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The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, June 25, 1920, Image 4

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UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY
RMED BY COMMUNIST GROUPS
COMMUNIST LABOR PARTY AND K'rrs ;
... r, ,,, .....,.. ..n-r, . ttat there might bt tw division on
MAJUK1 1 I Ur UJMMUNia 1 r AK-
TY UNITE THROUGH SECRET
CONVENTION.
From a copy of the "Communist ' ',
which declares itself the ''official
organ of the United Communist Par
ty," we reprint the following story
describing the unity convention of the
Communist Party and the Communis
Labor Party:
The Convention of the
Revolutionists.
During the first week of September,
1919 th,ere were organized in the
United States two Communist part it's.
Within two months both parties to
gether had completed an enrollment of
more than 40,000 dues-paying members.
The prospects pointed to a quick in
crease to 60,000, perhaps 70,000:
about three-fourths of the former So
cialist Party membership.
Along came the Lusk Committee
raids and arrests in New York; also
sporadic arrests elsewhere in connec
tion with the November 7th celebra
tion. Organization of Communists was
checked. Came an ominous lull then the
avalanche of the New Year the
Palmer nation wide raids, arrests, bru
talities. At the end of January Secretary
of Labor Wilson held that" alien mem
bers of the Communist Party were
subject to deportation. Communists
members of both parties were brand
ed as outlaws in the courts of New
York and New Jersey. Like results ap
peared imminent in Massachusetts, Il
linois, Michigan, California, Ohio, In
diana, in many other states
No longer were there party head
quarters, neither national, state, nor
active party otticiais wen
not at once achieved, it was not until
noon of the seventh day that this issue
was decided conclusively.
Neither side was fully conscious of
the undercurrent of sentiment on the
other side. Factional controversies of
early a year's standing surcharged the
atmosphere with suspicion suspicion
not only across tue line but within
each camp. None of the delegates were
willing to surrender their reservations
until after a long series of debates,
some of little intrinsic importance,
many on basic questions of Communist
understanding and practice questions
which had never before been really
faced in United States.
One delegate hit upon the most
salient truth about this convention in
the remark that, in contrast to any
other convention in which ho hail
taken part either in Europe or Amer
ica, this convention had met squareb
every essential issue and debated it
fully to its ultimate solution.
There were three separate advance
sessions of the two parties. To each
of these conventions was presented the
tentative draft of a Program and
Constitution previously prepared by
a Joint Committee: Damon, Caxton
and Fisher. O, P.. and Brown, Klein
and Dubner, C. L.P
During the second of these sessions,
a message came to the C. P. convention
that the C.L.P. convention had accepted
the agreements of the Joint Committee as
a bisis for unity, reserving all amend
ments for joint discussion.
At this moment the C. P. conven
tion had under consideration a sub
stitute Manifesto, Program and Const i-
but the old
local. The
in jail or were fugitives. No meetings tution presented by Ford for the New
could be held without inviting arrests. I York District delegation. The debate
Verv little money could be raised even j quickly centered on the declaration as
for defense and relief of prisoner, (to ''mass action", it being conceded
By February 1920 the two thriving ' that the Joint Committee Program was
parties of October 1919 had vanished i more acceptable as an entirety. The
The Luskers and Palmerites had done 'main contention was that the Joint
their work completely, perfectly. This ' Committee had not used direct ami un
country was immunized from the I equivocal language as to force. It was
"red' terror the terror which answered that the criticism was only
haunts the world. . .
be any doubt but that the Program
ntivttn .Innvl. 1. nvtvi.,,1 ..,.aH n .n
ii u it ill i t iv ai nil -i it, tilt an 1,111
the issues to come up
party division was gone.
A bolt of nine or ten of the C. P
delegate was started. Klein (C.L.P.) j
re introduced the motion to proceed
with the discussion of the Program
and Peace was restored.
The opening debates were sparring
matches, with a strong undercurrent of
nervousness. Threescore persons, en
gaged in a criminal conspiracy, spent
two hours to decide whether capital
ism breaks down in that it fails to
"produce" the needs of life, or
whether the collapse is due to the
failure to "provide". After consider
able uncertainty the argument prevail
ed that capitalism, in spite of all its
equipment, stultifies production; the
wheels of industry turn only at the
call of profit, regardless of all cap
abilities for production; crisis or no
crisis, capitalism has never functioned
to "provide" the needs of the masses...
