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The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, August 20, 1920, Image 12

Image and text provided by Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, OH

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88078683/1920-08-20/ed-1/seq-12/

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i?AGE 12.
THE TOILEB
FRIDAY, AUGUST 20, 1920.
ly federated industries, with an obli
gation on the part of the workers to
strike, in case that their propositions
were unfairly defeated might be ac
ceptable to the more skilled workers,
iiid make rapid progress. But at this
Collins only laughed, calling it a side
One, and another blind alley. But Jack
aintained that if labor was at all
able to do any thing for itself at all,
this would be a substantial advance
rcr anything that was then on the
boards. He urged that government from
territory was archaic, and that gov
ernment by industry had to come.
"There can be no freedom with
eat industrial democracy." Was Col
ons slogan. "There can be no in
dns trial democracy with out industrial
control, there can be no industrial con
trol without adequate organization,
there cannot be adequate organization
sntil there is a consciousness of its
necessity; and this consciousness of ne
cessity, must be organized trained ami
disciplined to a common purpose." He
irerred that this was the work of the
agitator on the - one hand and in
dustrial development on the other.
Industrial evolution is the mill and the
agitator is the baker of the bread of
freedom." "Political government milst
pass, political action is waste motion
to the slaves," he urged in reply.
While the radical forces within the
federation were thus busy with their
plan of industrialization, the other
forces, taking what they called a
sanely radical course, adopted at an
other convention the following reso
Sotion: ''The strike hns failed to secure lo
the working classes their liberty; we
therefore call upon the workers to
strike as one man for their liborties at
the ballot box We put ourselves
jo record as cominited to the program
me of Independent political action....
We indorse the progrnmme of the so
cialist party, and necepf it as the
dcefaration of principles of our orga
nization. We call upn ur members ai
individuals to commence immediate
the organization of the socialist move
test in their respective towns ami
states, and to co-operate in evory way
fcr the futhernnce, of the principles of
socialism and the socialist party."
This stand taken by the convention
f the Federation seperated the Black
Sheep, into two oposing camps, so
aTaat in the ensuing wrangle, neither
socialism nor industrialism was ad
vanced. In fact, both movemontr were
sw assailed from within sjd with
ot, so that it not only stifod the con
scious growth of rndica'.iim, . but it
paralizeit the vitality of the then
existent unionism stiP further.
The stanr" taken by the miners con
eestion was of course loudly acclaimed
6y many sincere socialists as a great
rietory for their cause. To a vast
Majority of the purely political think
eta, it was the wolf tail sweeping the
eastern horir.on of the political skim
"The Appeal to Reason," and "Wilt-
more coins jingling in his own pocket. It is no threat to him,
when you tell him that we shall simply come back to the
capitalist regime; you will simply arouse his hopes that per
haps he, plain Sidor Petrov, may became a capitalist. And
what harm is there in that?
But the course of the working-class ought to be, and is,
quite different. The working-class is interested in such a re
construetion of society as will make a return to capitalism in
conceivable. A mere dividing up will throw capitalism out
by the front door, to admit it a little later through the rear
entrance. The only solution of this difficulty is a, fraternal
(communistic) society of workers.
Under a communistic order, all wealth will belong, not
to separate persons or to separate classes, but to all society.
All society will then be as one great labor-union. There will
be no master over them. All will be equal workers. There
will be no classes, neither capitalists who hire workers, nor
workers who are hired by capitalists. All will work together,
on a schedule of work carefully planned 'and elaborated. The
Central Statistical Bureau (Bureau of Accounts), will estimate
what quantities of boots, trousers, sausages, black-ings, wheat,
flax, etc., need to be produced each year; they will calculate
what number of comrades must work for this purpose in
the fields, in the sausage-factories, in the great tailoring
establishments of the social workshops, and in this manner
the necessary number of hands will be distributed to the
proper places. All production will proceed on a strictly pre
pared, carefully tested plan, on the basis of an accurate
census of all machines and instruments, of all raw materials,
of all the workers, at the disposal of society. Accurately the
annual needs of the society will be calculated. The product
produced will be allotted to the social stores, from which
they will be distributed through the worker-comrades. They
will work only in the largest factories, at the best machines,
for they save the most labor. The direction of production
is the most economical every superfuous expense is a single
general plan governing all production. It is impossible that
there should be any such thing as conducting business in one
way in one place and in another way in another place; for
merly the right, hand knew not what the left hand did. On
the contrary, the new system takes a full view and census of
the world: cotton will be produced only at tho place where
there are the moBt favorable conditions for its production;
the production of coal will be concentrated in the largest
existing mines; the iron manufactures will be established in
olose proximity to the coal and the ore; and whore there is
land suitable for wheat, we shall not build great cities with
vast houses, but will sow the grain. All, in a word, will be so
distributed, as to put each form of production in the place
most suited for it, where the work will proceed most smooth
ly, whore the materials are most accessible, and where human

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