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Supplement THE ISLANDER.": "! HI"HSI)*Y OCTOBER UJi. 18OG. FROM BRYANiII Political Notes and Observations ironi the Fopocrat Candi date's Own City. nusinoss men are studying the money question. Mr. Bryan has seen tit to 1.1! his audiences over anil over again that the business men of the country are against free silver partly because they don't know anything about the question and partly because they are dishonest. In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow- '[ ers and misrepresents the business men. j It may be true that what is called free silver agitation started lirst among the ; farmers rather than among the business j men. but later the business men have , road the free-silver literature, have read ! both sides of the question, until at the present time the business men of the | nation are thoroughly informed from a • business standpoint and from a nonpar tisfln standpoint on the money question. : It is probably true that the politicians ■ that oppose silver are moved by prejudice .-iii.l self-interest to a certain degree just as the politicians who favor free silver are moved by self-interest to a certain ' degree: but the business men, the men who are managing the business concerns ; of the country, the bankers, and the financiers have made it a part of their : business to read up on the money ques tion, to become thoroughly informed, and j they have passed upon the question from a business and not from a political stand point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor al force of the business judgment of the country and knowing that this business judgment condemns free coinage as a dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the j business mind of the country by denounc ing if as ignorant and dishonest on the | money question. Mr. Bryan professes | to desire a restoration of the industries of this country. At the same time he ■denounces the business men of the coon* try and proposes a plan which he knows ' tiny are afraid of. Tli" threat of free trade in the cam j>aign of "92 and in the election of '92. frightened the business mind of the coun try iirst into distrust and doubt and then into a panic, the effect of which is still ou. The question above all others at this time is how t<> remove this business depression from the business mind. Mr. Bryan says that free coinage will revive tin' industries, bat at the same time he Admits that the business mind is against it and is afraid of it. The effect of this threat of free coinage is t<» make every capitalist hide his money, to make every hanker afraid of investments, to make every dollar eret*|i into the darkest, corner <i!' the safely vault, and by this process of money hiding and money hoarding which is bow going on all over the I'nited States, the circulating money of the country is disappearing from active use faster than all the government mints could coin new money if they were now under a fret1 roinmrr law. Laboring men are crowding around Mr. Bryan to hear his speeches and many of them appear to be pleased with what he says. He talks kindly to tii<' laboring man and his words are as sw»er a« honey. Bat the thinking labor ing man knows that so long as industry, lii.it is. the mind force which is man airing industry, is afraid of free coinage, that all plans for the enlargement of in dustry or the employment of labor are suspended, pending the discussion of Ihe money question, and that these plans will he taken up and carried into execu tion only when the business mind of uutry is assured by the election of McKln+ey that then- is to be a sound business policy in the government of this nation. rjeorp<> (Jroot. chairman of the Nation* n] Silver party, speaking at Lincoln. Nob., on September S. from the stops of iii.' state capital building, ' with Mr. Bryan sitting near him. denounced the bankers as the enemies of society, and declared that the financiers 'of Wall >lreet should be hung to the telegraph jutes. On the evening of September 7. in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin ooln, Neb., Ignatius Donnelly of Min nesota denounced the bankers and the linanciers of this country as the enemies «1 the people, enemies of prosperity. ami declared that their influence upon this country ought to be set aside. Now. what do the followers of Mr. Bryan ex pect to happen to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country, when they, by reason of their superior num ber, have voted out the banker and the business man and have voted iii this new system of finance? What force will take the place of this business mind force when it has been displaced? When the country has struck down its present bankers, its present financiers. its present business men, its present managers of industries and commerce, when the common people by a majority vote have paralyzed this business power, ■what other force will take its place nil form plans for the employment of labor, for the carrying on of commerce and for the management of all the indus trial forces which give vitality to the material body of the nation? .