In the playfulness of this debate
was expressed relaxation and the fore
stalling of another premature clash.
Tim was the safe way of "getting
acquainted" the suppressed form of
the struggle for unity.
Restrained resentment and suspicion
broke louse into a furious storm during
the next session. At the first state
ment in the Program concerning the
overthrow of the capitalist system it
was insisted that the word "forcible".
be added. Likewise, at the first men
tion of "conquest of political power"
it was demanded that there be added
"by the use of armed force." One
amendment was piled upon another a
veritable "force" panic.
Tn vain was it argued that this part
of the Program contained only pre
liminary definitions, statements of the
goal to be achieved; that the Program,
under appropriate subdivisions, gave
full attention to the methods of action;
stand by itself, but is the inevitable
that the item of armed force does not
culminating aspect of "mass action";
that this tactic must be presented In
its develonmental. character armed up
rising as the unavoidable sequence of
the advancing class conflict.
The C. L. P. delegates, for the
of words: that there could not possibly most part, were ready lor a test ot
sire isn ;i"uinsi iiic v.. i. mct-uu-
Sometime recently, somewhere
tween the Atlantic and Pacific, be
tween the Gulf and the Great Lake?
two groups of elected delegates as
sembled as the Unity Conference of the
Communist Party and the Communist
ultimate and inevitable form of "mass
action. "
Personal suspicion stimulated this
argument. The outside group of the 0.
P. the majority members of tho Cen-
Labor Party. Of the former, 32; ofi" executive Lomrmtice-nau manu-
nr,A nno frntnrnal Hoi. I JaCUirt U IUC JSSUe Ul lUrce as a UOIIl-
the latter. 25,
egate; also a representative of the
Executive Committee of the Communist
International. These 59 delegate came
together from all parts .of the United
mates, "held sessions fdr seven days,
debated every issue with absolute
thoroughness, laid out the plan of work
for the United Communist Party; all
under the most perfect circumstances
conceivable for such a convention.
One who holds in his hand the
scroll upon which is inscribed the
record of this mysterious gatheri'V is
amazed, for one thing, at the roll of
delegates. Communist Party and Com
munist Labor Party but all these
strange namost Not one of the 1919
Communists present! Search the roll
again; not one familiar name. Re
markable achievement of the Lusk
Palmcr Inquisition not one of the
1919 Communists in the list!
In spite of the fact that these
delegates came together on a call for
a "Unity Conference," in spite of
all realised of the fearful blow it
would be to the Communist move-
inant item in the C. P. split. There
had never been such a factional issue.
But the Easten delegates particularly
were determined to make certain that
there would be nothing about the hand
ling of this subject which might leave
a loophole for the C. P. opposition.
Agreement was reached for the re
vision of the Program in a number of
particulars, the C. P. delegates to sup
port these amendments as a unit. The
C. P. convention further bound its
members on the issue of federations;
also, to retain the C. P. name and em
blem. The first joint session opened with
a spirited dispute as to election of
comimttees. Some of the C. P. dele
gates insisted upon discussion of the
Program as the first order of business.
They said that they wera not ready
to commit themselves as to joint pro
ceedings until tho Program was dis
posed of. This brought forth angry
protest: it served as a challenge to the
group unity of the C. L. P. It wns
urged that unity had been achieved by
coming together on the basis of the
ment in this country if unity were Joint Committee Program and Con-
cilables. " They were conscious that
this minority would have to accept
defeat, since the point to be voted
was onlv on what page something
should be stated in the Program. Others
sensed too much danger of misunder
standing behind such a vote, too much
anger where agreement could easily be
reached. Caxtoa moved to recommit
this part of the Program, then to ad
journ. There were some protests, but
the motion prevailed. Meanwhile the
tension was relaxed by the brilliant
satirical speech of Sherwood, whose
Yankee wit was the perfect antidote
for passionate argument on an art
ificially stimulated issue.
