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BRYAN AN AGITATOR.
HIS EFFORT ALONG THE LINE
IS TO STIR UP STRIFE.
Soiiip ..r ■!■ Ki-<J PI«C Kxpret»»ions— An
Apo»tl«- of l>i»<o>tt«-iit who Seeks to Ar
ray C'tits* Ajj.ilnst < l»*s.
Mr. Bryan apparently started out with
(he Intention ■>( discussing the coinage
question :is a question of pore finance
and statesmanship. In bis Madison
Square Garden speech he said nothing
which cooW be construed as an appeal to
prejudice, unless perhaps it was bis dec
laration iliai "there can be no sympathy
:■ co-operation be:ween the advocates of
a universal sold standard and the advo
cates of bimetallism. Between bimetal
lism—whether independent or internatioiN
:il—and a gol 1 standard there is an im
passable gulf." The question at issue
in i lie present campaign is not. as Mr.
Bryan would have the public believe, be
tween bimetallism and tin- gold stand
ard: ii is between bimetallism and the
silver stain! ml. But win Mr. Bryan
commenced shaking without notes the
undertone of hatred and dissension which
characterizes his public utterances be
gan to be distinctly audible.
<! * * *
By tlie lime thai he reach d Syracuse
he was i:i a frame of mind which led
him to assort iliai men who do Dot favor
silver liioitiunetallisni are "en >mies of
thN country, who think they are greater
than the government ami can make the
governnieiii their instrument for private
gain, ilf greatest enemies that this conn
try lias." He called them "plunderers
of the industrial masses, in behalf of the
money cmperaiiotis of this country and
Europe."
Ai Erie. Pennsylvania, lie acknowledg
ed thai lie depended more upon an ap
peal io tl motions than to the intellects
of his bearers, when he said:
"The bean is the place where conduct
Is determined, and if you wan: to Bud out
\\lnie ;i man is in this fight do not look
at lib; brain: thai would find a reason for
whatever his heart wants to do. Look
;u hN heart, and find out where liis sym
pathies are. * * * Show me the sym
pathies of a man and I will mark out
his conduct. * * * Show me a man
whose syniiiathies are with the idle hold
ers of idle capital, and I will show you a
man who wants as little money as pos
sible, and puts it on the ground that he
loves hi- neighbor better than himself,
show me a man whose sympathies an1
wiili the struggling masses, and I will
show you a man who will never stand
up for syndii :ties and consent to let them
control the financial policy of the United
States."
* * * *
By the time that he reached Buffalo he
began": to sneer at his opponents, as. for
instance, in the declaration that "when
the Creator made man, he did not use
any superior kind of mud when he made
financiers." Ii was here that he said:
'•Advocates of bimetallism (he should
have said silver monometallism) are
called demagogues. There has never been
a statesman whose heart beat in sympa
thy with the struggling masses who has
no; been called a demagogue by those
who opposed him. Young man. do you
want to know how to keep from being
called a demagogue? I will give you a
certain method. Get in the employ of
some great corporation, and then call all
the people anarchists, and you will be a
statesman among your employers."
At Lockport. New York, he became de
nunciatory, and said: "They have driv
en down the price of your products? they
have increased the burden of your debts.
they have foreclosed your mortgages.
they are degrading and lowering the
standard of civilization by driving people
who want to work out upon the streets,
and their idleness breeds crime, and
crime menaces the safety of every citizen
Of the land." He expressed the belief
that "the gold standard has nude more
misery for the human race than wars
and pestilence and famines: more misery
than human mind tan conceive or hu
man tongue can till." [If began his ap
peal to the passions of his hearers in the
words: "The promulgation of the gold
standard is an attack upnii your homes
and upon your firesides, and you have
as much right to resist it as you have to
resist an army marching to take your
children captive and burn your roof over
your head." Since a man has a right to
resist an army by force, the only possible
inference is that the friends of silver
monometallism would be justified in a
resort to violence to prevent the continu
ance of the present monetary system of
the United States.
