changes. Thousands have been arrested (unlawfully), followed by forcible do portation of hundreds. Thousands of private homes and workers' halls have been forcibly entered and raided. Hundreds have been beaten and slugged by the strong arm squad of a governmental department miscalled Department of Justice, Some have been murdered outright by the extreme cruelties and forcible measures used against them. Others have been driven insane. All this was bi ought about by the use of force and violence. Unlawful and inhuman use of force and violence. Unlawful and inhuman use of forco and violence by the government. This fact is now being admitted by some departments of the government. But its admittance is but a reflex or a pro vailing sentiment of the great mass of the people thruout the country. And iu so far as accomplishing the ends sought a mere mouse has been brought forth. No threatening movement of the masses, admitting that such existed, against constituted authority has been averted nor brought under authority. And it is safe to assert that none with courageous convictions will nor can be by these methods. While the capitalist governmcuts, state and national, have hypocritically waged a war against the use of force and violence, they have continuously practiced its use and have created the very sentiment they sought to prevent. Casting a backward glnnce over events of the past five years, we see a world blackened and in ruins with ten million graves as a result of the ap plication to the world's problems of the use of force and violence by capital istic agencies. After an orgy of such unprecedented slaughter, how hypocritical seem the protestations of Palmer and the henchmen of capitalism against the use of force and violence in the arena of poiltico-social affairs. Dripping with the blood of their fellow men, the capitalist conspirators profess their angelic, lily whitness and proceed to accomplish more slaughter and violence if the profits of their masters are menaced. Here are tho latest figures upon the slaughter of Europe under the rule of make believe advocates of "peace on earth, good will to man". FINAL WAE FIQUEES tr?p. WirW Ww redncea 016 l"Plarion of the earth 40.000,000. This -'s eeaUmate of the Society for the Study of the Social Consequences of the War, a Copenhagen organization. Its figures include war casualties, rise in deaths and decline in births. On this basis, Russia was the heaviest sufferer, losing 13,000,000; Ger many lost 6,300.000; Austria-Hungary, 5,800,000; France, 3,340,000, Italy, fc.280,00; Great Britain 1,850,000; Serbia, 1,650,00; Rumania, 570,00; Belgium, 375.000; Bulgaria, 275,000; America, 300.000. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace places the direct cost of this slaughter at 1186,000,000,000 and the indirect cost at $151,612,542,56i. All the wars between Napoleon's time and the World War showed a loss of life on the battlefield of only 4,450,000. The known dead of the World War battles total 9,998,771 and the musing 2,991,800 This is tho result of capitalism's control of life's necessities; the result of the control of all men's nteds by a parasitic few whose profits come first and the welfare of the masses last or not at all. This fact is the problem of today. It is especially the problem of the great suffering masses who pay thb terrific cost in blood and treasure. No worker can evade this issue. It will pursue him relentlessly. Whether he recognizes it at present or not, ultimately it confronts him and demands hit answer. The world is moving swiftly toward the point where we must directly face the overthrow of the rule of capitalism, the profiteering rule of the parasites and substitute that of the masses, the producers. We are nearing that point even in America. Old methods of workers' organization, old political theories are being cast aside for now ones which have brought success to tho workers in Europe. We must study the uses of theso weapons under con ditions prevailing here. Mass action, dictatorship of the proletariat, shop committees, these are tactics and oraaniratlon methods we workers must learn the meaning and the use of. We must prepare the groundwork upon which we are to erect a society wherein the use of "force and violence" will eventually become unneces sary. The masses only can accomplish this task. prepare the way against the up Parties in the Mm. upon matters of same individuals f. It bringb to the later. In this Debs was undoubtedly sincere in an attempt lor a political protest by the milUons of dissatisfied ww pressions of capitalism. His project was repudiated by tealization of the deep fundamental differences between For years Debs and the revolutionary attitude he the working class stiuggle have been bitterly fought by who now tender him the nomination. This fact is signific Huoawvu vu uuiui uicre can d dui