The C. P. night caucus which follow
ed, the amendments proposed by the
Joint Committee, and a decision to dis
pose first of the section on "Mass
Action," gave the convention smooth
sailing the next morning.
A spirited debate ensued on the
proposition to limit nominations to
legis lativc officers, according to tho
clause of the C. P. program.
The issue was not clear-cut,
since the anti-parliamentarians took the
side of limiting nominations as one
way of expressing opposition to all
nominations. Brown (C. L. P.) and
some of the C. P. speakers argued
directly against nominations of any kind.
Damon (C. P.) contended that this
clause was needed to discourage petty
nominations by local units of the party,
Raphailoff (C. L. P.) Caxton (C. P.)
Malcolm (C.iL,. P.) and others pointed
out that tajS general proposition of
parliamentary action was not involved
in this debJFthat to the extent we
were to hwJT any nominations at all
it was indispensable, under the Amer
ican system, to name the "head of the
ticket", the president, governor or
mayor; that this clause had been
written into the C. P. program under
the misconcepntion that this was the
proper method of meeting the "mini
sterial question," the fact being that
the Socialist ministers in Europe had
all been elected as legislative can
didates; that in this country tho So
cialists whether elected to legislative
or executive offices had all behaved
equally badly; that, finally, it was no
occasion to worry about the actions
f a Communist presidet. because the
revolution would forestall this con
tingency, and that minor executive
officers could serve just as well to be
thrown out of office as the Communists
elected to the legislatures.
By a close vote the paragraph was
retained, but the limitation is of no
immediate practical moment since the
convention further went on record
against all nominations during the
1920 campaigns.
On the third day occured the longest
and most stubborn debate of the con
vention, that on idnustrial unionism.
This was another three cornered affair.
The C. P. convention had passed up
the question of the I. W. W. because
it was apparent that this question
could not be settled by agreement.
Perhaps two-thirds of the C. P. deleg
ates favored a direct endorsement of
the I. W. W. and a program of co
operation, reserving criticsm of the
I. W. W. theorizing. The other CP.
delegates considered the I. W. W. as
essentially no better than the A. F. of
L., citing the reactionary character
of the I. W. W. in some of the East
em cities. All of the C P. delegates
were agreed upon an absolute stand
against the A. F.of L. as an inherently
anti-revolutionary organization which
must be destroyed.
On the other hand, there was a
strong current in the C. L. 1 .
ranks for a treatment of the subject
.. . m 1
of industrial unionism rrom a general
view point which would neither include
direct endorsement of the I. W.J W.
nor absolute condensation of the A.
F. of L. The lead in this debate was
taken bv Dawson who argued that
the A. F. of L. must be considered
fmm !. nnirln nf the local unions, not
frnm the side of the Gompers official
dom; that industrial unionism was
having a development in many fields
aside from the J. w. w.; mat mi
nced was for a call to a new general
the central theme of the sontrary
industrial union, a new Une liig
Union.
rt clilnc Hum wai not mlv :i
close analysis "offlhe proper function
Or a uommuniDt pane m ttiuuctuwu
with the unions, but also a wealth of
illustrative material out of actual shop
and union experience. Machinists, min
ers and shin-builders fesed their prac
tical understanding wllli the more ab
stract conceptions of those whose
vision was focused on the ultimate re
volutionary clash. The cleavage was
not between "intellectuals" and "rank
and file," but between workers in the
industries who had undergone con
trasting forms of experience.
The original Joint Committee pro
posal on this subject had been taken
over from a draft by the Chicago
District Committee. Dozens of amend
ments and substitutes were brought be
fore tho convention, but finally the
section as adopted as originally pre
sented. As a result of the debate, how
ever, tho Committtee opened the sub
ject for reconsideration the next day,
presenting two amendments which were
accepted. In the sentence. "A Com
munist who belongs to the A. F. of L.,
on account of absolute job necessity
should size every opportunity to voice
his hostility to this organization,
not to reform it but to destroy it, ' '
there was eliminated the phrase "on
account of absolute job necessity."
The sentence, "A stronger I. W. W.
must be built," was stricken out.
The unity issued flared up again
on tho question of party name. On
the first vote there were 22 count
ed for "Communist Party," 24 against.