-:. On the afternoon of September 8 in front of the state capitol building at Lincoln. Mr. Bryan, after denouncing the business element of the country be- i cause it is against him in this contest, congratulated himself that the laboring ; men of the country believed in him and that enough of the farmers believed in him that these two elements united in this election Would enable him to sweep | the country in November. This he char- j acterizes a victory of the people, because it will bring them better times. It may \ be very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when ho j looks out into the faces of laboring men and farmers who applaud such speeches as this, but what reason have these la- j boring men and farmers ,to expect bet ter times through the election of Mr. Bryan, when he himself admits that the | business men of this nation regard his j election as a menace to business and j prosperity? Can you revive business by doing that which paralyzes the hope and courage of business men? When the industries of the nation* revive, there must be some mind force in the country to bring it about. There must also be capitalists who believe in the future and who are ready to invest money. There must be banks and these banks must not only have funds, but they must be will ing' to invest these funds, and they must | believe and have confidence before they can consent Mr. Bryan admits that they are not consenting now; will they \ conVnt after election? . When Irrfatious Donnelly was de- ; oonncing the bankers and the financier^ ; is the enemies of their country, in his: speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln, S'n"r, on^ "**<*. "What about Mr. Sew in V * -V OInelly replied. "I know noth »n* •« Mr. SewaJi and I don't want any thing to do with him. If I had my way fie would come off of that ticket in twenty-four hours." Mr. Donnelly then wpnt 'nto a bitter tirade, against all tinkers «nd business men in <ren»ral. •na the norms men who heard him npplauded his utterances. Now it must liave occurred to the ,re thoughtful of r.iese laboring men that every day's work tihi "very dollar paid to labor must first >c /nought nut and planned by s >me msn.ess mind; j Before labor can hfjrij, thJ'W ' :ur"stl' v there must be some neVi? «» f- 01, and some »*«•*»«" >«<**: w • i lch passPS nnon the plans of < .it industry and believes that it will "■■"-I. There must be financiers. tl. r "'' an<l <>:|Pitalists to consent mid f X t 7" IReii rimist hp based upon the \r?in !lt .V 10 ill(1"try will succeed. If Mr Donnelly > and Mr Bryan were api- J- J>..s and business men. then they J :w |ls f ;ni^! r promise employment M,- labor. o r ' if tlle " ,) )S Proposed by .evin. ol;r i iiHl Mr i; '--v;i" were 5 i i 1• ", r..,.J '" S, r?™«!t of the business .• > Jr !•"., "fll"rS Wh° h!lv that free t&en it might s „ reasonable that free belter"inuS 1' IVViVt' iU<JllStry and brin« Mr. Bryan 1111 his corps of free silver \". -Vv ' . "ltly ll<1'""""-'' Wle capital. w us '■;■'" ktu? s Ult i<lh' <*&*** is ='•- V- m1« i; nlt ,ot ? pk of confidence idle me,, l?* tli:lt i(llt' MP»tal makes ';«'"■ I- one set of men have the •apitnl and another set of men who .ie x o,k,.rs stand ready to be employed ■mm, 1 ,'"l,I-", ti'1 ' then there must be a .miirion of harmony between the people uo l own the capital and the men who stand ready to go to work or there will » no work If a plan is proposed which makes capital afraid, and if the workers stand ready by their votes and their ma jorities to carry out this plan, then it is but natural that the men who control the capital, being afraid of his new plan, will hoard their capital and keep it idle rather than risk it under conditions which they believe will be disastrous. Uoes it then avail anything to the labor ing man that this capital is denounced as the enemy of the country? Edison was once a laboring man. but is now a cap italist. When he was a laboring man his opinions and his plans were in a certain degree dependent upon the plans and the opinions of some one else. When Edi son was a laborer, employed in con structing machines, whether he was em ployed or not depended upon his em ployer. If the employer found by experi ence that, the work-in which he was en gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr. Edison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison. having evolved by his own exertions out of a condition where he was a worker with his hands only, into a condition where he has become a great mind force which controls industry, is vastly more important to labor than he was before. Then be could consent to the employment of only one man. himself. Now he can consent to the employment of thousands of men. and whether they are employed or not depends more upon his judgment than upon their own. The industries of the world, no matter who is employed in them, have always been and always will be under the control and direction of mind. Majorities have nothing to do with it except as the majorities are in harmony with this mind force and have the approval of its judgment. Whether .">OO or ">oo<l men are employed at Ibe Rurlington machines shops at Lin coln. Nebraska, during the next four years, depends not upon the political judgment of the men who are employed in these machine shops, but upon the business judgment of