one answer, xae omciaiaom who now control the Socialist Party bave not changed their moderate socialism into the revolutionary socialism of Debs. They like his position no less than form erly. Then why have they, in practically complete control of the convention, without a revolutionary following to force them to accept Debs, named him again tho nominee of their Party? It is a question that is on the tongues of thousands who see at a glance the inconsistency in the situation. There is but one answer. The same pollticial socialists who have fought Debs and bis revo lutionary attitude in the past now hope to garner a harvest of votes and a measure of prestige for their party by carrying his revered name at the head of their political ticket. This is the reason and there is no other. The Socialist Party is entering upon an entirely new phase of its life. It is now practically rid of all revolutionary elements and glories in that fact, it has repudiated the Third International, It has placed moderatism, political socialism, clearly above revolutionary mass acticr t has swung so far to the Bight that it almost meets itself coming bai. It is seeking votes, not socialist votes so much as "labor" votes, votes of the merely discontented. Non artisan League votes, any and all kinds of votes that will give it political popularity. Debs will OCt make his campaign. It will be made for him by the very ones he has opposed, upon a platform he has almost repudiated. It will not be Debs' campaign any more than it is a Debs platform, had he had the making of it. Debs' statement at the time of his acceptance of the nomination, in decrying the lack of stress in the adopted platform of the class struggle and of industrial unionism, that: "we can breathe the breath of revolution into any platform", is decidedly unsatisfactory. Undoubtedly Debs might perform a miracle of that sort had he an opportunity, but the opportunity is not his ami those who have his campaign in hand will not breathe a revolutionary spirit into it for they do not possess it within themselves. His hopes in this respect are bound to meet with disappoinment. The statement has been freely made that should Debs be made fully acquainted with the situation in the Movement and the development of the Eevolution all over the world, he would never accept this nomination. It wa3 in this belief, and in the further desire to accomplish a comradely duty that an unofficial committee of the Communist Labor Party visited him at At lanta prison. As best it could under the circumstances, this committee laid be fore him the entire situation including his own position in the world Revo lutionary Movement. It cannot now be said that Debs did not know. The nom ination has apparently been accepted in full possession of the facts. In ac cepting it Debs has definitely alligued himself with the moderates, the politi cals, the vote cheser, the compromisers, with the Party that has repudiated the tried and proven principles and tactics that lead to workingclass victory. a e What other thoughts weie in Debs' mind as he paced his prison quarters no one can say. Doubtless the faces of many friends, comrades came before him, many hard fought battles came again to mind, many ties of friendship tugged at his heartstrings. All presenting claims which insistently demanded their share, and would not, could not be denied. Phn. ,.-.. T" 1 I. . ... I . . . . . lu tuiiuoue udob uaa maoe an error in wis critical moment is our conviction. That he had not done so had at least have remained neutral for the while, is our wish. Circumstances have made him the plaything of forces stronger than he. They have made a tragedy of the ItfeMyat America 's most beloved. DEBS ACCEPTS - A TRAGEDY A matter that has been agitating the minds of thousands of radicals and socialists for some weeks has been set at rest by the acceptance by Eugene Victor Debs of the Socialist Party nomination for the Presidency. The divisions within the ranks of the socialists, the ousting of the "Lefts", or revolutionary elements from the Party by the more conservative "Bight wing", the formation of two Communist parties out of the Left group, the eventual split in the ranks of the Communist Party; the governmental repressions, deportations and persecutions especially of the Communists and Communists Laborites; the expulsion of the Socialist Assemblymen from the New York legislature tho reactionary stand taken by the Socialist Party in its convention; together with the fact of Debs own imprisonment at Atlanta rederal penitentiary, all have focused socialist attention upon the matter of the position of the former standard bearer of tho Socialist Movement toward his probable nomination for the fifth time of the highest office in tho gift of the American workingclass. In view of the fact that comrade Debs was shut away from participation