A roll call was demanded; The C. P.
names were read first; 30 votes were
recorded for "Communist Party."
The C L. P. delegates resented
what they considered a coercive
vote without any chance for discussion.
An indignation speech was made by
Flynn which proved the moral power of
effective minority criticism; with the
opening of the next session came a
ballot vote on "United Communist
Party" or "Communist Party" with
"united" written underneath. The
vote was 33 to 22 for "United Com
munist Party."
This appeared to the real achieve
ment of unity, the breakdown of the
old party lines... But there were still
the elections.
t ' 9
Two important debates came under
the consideration of the Constitution,
one on party centralization, the other
on federations.
In the first instance the issue of
centralization came up on the amend
ment making the C. E. C. appointment
ami removal ot organizers subject to
the approval of the district executive
committees. On the one side it was
argued that this meant the substitu
tion of autonomous districts for auto
nomous federations, a central executive
shorn of real authority and real cap
ability of action; that democracy was
not to be obtaned by decentralization
but only by some effective means for
control of the central authority th:.t
district committees would lend them
selves more easily to factional mnntnn.
lation than the central committor Meet.
ed in a national convention by dele
gates well known to the members. It
was urged that an underground partv
must have the possibility of instant
desision and action bv a small commit
tee; it must act as a sinn-le nine lii tin
else it can nevnr ctril-n n ):..:..'
- wb.ii.v u uctiatn-
blow.
Lack of confidence in officials was
argument. The party affairs, it was
urged, must bo brought nenrer hn
control of the rank and file. The
central committees had t.non
breeding place of factional contro
versies. It was not asking much to
give me district committees a
veto in the choice of the
upon whom their work depended.
ipon the nrst vote the amendment
was declared adopted. It then appeared
that some of the aeiegates had mis
conceived the proposition to be one of
appointing all organizers "from the
top downward," that is, sub-district
section, branch and group organizers
as well as the district organizers. A1
motion to reconsider was made and
declared lost. Then followed a keen
parliamentary battle, led by Damon,
which finally resulted after three roll
calls in a reversal of the original
vote, 34 to 20.
On the federation question the Joint
Committee haTJ come to no agreement.
In curious contrast to the history of
last Summer, it was tho C.L.P com
mittee members who wore loath to take
v. rigorous stand against federations.
At tho convention the C. L. P. deleg
ate! took no group stand on this ques
tion. Two plans wcro presented, one
for tho C. P. delegates by Damon, the
other by Dubner and Rnphniloff for
tho federation members of tho C. L. P.
The debato was largely between the
federation delegates on both sides.
The principal controversy was as to
the existence of national executive
committees for the language groups,
this proposal being decisively voted
down.
t
Late in the afternoon of the fourth
day of the joint sessions it was decided
to proceed with elections of party of
ficials. There had been many hours of
caucusing on each side as to elections.
Regardless of the sentiment of the con
ventio expressed by a majority
vote against further caucuses, neither
side was willing to risk a surrender of
its group strength.
A motion was made by Spark (C. P.)
that the C. E. C. be composed of
the five C. P. delegates and four C.
L. P. delegates receiving the highest
votes, without contest as between the
C. P. and C. L. P. candidates. The
motion was not supported.
Brown and Caxton were the nomin
ees for International Secretary. Brown,
30, Caxton 23.
With two to elect, there were four
nominees for International Delegate.
The vote 6tood Damon 30, Meyer
(C. L. P.) 28, Caxton 26, Barry (C. L.
P.) 26... The lines were not holding;
four C. P. votes had been divided be
tween Meyer and Barry.
Then came ten nominations for the
nine places on the C. E. C. Damon,
Scott, Reinhardt, Delion, Zemlin, (C.
P.); Meyer, Klein, Flynn, Brown,
Dawson, (C.L.P.). These were the
caucus nominations. Obviously the C.
L. P. caucus had determined to avail
itself of the dissensions in the CP.
ranks and to attempt to elect a major
ity of the committee.
At the night session was announced
the result of the balloting; Damon,
8cott, Klein, Flynn, 29; Brown 33,
Dawson, 32, Meyer, 30; Reinhart, 26;
Delion, Zemlin, tied at 24.