those who must fur nish money to pay for this labor. And this business judgment, looking always to the financial policy of the government for signs of business safety or of business danger, is inspired with confidence or is inspired with fear as it interprets the business prosperity of the future by the political conditions of the future. If this business mind sees in the election of Bryan and cheap money signs of future stagnation and depression, then it is but natural that it should keep the number of men employed to the very least possible limit. People who ride in the Burlington trains along by the town of Havelock near Lincoln where these machine shops are located, can see the signs of business depression and can interpret the doubt that is in the mind of the directors of the road, when they see the side tracks lined with broken engine* which the small force of men employed are not able to repair. If the laboring poor>!e of the East were at work today there would be a market in these arrest centers of industry in the East for Nebraska's food product, and then these great railroad systems would require every engine and every ear which they own t<> he in repair and all fhe wheels would lie kept rolling night api day carrying the great crops of Kan sas. Nebraska anil lowa to the food-con suming East. This condition would em ploy labor and give value to farm prod ucts. The whole theory of Western suc cess depends upon the activity of Eastern industry and the activity of Eastern in dustry depends upon the faith and confi dence of the Eastern business mind. A hired man cannot bo employed upon a farm without the consent of the own er of the farm. A carpenter cannot get employment without the consent of the builder who is engaged in building houses, and the builder cannot get the house to build without the consent of the men who have the money to build houses. In all lines of industry the man .who works with, his hands is dependent upon the ihmi! who works with his mind and in all countries the mind workers are the controllers of industry. When the mind workers and those who have the making of the plans for industry have confi dence that industry will be profitable then there is employment. William .Jennings Bryan and bis plat form is a menace to industry and Mr. Bryan knows it. The conviction is fast ened deep upon him and the leaders of his.cause, that the thing which they are trying to accomplish is against the busi ness judgment of the American people. They are condemned by the mind work ers of the nation, and because they realize this, they constantly appeal to class prejudice, hoping that there are laborers and farmers who hate the busi ness men and. the employers of labor, that when all these haters are organized into one great army there will be enough of them to carry this election for Mr. Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo rado, in whose interest his candidacy ex ists. ' . Silver Dollars Are Ijegal Tender. Many of the "plain people" of the United* States have wondered what is meant, when it is said that Congress in IST.'t struck down one-half the money in the country. The figure is forcible hut somewhat obscure. The Denver News comes to the rescue. It says: "By the legislation of IS7-'» the mints were not only closed to silver but the silver money "of the country was demonetize*]: it was deprived of its legal tender quali ty Thus the silver money of the coun ti-v was struck down." • " ~ •„ The News is in error, Section 01 of the net ot IST.') contained a proviso that -this act shall not be construed to affect ,11V act done, right accrued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, but every Inch right is saved." This language Preserved the legal tender quality of the Silver dollar, since the right to pay ones debts in silver dollars ' was one of the rights accrued under former acts, which nothing contained in the act was permit tod to destroy. SOME PERTINENT BUT RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN. fl CfiNDIDfITE FOR THE PRESIDENCY. As ho comes upon the stage and as tho applause breaks forth lie smiles. It is a pleased sniilt —properly speaking, a grin. The grin of one to whom the j yells of "Hurray fur Hill" and the ap- j ylause of a gallery is food and drink i tiid raiment. Applause, of what kind I i: does not matter, is what the na- ; Hire of the man thrives upon. The rec i ognition of him as a great man, a hero, I a deliverer cautiot but make him smile, \ He appreciates the joke. He composes his features as he re members what is expected of him. His \ attitude at once suggests the hero of . the melodrama—the "tank show." He : looks this way, then that, and then to ward the part of his audience from which tomes the most hilarious demon- , stratum. He grins again, as he thinks 'of his side of it. If the noise continues, i i he turns to those about him and smiles naively. But he is not afraid of it. | The eyes glow and gratification shows i in every movement, glance and action. He is introduced and stands erect and | again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig- | nitind acknowledgment in keeping with*: the honor to which the man aspires, but j the smile of the magician to the audience j