in socialist activities and unable to receive but very little matter pertaining to Party affairs and developments in the movement, it was believed by most revolutionary elements in tho movement that he would decline to accept the nomination. Previous to the Socialist Party convention Debs had sought , unite the Communist Labor Party and the Socialist Party for harmonious campaign work at least, stating that doeper differences might be adjusted Proletarian Science History An economic Interpretation of history especially arranged for use ti a text-book for study classes, or for home study. By W. E. REYNOLDS. Copyright 1920. By W. E B. OUTLINE FOR CHAPTER XII. Beginning Use of electrical power in industry. Stenm, electric and gas-power machinory. Tools and Weapons . . .Modern firearms and massive ordinance, sub marines, aeroplanes, poison gas. Transportation On land, steam, electric and gas-propellod cars and vehicles. On water, steam, electric and gas propelled vessels of great proportions. In air, pns-propelled aeroplanes and dirigible hydro planes. Subsistence Sime as in previous periods, plus package foods, imitations and adulterations. Shelter Buildings of brick, lumber, stone, concrete and FteeL Clothing Samo as previous periods with more adultera tion; imitation furs, etc. Environment Greater scale agriculture, great industrial cities, mpid transit and communication. Tightening of class lines. Growth of tho penal system. Organization Monarchical, representative political govern ment. Vast armies and navies, police con stabulary and detective systems. Development of industrial unions. Great newspaper syndicates, groat libraries, schools, colleges, universities, churches, theatres and moving pictures, all con trolled in the interest of the dominant class. Arts and Institutions. .Beginning of air transportation. Air warfare. Wireless telegraphy and telephony. Beginning of nationalization of great industries. Develop ment of revolutionary groups, working for the abolition of tho wages-svstem. Duration From the year 186S to "the present time. CHAPTER TWELVE. Civilisation. (Modern Industry.) Tho upper age of civilization, known aS the age of modem industry, began with the appearance of tho electric motor. M. Faraday,, in 1831, discovered that an electrical conductor when moved in a magnetic field would generate an eleotro-raotive force. It was this discovery which made coanuiorcal electricity as a source of motive force possible. The ubc of electricity as a motive-force was brought into coonanwcial use about the year 1868. The economic urge underlying the development of commercial electrical power is to be found in the con centration of people in vast indusrial establishments with the consequent need of quick, frequent and smoke less street and intoTurban transportation. The same eco nomic urge forced the introduction of electro-motive force within the factori, chiefly in response to the speed-up system and tho piece-work pay phaee of the wages sysoan. The perfection of electrical devices made tho gas engine possible. The gas engine made possible tho auto mobile, aeroplane, hydroplane and other machines re quiring localized power. Gas and electric prWeT greatly reduced tho time element in transportation Vnd produc tion and thoroby again modii ed Uie social structure. In warfare as well ?.s production, gas and electricity made their power felt. The tank, submarine, caterpillar gums and tractors are some of the later developments of modern warfare. With the development of electricity came the art of electro-chemical anasylis and systhesis known as the electrolytic processes of industry. Nickle plating is done by the electrolytic process, as is also the extraction of gases from the atmosphere, the welding of wire and other metals, and in fact all processes of industry based upon the separation of electro-positive and electro-negative elements. The rapid development of the automobile industry togeither with the telephone, the rural free delivery and the parcels post brought city and country into closer relationship and drew tighter the lines of the class struggle in agricultural communities. The advent of the "flivver" marked the passing of the paternalistic re lations of agriculture and removed the 'hired-man' from the fireside to the bunk-house. Cold storage, imitation and adulterated foods now flood the market with a resultant general race deterior ation. It is a medical fact that 9(K of the American people are today in some way affected. The great ptre valance of diisea.se gave rise to the "breakfast food" and patent medicine industries. Concentration of industry led to a greater concentra tion of wealth, and also the concentration of people into great industrial centers. This raised the land values and furnished the economic motive for the erection of tho 'skyscraper' and the modem apartment