Damon, Scott and Reinhart quickly
offered their resignations. A bitter dis
cussion was precipitated. Both sides
had played for "control" and the
result had been a boomerang; for how,
it was urged, could the C. P. delegates
report back to their members that they
; nan neen outwitted in strategy in a
j way to give the minority control of
I the united party? Even' though the
! fault was that of the C. P. delegates
themselves, how could that remedy the
j outside situation!
The C.L.P speakers vehemently
j answered that what was done was the
result ot the will ot the convention;
that it was outrageous for members to
resign from the C. E. C. simply because
they felt they could not boss the com
mittee and the party; that, after all,
j this outcome of the elections would be
the best proof to the members that the
old party lines had hcen forgotten.
A motion for a recess of half an
hour was adopted. Then began the tug
of war which went into the middle
of the night, only to bo resumed the
next morning the two gTOups, ap
parently completely welded, now
standing sharply apart as CP. and
C.L.P. The convention vanished; in its
place were two caucuses, with commit
tees for interchango of offers and
counter-proposals.
The strained item in the C. P. camp
had been an attack upon Caxton, based
on the "majority" C. P. criticisms.
In the C. P. caucus, after long discus
sion, he had been nominated for the
C. E. C, 18 to 9. Later Caxton with
drew his name. Now it was insisted
his name reintroduced, making
Zemlin first substitute. The C.L.P. off-red
to substitute Caxton for Brown
as International Secretary.
The last morning found the situation
deadlocked. To open the convention
again meant to give the CP. the ad
vantage of the renewed caucus pressure
in favor of solidarity for CP. control,
all questions of personality aside. The
issue of control having been precipitat
ed by the turn of the elections, the
CP. delegates were in no mood to
give up their demand for a majority of
tho C.E.C.
The CP. delegates made only one
demand, to reopen the convention. It
was for the other side to make the
next ynove. . .
There is nothing in the official re
cord which suggests under what sort
of surroundings all these things hapen
ed. As a matter of fact the physical
surrounding had a very important part
in the struggle for unity; which is not.
at all illuminating to the reader who
is asked to wait a few years for a
description of these surroundings.
Besides, how is one to visualize one
group of delegates in heated argument,
while the other group is engaged in the
singing of revolutionary songs, mostly
Russian, how is one to iamigne all
this without something in the way of
special dimensions The singing group
marches halfway toward the arguing
group a challenge to unity, the song
of the Internationale and reluctantly
marches back to its own meeting place.
There is a committee conference. Be
fore the report comes back the lines
are formed for a new march, this time
to go all the way. Agreement is re
ported: a C. E. C. of ten members,
the five C.L.P. candidates to stand
elected, five CP. members now to be
chosen. The march proceeds; it is the
only report to the' anxious C.L.P.
delegates; the two groups merge into
one another, all singing the Interna
tionale. There is the grasping of hands,
the embrace of comradeship; nothing
is said there is too much feeling for
speech... Unity is achieved...
'
Recapitulating, the C. E. C. stands:
Damoi, Scott, Reinhart, Delion, Cax
ton; Brown, Dawson, Klein, Flynn,
Meyer. Alternates, in the following
order, Zemlin (CP.) Dubner (C.L.P),
Stone (CP.), Jones (C.L.P.), Kcrker
(CP.), Malcolm (C.L.P.), Kazbeck
(CP.), Logan (C.L.P.)
For International Secretary, Caxton
replaces Brown; Damon and Meyer
stand as International Delegates; Scott,
alternate for Damon, Barry, alternate
for Meyer.
An American convention of Com
munists. Yet there was, moro likely
than not, a majority of "foreigners",
though the division was fairly even.
But these were Communists who were
vitally concerned about the class
struggle in America, men and women
who really expected to take part in
this struggle; not those who toyed
with the Communist movement here as
a method of ingratiating themselves in
Moscow.
It was one of the most inspiring
things about this convention to hear
delegates painfully struggling with
tho English language, no longer de
pending for expression on the artificial
foreign-language caucuses of prior
oenventions, but making themselves
one with all the other delegates in
defiance of barriers of language or
nationality.
Perhaps this was the greater "un
ity" achievement of this convention....