that cheers beta use it is mystified. He ! raises a restraining hand to hush the j demonstration. The movement is grace- j ful. nothing more. Kike every gesture he makes it lacks strength. The hands are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause continues, lie waits, posing as if for the : camera. He is patient. A dignified statesman's very presence would com- | mand silence after the first burst of ap plause. It would not lie necessary for | the great man to wait until every un- j couth wit had made his joke, but tins | man lacks the dignity of the position. , He plays for the gallery, and the gallery i whistles, stamps and claims him for its j very own. < He begins his address with n wed tamed sentence, which he knows will j please his audience. In fact, from first ! to last, it is his effort by skillful re- | ' treats never to offend. He is capable of ' -i fair Hight in words, but at no time is !he an orator. At no time does he bring I a known fact to the notice of his hear- | ors- then an argument, then one condi- , tioii. and still another, and then, as a climax, as one indisputable, unanswera ble declaration, rounded and full, guard ed and protected by logic, launch it forth at his listeners. His flight of words— alleged to be oratory—are made to divert the mind from questioning his asser -1 tions He soars in an outburst, the "round work of which is as old as the human voice, to please the ear of his listeners and keep their thoughts on the wine These flights appeal to all that is .-motional. They are seldom original; they express no new thoughts, and they bear his trade mark. He makes asser tions while the audience is under the in fluence of his heroics. He pours forth what he thinks, and declares it to be true but when the time arrives in the course of his remarks when the facts to hick his assertions should be heard. behold another flight in Fourth of July Tabor appends itself, and this man knows it. He recognizes that "sacrifice. : "cVuc fie.l." "down-trodden " "the peo nfe " "sweat of the face." and similar ; words and phrases arouse in the ordinary audience an imperative desire to applaud For logic he uses heroics, for argument : words used by truly great men. but which no more apply to his subjest than to the crucifixion. He compares himself to the Man of (lalliee without a blush. He defies facts as Ajax did the light "'ife declares that something can bo got | out of nothing: that a miner will be able j , <r,. t 53 cents' worth of metal coined in to $1 and in the same breath insists that the miner will sell that metal to anyone I who will buy it for S3 cents and give the i barer the chance to make that prom instead of himself. Why the miner will j sell at cents and lose the coined profit. • lie explains by a highly colored account of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to B cross of gold." He refuses to believe that captital is of ; i any use except to starve and grind down mankind. j Insinuations, that every man should \ have i»<Te than enough in spite of his j hibits. his drunkenness or his improvi- j deuce he lavishes upon his hearers. Declarations, that a country is all wrong which gives every man who will work with head and hands a chance u> he above those who will not, he belches forth in torrents. "My friend*, ho says, and advises those to whom he applies the term as a ! sane man would hesitate to advise his worst enemy. He distribute!" chaff, coolly predicts a ; panic quotes the words of Christ as I •'libly as the rowdy uses his name, and ; hiving* directed the eyes of his hearers I anon S bubble whi<h floats pleasingly j about, he says: "I thank you." Paul Armstrong. In all parts of the country women have organized campaign committees, working under the direction of; the Woman's bu -1 reau of the national Republican commit tee. They distribute literature and use their personal influence • with husbands, brothers and other relatives to secure their votes for the good cause, paying i especial attention to first voters. i ■■ ■ ■ ■ : "■■ . ' . : A CREAMERY LESSON. Effects of Industrial Depression in Cities Erought Home ]i a Practical Way# STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER. Decrease in the Consumption of Food by Laborers Affects the Sale of Farm Products. A >.roek-feodor of Kansas, recently in Kansas City, tells a story that is worth repeating for the excellent lesson which it tea«-hes. In a certain town was a creamery*. It gathered the cream from the farms within a radius of ten miles and manufactured about 4(Ht pounds of butter per day. Beyond the limits of this circle from which cream was gath ered there were a number of farmers who desired to sell cream, but were not able to do so because the wagons from the creamery did not reach their farms. One day a delegation of these fanners called at the office of the creamery to consult the manager with reference to the enlargement of its business so as to include them and their neighbors. They explained to the manager that by send ing his teams a few miles farther in all directions he would double the quan tity of cream gathered, double the amount of butter produced and consequently double the profits of the creamery. The farmers were disappointed