house. The concetration of people in the cities, the forcible separation of the worker from the soil, due to the oper ation of the wages system, and private property in land, thus separating vast masses of people from the source of food supply, greatly intensified class antagonisms, which in turn developed the public and private police and penal institution to proportions hitherto unheard or'. Modem concentrated industry seeks to dispose of its surplus values, which are the direct products of the wages system, among the less developed people of the world in the form of loans and credits. Thus armies and navies develop as an international police force for the purpose of collecting the interest and guaranteeing the principal of theso loans. In other words the military resources of the nations having reached the stage of modem industry are used as collection agencies for the modem industrial capitalists. The industrial proletariat developed along with modem concentrated industry. Centralized industry fur nished the economic base for the class or industrial union. The passing of the craft form of industrv marked the passing of the utility of the craft union. The devel opment of the class or industrial union is due to a con scious recognition on the part of the industrial proletar ian of his class position in modern society. T8he class antagonism growing out of the develop ment of modem industry transferred the class war from the domain of theorizers and parliamentarians to an ever increasing belligerency on the part of both classes involved. The weapons of this warfare are at first in tellectual: on the part of the dominant class, great news paper syndicates, endowed magazines, schools, colleges, universities, libraries, churches and Sunday-schools, theatres, moving pictures and lecture platforms are used to control the mental processes of the workers bv a propaganda seeking to justify the continued existence of the dominant class. Overuling economic necessity forces a recognition of the futility of purely intellectual propaganda, causing the dominant class to develop their forces of physical coercion, such as state constabulary, private detective agencies, hired thugs, state militia and other public and private coercive forces. Intellectual propaganda on the part of the dominant class was met by propaganda in kind on the part of tho working class. When tho dominant class entered the field of coercive force they forced the development of industrial unionism with its propaganda of industrial solidarity. The arts institutions of the present era are so in tricately interwoven with the industrial process that it would require space far beyond the proportions of this volume to enumerate and differentiate them. Wireless telegraphy and telephony and tho exper iments now being carried on in the transmission of wireless power together with the quest for the secret of inter-atomic energy, gives us a glimpse of a coming new order of society based upon the transmission of wireless power or the unlocking of inter-atomic energy. Tho age of modem industry began in 1868 and still continues. SUMMARY. Tho epoch of civilization began with the invention of the phonetic alphabet and the adoption of the Solo nic Law. The middle age of civilzation began with the in vention of tho steaan engine. The upper age of civilization began with the appenr ance of the electrio motor and still continues. Wo have now traced tho development of industrv, and hence the rnciaJ history, from the club in the hands of the primitive savage on upward to the hand tool of the craft ago and onward through tho shop, factorv, partnership, company, corporation, trust, and interna tional syndicate. As industry developed the class an tagonism become ever more pronounced, and tho clas lines clearer, and now wo are at tho parting of the ways The question confronting us now is; shall industrv dovolop along the lines desired by the olass conscious c-lomont of the workers, into a socially controlled mechanism for the service of all mankind? Upon tho unswer to this question depends the name of tho coming opt oh of history. (Continued on page 4.) SOVIET TRADE ENVOYS RECEIVED IK SWEDEN GREETED AKD ACCLAIMED BY THE TOILERS OF SWEDEN. By F. J-b. A. unique oeeurance. ami one that L destined to be repeated in every capi talist country or the world, took place in Stockholm on March SI, when, what may be termed "The Oirst Commercial Commission of tho Firrt Socialist Re public in the World" broke thru the cordon samtaire ef the i mnorialia-; . world and arrived in Sweden, where it was given royal welcome by the toilers of that country. "The Politiken" of April first carries the following inter esting and vivid account of the event, which, tho late, will undoubtedly bo read with interest in this country! SOVIET RU88IA'S FIRST COM MERCIAL COMMISSION. A pieee of world