Again and again the sentence was
heard: "We have' crossed the Rrrbi-'
con." Every delegate was in the hands
of his fellows; all subject to imprison
ment, deportation, social and economic
displacement. Yet most of the time,
not without thanks to the irrepres
sible wit of tho convention secretary,
Smyth, the whole affair seemed like
a jollification. Or perhaps it was the
grim seriousness of it all that chal
langed relief in playfulness!. . .
A revolutionary movement driven
"underground" is apt to be driven
away at the same time from its own
petty animosities and quibbles. Forced
to face the life and death character of
the combat, it is likely to discard pre
tenses, evasions, purposeless quarrels
about persons. Confusion gives way
to clarity; hesitation yields to stern
determination.
A convention of revolutionists
a convention which relentlessly search
ed the truth of its every word aud
the heart of its every delegate
The Development ot Production
Under the Soviets
NEW YORK A minute and frank
description of intcu.nl conditions in
Russia is contained in the report of
the All-Russinn Central Executive Com
mittee, held in Moscow February 2,
the full text of which has just been
obtained by the Soviet Russia bureau
here. In the reports of Nicolai Lenin,
Leon Trotzky, of Rykov, presiibnt of
the Supremo Council of National Eco
nomy, and of other peoples' eommisars.
there are reflected the actual exigencies
against which tho government is
struggling and tho methods by which
it proposes to solve thorn
Lenin's report dealt primarily with
Russia's foreign relations. The pre
mier declared that the victorious ponco
with Esthonia was concluded in spite
of the powerful efforts of the White
Onards, and that there was hope that
the laboring masses of Poland, Georgia
and Azerbaijan would force the same
action.
"In the east the prestigo of soviet
Russia is very high," Lenin assorted.
"The colonies, who have themselves
experienced the oppression of greedy
imperialism, are more and moro in
clined to ally themselves with us. Our
task is a compact union of smJ' na
tion against imperialism."
Lenin announced as the chief points
of internal policy the abolition of
capital punishment, the institution of
labor inspection, the development and
unification of all cooperatives under
the soviet state, the organization of
the labor armies, and the electrifica
tion of tho country's industrial cent
ers. Rykov ' report pointed dot that the
disintegration of the country's indu
strial life was reflected in every Ku
ropcan country as the result of the
world war, and a prime need tf all
was the resumption of full commorcial
relations.
"Although available stores of raw
materials have been greatly depicted,
we are still able to exchange a certain
amount of such materials for goods
needed by us," he stated, "Wo are
able immediately to export not less
than two million poods of flax (72,
000.000 lbs.) several million pieces of
nil kinds of furs, a great Quantity of
platinum, about 100,000 poodj (3,600,
000 lbs) of bristles, and great amounts
of lumber. In exchango for this, we
I will accept only such goods as aro
indispensable for the rehabilitation of
I the basic productive enterprises of the
' country.
"The nationalization of the means
of production has developed rapidly in
all fields of industrial production. At
the present time we have in our hands
about 4.000 nationalized factories, in
I ether words, we have been ablo to
' rationalize not only the big industries,
but also n considerable number of
sma'lcr enterprises.
1 "During the past two years wo
u.ive endeavored to concentrate avail
pble supplies of raw material, fuel,
and labor in such factories ns are best
organized and moBt up to date. This
process of concentration has progress
id very rapidly; 30 percent of all the
enterprises hnvc been unfiod into a
socialistic 'trust'. The number of
wnrkingmcn in these factories Is 71
per cent. We find that by concentrat
ing 74 per cent of the industrial labor
in 30 per rent of our factories wc have
been able to economize on overhead
expenses to a great extont.
"Ouf ot Important problem at
in' time is the reconstruction of the
.nenns cf transportation, and thereafter
to create large reserve funds of fool
supplies, fuel and raw materials, which
will form a basis for a rational organ
ization of the economic life of the
country."
Rykov discussed at groat length tha
problems connected with the exploita
tion of the immonso national wealth
of the country. Immense stores of slate
pent, coal and oil are now available.
Especially, there are great supplies of
slate and peat in the Volga valley, ho
said.