when they saw by the look on the manager's face that their proposition was not favorably received. There had been a great deal of gossip among the farmer patrons of the creamery that the price paid for cream was too low and that the profits of the concern were larger than they ought to be, and now these farmers could not understand why a business which was making exorbitant profits should not be willing to enlarge itself, to double its output and consequently to double its profits. The manager .explained that to enlarge the circle of their fanner patrons would require an additional number of men and teams to gather the cream, would require additional machinery and an en larged plant with more huttenuakers and other operatives. all of which meant an additional investment of money in which he did not feel justified at this time. lie explained that the price of butter was low. that thousands of laboring men in the cities being out of employment were not eating butter, but were buying oleomargarine and other cheap imita tions of butter, and because of all these discouraging circumstances he was unable to consider a proposition to enlarge the business of the creamery. The manager went on to explain that a creamery in Kansas. Nebraska or lowa depended upon the big cities for its customers. In small towns many of the people keep cows of their own. but in the big cities such as Denver. Kansas City. Omaha. St. Louis. St. Paul. Minneapolis and Chicago, where thousands of laboring men are gathered, the farmers find their best customers not only for dairy products but all the other food products of the farm. The families of these la boring men are extravagant eaters and extravagant buyers of farm products when they have the money to buy with. When the laboring men in those cities are employed they consume vast quanti ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and poultry. The thousands of creameries in Kansas, lows and Nebraska had more orders for their product than they could supply before the Democratic panic sto >i>ed the industries in the cities and threw the laboring men out of work. In the htst" two years the demand for food products have been less and less, showing that the families of the laboring men in the cities are growing more and more economical in their consumption of food. In a long conversation with the manager of the creamery, these farmers gathered the idea, as they had never understood it before, that the food-pro ducing farm is dependent upon the food consuming city for its market and that the price of fond and the demand for it depends upon tin- employment at good wages of the laboring people of the cities. This much the farmers had al ready understood in a general way. but they' had never stopped to realize the far more important truth, that the manage ment of these great laboring employing industries devolves entirely upon the trained business minds of the heads of these industries whom tho Popocratic or ators now denounce as plutocrats, and enemies of the common people. It is very fine sport for eloquent office-seek ing politicians to denounce the men who manage the labor industries, to call them "plutocrats." "goldbugs." "robbers," "op pressors" and other offensive names, but after nil these eloquent speeches have been delivered and after all this mis chievous talk has had * its effect -Chicago Tribune, August 16. upon the farmer mind, the truth, the great truth, still remains that the mind of the business man must origin ate all the plans for the employ incut of idle lab*'., and whether these industries are little by little enlarged each year, em ploying more and more men. or whether they are little by little narrowed each year, employing less and less men. de pends, not upon the judgment or the po litical views of the men employed, but upon the judgment of the men who em ploy. When the farmers in the country and the laborers in the city suffer them selves to ho led into some great national movement which the business mind be lieves is dangerous, then this business mind, in order to protect the interests over which it presides, begins the process of narrowing its operations to suit the new conditions. A fan,; r may believe in free coinage and a ht! »ring man may believe in free coinage, hut if the business mind of the country on which both the fanner and the laboring man is dependent is afraid of free coinage, then the threat of free coinage, instead of breathing new life in to industry, strikes it with the paralysis of death. Every earnest thinking man in {his country at this time, whether he be a fanner or a laborer, above all things, above all party or personal preferences, desires to see the industries of the nation revived, because labor can find employ ment and farm produce find a market in no other way. When all the arguments have been ex hausted on both sides, the whole ques tion narrows into this proposition, that activity in industry is dependent upon the confidence the business men have in the financial and tariff policy of the na tional government. Farmers may have confidence in some untried and catchy proposition, and the laboring man may have confidence and even be enthusias tic, but if the mind of the business man