histnrv yesterday. The blockade 'policy of the Kntente and its vassal states against Soviet Russia has miscarried beyond redemption, and Sweden is the first lounirv to oe accorded the honor of receiving a Russian !oir,merii fm. mission. This delegation, whose arrival nas oeen looked forward to with great anticipation, arrived in Stockholm at five o'clock yesterday afternoon on tho steamer Oihonna. As early as three o 'clock a considerable number of spec tators and friends of Soviet Russia had assembled. Among those, who wore present when the steamer landed were the representative in Sweden of the Soviet Government, Friedrik Strom; Wilhelm TIellherg, Socialist attorney; Zeth Hoglund and C. N. Carleson, edi tors of the Politiken; Carl Vinborg, member of parliament; and many other Left Wing Socialists Local Stockholm of the Left Wing was represented by Kinar Ljungberg, who carried an im posing wreath, deecrated with red rib bnn. intended for L. B. Krassin. In addition to these there were at tho gangplank a half-score of young ladies loaded with flowers. Among those who undoubtedly await ed the steamer with greatest anxiety w:is Mrs. Krassin and her children. Mrs. Krassin, it will be noted, has been living in Sweden for a few years and Mr. Krassin can therefore during his visit stay under his own roof something that tbe other members of the commission cannot do. The fow Russian friends of the Soviet Ropub lie (Russians still remaining in Stock holm) were also represented thru Pro. fessor Smirnoff. Late in the evening the Politiken succeeded in arranging an interview with Mr. Krassin, who in spite of the manv hardships of the journey oblig ingly put himself at our disposal. Regarding the chief aims of the com mission. Kranssin pointed out that, the commercial policy of Russia is based on the following principles: The ennntrv in n4 nreaont in. iuri o a large amount of commodities, which may be divided into two categories. First, industrial products like shoes, clothes, etc., and, second, different kinds of machinery and tools, neces sary for the reconstruction of industry. Tho commodities of the first class are keenly needed, Russia must for the present get along without them because her gold fund does not permit the purchase of mere articles of im mediate consumption. The principal needs of Soviet Russia are locomotives and other railroad materials essential to the increase of the country's pro ductive powers, and to obtain these is the foremost purpose of the commis sion. There are in Russia, and especially in Siberia, enormous stocks of raw ma terial, such as grain, leather, flax, fats and minerals especially graphite; but these cannot bo moved until the war caeses since all available means of transportation must be used for war purposes. In the course of the conversation Mr. Krassin releated that during the past 1 years no less than 2,500 rail roid bridges have been constructed or put in order. Among these is the im portant 8yrenian bridge over the Volga. 3,000 kilometers of railroad track have also been laid. Besides this everything possible has been done to bring trans portation back to normal. Krassin emphasized that for theso essential commodities, locomotives and other railroad materials, Russia is wil ling to pay in gold. In addition to her own gold resources Rnssia has, thru the defeat of Kolchak, come into possession of great masses of gold which this Czarist general bad turned over to the Checho-Slovaka. With the needed lo comotives in operation Russia will be in ncition to move grain to the cities and at the same time revive transpor tation of commodities and raw ma terials. Mr. Krassin then referred to the com mercial relations between 8weden and Rusbis, and in his capacity of industrial engineer praised tho Swedish metal industry very highly and considored the Swedish constructors as the foremost in tho world. Russia is anxious to buy locomotives immediately n-nn oweuen ami wui pay cash in geld, and is willing to deliver, grain to Sweden later when, with the iH nf these locomotives, transportation hi. omes normal. The blockado was also lourhl nrtnn in the conversation, and Krassin said that Russia has not as yet received official notification of its cessation. Thus, it is still in offect, and Russia docs not want to send out any ships because of the risk of being captured. One of the main conditions for ne gotiations with England and other countries is that there must be no demand for a change in the consti tution of 8ovlct Russia, which is based on tho dictatorship of the proletariat, the 8olet form of government, and tho socialisation of Industry and other means of production. On the matter of the form of government Russia cannot permit foreign Intervention. It is understood that this demand must be ronpected if the Entente powers sin emtjr intend to establish relation! with Russia.