* * * *
At Tonawauda he said that "the Chica
go platform means that every man shall
Im> defended in the enjoyment of that
which he earns, but that no man shall be
permitted to enjoy that which somebody
else has earned and which is taken from
him by vicious legislation." This is a
palpable threat of spoliation of the rich.
"The platform." he continued, '"is a nien
ace to the wrong-doer—not the small
wrong-doer only, but also the larger trans
gressor, who attempts to use the govern
ment as his instrument to wroiig others."
This is an attack upon government and
upon (he principle of self-government. If
the platform is a menace what would the
election of Mr. Bryan be?
At Toledo he gave the workincmen
some very bad and immoral advice in
the words:
"I will not ask him to anything which
may endanger his position. L>t him wear
the opposition button if he will. Let him
pot his name on their club list if he must.
Let him contribute to their fund if he
will. But let him remember there is one
day in the year when he is his own mas
ter and can use a pencil as he pleases. I
am willing for you to be Republicans ev
ery day in the year if you will just be
Deaocats on election day. 1 am willing
for you to wear gold-bug buttons all the
rest of the time if, when you enter the
Ikkmu. you will remember that the gold
standard never conferred a benefit upon
those who toil, and that it was never in
dorsed of approved or sanctioned by any
- Ixxly of the people except those who hold
fixed investments and trade in money or
profit by the extremities of the govern
ment."
This was equivalent to advising work
higmen. whose friend he claims to be. to
make of themselves liars, traitors, hypo
critei and cowards, if only they would
rote for him on the third of November.
,Iv the same speech he took a defiant at
tHude and said: "If I am elected the
gold standard will not remain the stand
ard of this country one moment longer
than I can help to set rid of it."
•• * «
At Toledo he said: "A Republican suc
ress would simply mean that while the
people are nominally free they will be
hewers of wood and drawers of water
for those who control the money supply
-if ill.' world."' And again: "The people
who intend to strike down one-half of all
the standard money of the world simply
mean to do with you and your property
what the fleets of the world and the
armies of the world would do if they
came to destroy one-half of all your pos
sessions."
At Milwaukee he deacrfbed the present
political campaign ;»s :i struggle over tin1
• int'stiuii whether the people will "allow
the host of the gold standard to enslave
7(1.000,000 of people, white and black, in
this country." ll'l said further: "They
say thai we are arraying one class *^' so
ciety against another. I deny ir. But,
my iVii nds. if a burglar comes to my
home I have a right to call all my fami
ly to keep him out. and if does not make
me mad if. when he starts away, he
turns around and shouts to me that I am
trying to array my family against him.
When men array themselves against so
ciety, society has a right to array itself
a.uainst them. * * * The success of
tii" Chicago ticket is dangerous only to
the man who wants to eat the bread
that somebody else earns."
In his speech at Lincoln. Nebraska, ac
cepting ill" nomination of the silver Re
publicans, he said: "I believe that, the
gold standard is a conspiracy against the
human race. 1 would no sooner join the
ranks of those whose purpose it is to
fasten it upon the people than enlist in an
army that was marching to attack my
home and destroy my family."
* * * *
These extracts from Mr. Bryan's har
rangues give a fair idea of him as an
agitator and fotneoter of popular discord
and commotion a man who would risk
the horrors of an armed conflict between
citizens of the republic rather .than fail
of his election to the chair which he as
pires to occupy. I; is difficult to know
whether he is to be taken seriously. He
is either dangerous or absurd: dangerous
if he succeeds in reaching the height of
his ambition, but absurd if he fails of an
election.
WHAT BRYAN SAID AND M'KIN
LEY DID,
An Ol>je«-t Lew for fin Plate Worker*.
What Bryan SAID on tin plate:
Mr. Raines, of New York: "When the
industry of tin plate is established in the
United States—and three months ago
there* was not a gentleman on that side
who would admit that there was or
would Ik? a tin plate factory in the Unit
ed States—"
Mr. Bryan: "We will no; admit it to
day, — (Speech in House of Repre
sentatives, March. 16, lv.rj.i .
What McKinley DID for tin plate:
Tons.
American tin plate manufactured
1892-1895 200.000
American tin plates plated, 1892
--1896 12.000
Actual product in (oar years 212,000
Estimated product for 1890 138,000
Tons.