hesitates then industry languishes. A thousand laboring men may stand ready to go to work in a factory. And the farmers may stand ready to provide these laboring men with food, but if the managers of the factory are afraid to start it. then it will not start. It may appear to those thousand laborers and to those fanners that the managers of the factory are unreasonable, and 'hat they have more power in the nation than they ought to have, but the truth will remain forever, that mind, and not ma jorities, is tho controlling force upon which the industry of the nation depends and that the judgment of one trained business mind is worth more to a •om niunity than the judgment of many men who work with their muscles on the farm and in the factory. JO2nC& SILVKR MINE. The present interest in anything relat ! ing to silver recalls James Russell Low ell's witty rhymes of twenty years ago . A DIALOGUE. "Joiips owns a silver mine"—"Pray who is Jones? ; Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones owns!" "Why. Jones is Senator, and so he strives j To make us buy his ingots all our lives At a stiff premium on the market price A silver currency would be so nice'" ' "What is Jones' plan?"— "A coinage, to be sure. To rise ami fall with Wall street's tem pera t me. Yo* wish to treat the crowd; your dollar shrinks , Undreamed percentunis while they mix the drinks." "Jones' mine's quicksilver, then?"—" Your wit won't pass; His coin's mercurial, but his mine is brass " •Jones owns"—"Again! your iteration's worse Than the slow torture of an echo-verse. 11l tell you one thing Jones won't own that is. That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his." —Cleveland World. He is Mistaken. In Ms speech at Springfield. 0.. on Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of "the nation's peasantry." There are no peasants in this country, and the man who attempts to make such a class ification is unworthy the support of the free American sovereigns. Every man is a prince and no man is a peas ant. With the ballot in his hand, the voter ranks with Vanderbilt. The rich man of today may be the poor man to morrow, and he who is not endowed with wealth at this moment may be a millionaire before the close of a dec ade. This ••.rraying of the people of the United States into classes is the most pernicious thing that lias ever been attempted in this country, and the demagogues who are engaged in the un righteous attempt deserve the contempt into which they are sure to fall. Remember This. When Bourke Cockran. in his recent groat speech in New York, uttered the following sentence, he uttered a sentence which should bo posted over the door of every honest laboring man, whether Re publican or Democrat, in this country: "I can take a $10 gold piece and defy all the power of all the governments of this earth to take B cents' value from it. I can go to the uttermost ends of the earth, and wherever I present it, its value will be unquestioned, unchallenged. That gold dollar the honest masses of this country, without distinction of party divisions, demand shall be paid the la borer when he earns it, and no power on earth shall cheat him out of the sweat of hia brow."—Galesburg Evening Mail. WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN. Never was there before a presidential "ampaign in which the women of the country have taken such an active part is in the present struggle. In three states of the Union. Wyo ming. Colorado and Utah, women hare the same voting privileges as men: but feminine interests in the campaign are by no means limited to those states. Intelligent womeu all over the country seem to feel that the contest has an im portant bearing upon the welfare of their households. They think that the cause :>f protection and sound money is bound up with the prosperity of the family, and they feel ■ great interest in the Re publican presidential candidate because of the nobility of his character and his devotion to his home life. The Woman's bureau is under the di rection of Mrs. .T. Ellen Foster, the well known orator and political writer of Dcs Moines, la., for several years president of the Woman's National Republican as sociation. The bureau is established in commodious quarters in the Auditorium Annex. Chicago, quite away from the noise and activities of the national com mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided with every convenience, and assisted by capable aids. Tho Woman's Republican association is composed of thinking, active women— women intensely aliv to the best inter ests of their country and homes. The Woman's association is npt a suffrage association. Many of its members do not believe in suffrage at all. It is not a moral reform association, although many of its members are engaged in the philanthropies and reforms which inn mine this decade of our national history. They do not seek to utilize the Repub lican association to advance any of these reforms. Its members are simply, and all the time. Republicans, laboring for the support of the principles of that party and for the election of its candi dates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associate* and assistants in the work are women of capabilities iv various