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FKIDAY, AUGUST 20, 1920.
The Olack Sheep.
The New Gospel.
At a conference of radically inclines
miners, it was decided to send Collins
as tbeir representative to the coming
convention of the Industrial Workers
of the World. Due to the agitation
continually carried on by socialists
and industrialists ' within the union,
and also to the failure of the recent
strikes to attain anything like adiquate
results, there seemed to be a strong
Fontiraent among the rank and file
for a different, and more effective,
form of organization. It was this
sentiment that Collins and his co-woTk-f-TS
were trying to ripen into a move
ment for industrial unionism. Sincer
ely believing, that if all the crafts
in the metaliferous industries would
be so organized as to act as a unii.
in any dispute with their masters,
that then, they would have sufficient
power to enforce their demands at any
and all times.
Needless to say, this idea did not
meet with the approbation of the
mine owners, who left no stone un
turned to conteract this tendency
among the workers. But strong as their
counter propaganda of the mine own-
rs was, ll was scarcely mnre iormiu
able then the opposition that arose
from the petty officialdom attached
to the crafts with in the federation.
These men considered themselves as
graduated out of the ranks of labor;
they constituted a group economically
interested in preserving the status quo.
f the unions, to which they belonged.
With rare exceptions, this officialdom,
thru out all organized labor may be
fitly called "the brake on the wheel
of progress." At this time, as ever
they rivalled the Industrial Barons in
their acrimonious assault upon he
pTeachcrs of the new gospel of In
dustrial Solidarity. What Bill Haywood,
after his release, was wont to say con
taining the souls of detectives, might
even at this time be applied to a
goodly number of these "hangers on"
of the working class.
In spite of opposition from within and
without, the sentiment for industrial
orjraniration was growing apace, and
the leaden of the radical agitation,
their vision colored by their hopes
aod their ambitions, predicted for it
a speedy and complete triumph. They
forgot however, that they themselves
were what we have called "black
sheep," that is, they roaeted different
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worked. A wirlwind may tear a few
shingles off a roof but it does not
blow awav the house, even so, had the
strike of 1903 shaken the frame
ork of the Western federation, but'
it had not been sufficient to radical
izc the thought processes of the aver
age worker. It had not been enough to
cause him to take and fight, for a
more radical stand. The trials thru
which he had passed, had changed his
sentiments, but not his convictions. Tt
was the sentiment mistaken for con
viction that misled the radicals in the
movement, into a believe that a sub
stantial number of the membership
were really of their own mind.
To tho ladical mind, industrial form
of organization was the only senseable
way out of the wilderness of exploita
tion and oppression. To the Masters
industrial organization was synonom
ous with riot, anarchism and death.
To the conservanve worker well he
hears his master's voice first, in fact,
hat voice seems to be the motive
power of the. slave tnind. For in this
instance, as in many others, when the
Masters protested, the bulk of the
shves left their radical tendencies
and did as they were bidden.
From this it must not be inferred
that they took direct orders from
some one to change their mind; that
would be a mistake. Tho American
slave has deep seated delusions of
freedom. The Masters know this too
well ever to comand him directly to
alter his views if they can find another
way out. When ever the worker has
stampeded a little in the direction
of truth, they do not as a rule tell him
to close his eyes to the vision and
return to his cave, to do that might
Dividing Up vs. Com
By N. Bucharin.
We Already know that the root of the evil of wars of con
quest, of the oppression of the working-class; of all the
savagery of capitalism, consists in the fact that the world
has been- farmed out by a few bourgeois cliques organized in
the form of national governments, who administer as their
own property all the good things of the earth. The property
interest of the capitalistic-class in the means of production
that is the "first cause" which will explain to us all the bar
barism of present-day society. To take away from the rich
their power by taking from them their wealth that
is the first task which the working class and the workers'
party the Communist Party, have set themselves.
Some may think that that which has been taken away
from the wealthy should be, in a "God-like," just, and equal
manner, divided among all, and that then all will be welL
Each, according to this attitude, would have only just as
much as everyone else; all would be equal, and all would be
free from inequality, oppression, exploitation. Everyone will
look after his own interests, having everything at his disposi
tion, and the power of man over man will disappear by reason
of this equal division, general redistribution, and allotment
of wealth among the poor.
But the Communist Party does not view things this way.
It holds that such an equal distribution would not be of any
good or lead anywhere else than to confusion and to a ro
establishment of the old regime.
And such is the case. In the first place, there are a lot of
things that simply cannot be distributed. For instance, what
would we do with the railroads t Suppose one should under
take to pull up the sleepers, another, the steel rails; a third,