"Tho utilization of slate is a new
field, which received no attetntion in
Rusiu during the former regimes, but
which has been fully studied and
worked up by the Soviet Government,"
Rykov dcclnred. "Tho preliminary ex
periments in this field have been com
pleted, and two big government plants
are now exclusively exploiting the
slate deposit. Deposits of slnte and
peat are immenso Thoy exist in north
tnn Russia ns well ns in the Volgi
valley. This kind of fuel is very bulky
and cannot be transported Poat and
slute must bo utilized on the spot, and
elcctrikal energy derived therefrom
niado lo supply the needs of the sur
rounding territory. This condition led
iho Supreme Council of Nntionnl Econ
omy eighteen months ago to under
take the building of gigantic powfr
ItatlcM which would use on the pr-t
the available peat and slnte supplies.
Provincial cities and rural organizat
ions have also taken steps for the
i Icetrificatlnn of their territory. It is
iiecessry to consolidate these efforcs
and to create n unified, centralized
i-yMom of supplying electric power,
wcreby the utmost nttention must lid
peon lo supplving electricity to the
rural communities. The realization of
l"noe plans would greatly acrelebiato
the development of relations hctwwn
the cities and rural communities."
After outlining the success of the
soviet army on the various fronts,'
Trotsky emphasized the necessity fir
the establishment of universal labor
service, which under a Socialist stiit,-,
he stated, was a vory different matter,
from compulsory labor under conditions:
r , i - L.' it. .1 -, 1 I
oi private ownersnip. ne ueciari-u mat,
the enthusiasm of the Red Army must
be borrowed by the workers, and that
the p-'nsants particularly must be
educated in the role which they must
pl.av for thtir own salvation.
"Our most dangerous front at this
time is the economic front," he said.
"Our greatest problem at the present
moment is the organization of a largo
rc.ierve of supplies. Thcro is no denbt
that we shall solve this prcblem as
we have solved all our problems,
IharVs to the heroism of the working
class. "
The inspiring of the railroad work
ers with a full sense of tho necessity
for rebuilding Russia's transported io-i
was emphasized also by Krassin, poo
pies' commissnr of Ways and Commu
nications, who Joclarcd that trans
portation crisis now prevails not only
In Ruatla, but in every other European
country. Krniuin stated that the ef
fort of sections of the Ited Army di
verted to rnilroad service had within
one month increased the number of suply
trains to Moscow by 20 per cent, nnd the
:ut ices of many thousands of the
labor army would soen rebuild the
country's rail system
1 The I'ommisisr of Supplies, Zurupa.
repnrtod the existence of supplies of
rrain .r0 per rent greater than nt the
i corresponding period in 1910, but If
r...l tl.nl It V,.,l ,l Utmasl 1 9 I
('1)0.000 pounds of grain, 231,000,000 ef
menr, 828,000,000 of petatres, and 3,
i"ii.DO0 ef dried vegetnbVs ZarupS
Mated that the willingness oi the
pinsant population rroularly to sup
ply fnodatnffs wss rapidly Increasing,
hnd that the oimmltsariat wat devel
oping means of distributing game and
dairy products from the agricultural
districts to the cities.
Because of the criticism ancouuter
cd by this department, ihc Executive
Committee appointed a committee of
throe to reorganize its activities. The
committee eonMsted of one member
each from the Executive committee, the
Commissfcrint and the All-Russian
Council of Trade Unions.
o
Tin: UNITED STATES CHAMBER
OF PROFITEERS.
(Continued from page 1-st.)
held in Atlantic city, as mentioned.
They knocked the soldiers bonus with a
sledgo hammer, and every oko knows
why. They hissed Matt Woll, Gompers
right hand man off the stago when
he attempted to say something against
Allen's Kansas Slavery law. And whyt
Of course this is nnother law of Moses
to them, and bless you there wis
Hennery .lav Allen fat joweled, hook
nosed, shining like n morning sun
flower, one of tho honored guests of
the occasion. IIo had his Industrial
Hull thero, of course. Hnenery'n Bull
must have been of good service there
for right now tho U. 8. 0, of C.