lines. Mrs. Thomas W. Chnce. the general secre tary, resides in East (ireenwich. It. 1., and from there exercise* a watchful care for the "work in the New England states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac quaintance and is identified with many great charities, philanthropies and soci eties, aside from her political duties. The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var wick Boswell of New York city, has su pervision over the headquarters of her state, located at 147.". Broadway. Miss Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per sonal visits among the women in the tenement districts of New York, for the purpose of showing the women the mean ing of the free coinage of silver and how it will affect the purchasing power of their dollars. She finds these women with well-defined views on die currency question and ready to defend them, as they do in insisting that the voters in their families shall maintain them at the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted a large number of young business women to help spread the doctrines of sound money and protection and to help secure votes for the Republican candidates. In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mr». Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide experience in general business and news paper work in this country and in Eng land. Next to her comes Miss Anna Brophy of Dubuque, la. Miss Brophy is not only valuable for her education and wide general knowledge, but because every piece of work which passes through her hands receives her critical attention as to its correctness, its ac curacy- Miss Brophy is chief stenog rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs. Foster after opening her headquarters, was to issue an appeal to the patriotic women of the country, urging them to organize committees or clubs for study of the issues of the. campaign, and to help promote the cause of national unity and protection. The responses have been most gratifying, coming as they hare from Oregon to New Jersey. These women are directed in their work of or ganizing and advised how to make their efforts effective. The weapons of the women are personal appeal and litera ture. These are used to convince the women that their own personal welfare, including the interests of children and of the home, are on the side of the Repub lican party. This conviction assured little doubt remains as to how the rote influenced by these women will be cast. Free Wool and Free Silver. During the many weary months after the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the death blow to the wool industry free trade journals assured their readers that the blow would not be fatal. In time the industry would revive. Considerable pru dence was manifested as to dates, but the prediction was confident that in the course of tim«; the industry would re cover from rrs paralysis. The Philadel phia Record was one of the most saa guiue of these free traders. That journal simply knew that its theories could not be wrong. Free wool must and would enable our manufacturers to recover the home market for woolen goods and grad ually fret a good hold on the markets of the world. In a recent issue the Rec ord threw up the sponge. It admits that free wool is not strong enough to carry free silver. The confidence with which it attributes the failure of its free wool theory to some other person's free silver theory would, if transferred to the money market, revive business even in these free trade times. Sajs the Record: •'The distrust engendered bj the sil ver craze has checked sales of manu factured goods, increased the percent age of idle mills and so narrowed the outlet and crippled the financial re sources of Eastern distributors of wool that the latter have practically ceased purchases of the staole in the country markets, and in many cases have re fused to make even reduced cash ad vances on consignments." Tne silver craze did not materialize ontil free wool had had nearly three years in which to show what it cook! do. During all that time the wool Itt dustry went from bad to worse. Now the people are asked to believe that free silver did all the mischief.—-St. Jo seph (Mo.) Herald. Give it to the Indiana. "Let n* restore the conditions tnat ex isted prior to 1873.- rays Mr. Teller. Very well; let as tear np all th* rail roads that hare been trailt since then; let ns reduce the acreage of wheat and corn and cotton to what it was then; let ns send back to barbarism those parts of the world that have sin«e been reclaimed to civilization: let as pins np the Rus sian oil wells and destroy the wheat fields of Iridia and the Argentine: let os smooth oxer the hnis of Leadville and Cripple Creek, and fill op the mines, and rednce the prodncticm of silver from $170r©0.000 a year to $00,000,000: let ns kill off abont 30,000.000 of onr people. m as to make the population what it w%» m 1873-; let ns haTe a paper basis for our money, as we had then, and sold a* a premitrm of 15 cents or more on the do| far— short, let ns try to tarn back th» hand *b time's dlaL and make eTerybo^r as happy and wealthy as all the people are now alleged to baTe been befoi» 1873- —Colorado Springs Gazette- FIT EL