is taking a vote of its club und little
"mo too" orgnnintioi throughout
the country making tho strike of cm
ployees of public service corporations
a crime, somewhat as follows:
"The recommendations drnfted by
the chamber's public utilities com
mittee were that strikes by employes
of till public aervico corporations
should be eiplicitly prohibited and
that suitable tribunals should be
crented to adjudicate differences be
tween such employes nnd their em
ployers, decisions to bo final and
binding on boll parties."
til
You know how the vote will be of
course, so do we. I'll bet that when
Hennery Jay notes how bis good work
is spreading thst ho will feel prouder
than Pontius Pilate did when he sent
Christ to the cross. Remember what
Pontius did f He jumped into a lake
and drowned himself. Wonder if there
arc any lakes in Kansas. There is a
far better man in Kansas than Hen
nery Allen, I strained my eyes to see
him but ho was not there, tho cour
ageous Alexander Howatt.
But boys if you want to see fire
works, just say "Labor," in a lily finger
ed, paunchy bunch like this. You should
have heard George Post, pres. of the
New York Standard Coupler Co. ex
plode! And all about these damned
working people thinking of trying to
elect persons favorablo to their inter
ests, a horrible crimot Remember the
"purposes" of this stnll fed bunch
quoted from their own papers. Be
reminded one of a niekle bunch of
fire crackers going off. Ho urged the
nation's capitalists to plunge into the
campaign in defense of any and all
candidates that labor opposes etc.
Do you sec what you aro up against!
The corrupting millions of the Stool
trust nnd this present and most sinister
of all organizations that seek tho dc
rtrution of American laborl There Is
but one way to conquer, and that Is
in perfect and unbroken solidafity in
tho ranks of lsbor. To attempt to op
pose these colossal and corrupt combi
nation's in little segregated groups,
on the Gompers plnn, is piffle. When
tho grent army of Labor combines as
a unit, with a revolutionary purpose
and "All Power to the Workers", as
its slogan, then will we emerge into the
sunlight of freedom.
ARO, Finlnnd, The White Terror
continues. Early in May tho supreme
court of Abo sentenced five workers
to the penitentiary for a total of
fourteen years Resides they lost their
citizenship rights. Their "crimo" was
' amSMl laas for trensnn."
r i
i Humnnlnn children carry their own
I seats to school because or the general
lack of chairs. Miss Alida C. Bowler,
just back from Rumania after seven
nonths service in social work, told a
Seattle audience.
Miss Bowler declared that tons of
socks knitted in this country had to
be unraveled when they reachod Eu
rope and rcmado into clothing. Socks
were used in place of paper bags in
the distribution of sugar, she said.
Tons of pajamas intended for relief
were cut up and made into suits for
children.
Miss Graco Harrington, back from
Sibcriu wheie she was acting chief
nurse of the American Red Cross, told
the audience that the Russians wero
a kindly generous people rather than
tho half mad destroyers tho American
plute press would havo them appoar.
MOSCOW. At the conference of the
third international held in Moeoow on
May 2, Bnkharin, Radek and Zinovieff
wore named as the committee to decide
the question of admittance to the Com
munist International. The conference
also decided in favor of Parliamentary
action in so far as it serves the propa
gation of the revolutionary spirit.
MOSCOW. Tho Soviet election in
Omsk resulted in a communist victory.
All elected delegates, 465. are members
of the Communist party, 64 per cont of
tho qualified voters participated in
elections.
I At the Inst Congress of Soviots in
Moscow, at which Kamcnev presided,
tho People's Commissar of Education,
Lunncharsky, delivered a report stating
that in Hoviot Russia l.iifiO schools
were opened in 1919. Altogethor thero
are now in Soviet UnsHin 50,000 schools
of tho first grade and 21,000 schools
of the second grade, ho stated.
In 1919, 150,000 pnirs of boots wero
distributed to the needy school child
ren. To stimulate higher educntion, the
Commissariat for Popular Instruction
ipproprintcd a sum of 140,000,000
rubles in its budgot, Tho number of
university students in Soviet Russia
is now 158,000 including auditors ut
people's and pensants' universities, as
troll as the participants in a numbor
of othnr courses. Tho number of prof
essors is 5,500. In addition thero aro
in Pctrograd, Moscov, Voronezh, Kazan
and S.aratnb various schools for the
training of artists, attended by more
than 4,000 students
n

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