Practical results of McKinley's
constructive legislation after
live years 350,000
Value of that industry daring this
time to the United States .$;?.~>.ooo.ooo
Number of wage-earners employed
at the present time '... 40.000
Average pay of men in mills.. .$2.. per day
Number of tin plate mills. Includ
ing dipping plants, brought into
existence 200
Result: Money kept at home, addi
tional employment for American labor
and a product cheaper and better than
we have ever had before, and the buyers
of tin pbte won over to the wisdom of
McKinlty's protection policy.
Bryan said we could not make tin
plate. McKinley lias established the in
dustry, and given employment to Ameri
can workmen at good wages.
Laboring men! Which do you want:
What Bryan SAID or McKinley DID?
WAGES AND COST OF LIVING IN
JAPAN.
There are no morn painstaking, method
ical, accurate statisticians in the world
than those of the new Japanese empire.
•Japan lias published a report of the com
mittee appointed to investigate its mone
tary system, which shows in various
parts of the empire the average prices
paid for all sorts of commodities for a
long series of years past A correspond
ent of the Cleveland World in Tokio. has
taken the trouble to examine this report
with care, and has furnished to that jour
nal a table in detail showing the general
rise in the cost of living in Tokio and
Osaka since 1ST;:. Taking the prices
paid in ls?:> as a unit and calling it 100,
his table shows that in ISO 4 the price of
rice must be stated at Km, of miso, 159;
of table salt. 91; of soy, 138; of firewood,
141: of charcoal, 150; of cotton. 118; of
rent. 228; of bath charges. 221. These
are the principal items in the cost of liv
ing in Japan, and it is said that in 1894
the total cost of living is expressed by
the figure 102 as compared with 100 in
1873. This is equivalent to saying that
the cost of living has increased during
twenty-one years by 02 per cent, on the
average. The rise in prices is due to the
decline in the purchasing power of sil
ver which is turn is due to its deprecia
tion in comparison with gold, or more
properly speaking, to the greatly in
creased output of silver compared 'with
the output of gold. The effect of this rise
in prices upon persons with fixed income
is stated as follows: "It will be seen
that a petty official who could subsist in
1873 on ten yen a month required at the
beginning of IBM, yen 10.20 to live in
proportionate style, while a person who
lived on 14.40 yen a month in 1886 re
quired 20.20 yen eight years later. It is,
therefore, easy to see that people living
on petty fixed income, such as clerks in
government service, whose income is
practically stationary, must now be ex
periencing considerable difficulty in mak
ing ends meet, especially since house
rent, which constitutes the largest item in
the cost of living, is steadily going up
ward."
The same correspondent prints ■ table
of wages of mechanics upon the same
plan, which shows that if the average
wage pajd in 1873 was 100. the average
wage paid in ISO 4 was 133. that is to
say. wages had increased by one-third.
or a lirtle more than one-half as much as
the cost of living. This statement is in
teresting and important in its relation to
the tierce discussion now in progress be
tween American workingmen in favor of
the election of Bryan ami those in favor
of the election of McKinley, as to the ef
fect of the free coinage of silver at 10
to 1 upon their personal pecuniary inter
ests. On the one hand, it is claimed thai
while free coinage will result in an in
crease in the prices demanded for com
modities, wages will rise in proportion,
so that a workingman for his daily or
weekly stipend can purchase as much
comfort as he is able to purchase now.
This is the claim of the Bryan men. The
McKinley men deny it, and .r.ssert on the
contrary, that while wages may rise
slightly, they will not double as it is sup
posed that the prices of commodities will:
therefore the workingman. while he may
receive a larger sum of money in re
turn for his labor, the money will have
less purchasing power and he will there
by receive less of comfort. His condition,
instead of being improved, will be worse
than it now is. The experience of Japan |
since IST.", goes to show that the Mclvin
ley men have the best of the argument. |
and this experience is confirmed by the
experience of all other countries on a sil- 1
ver basis, in which wages and prices have \
risen in consequence of the depreciation j
of silver. Wages never rise in proportion |
to prices. For this reason the free coin
age of silver at 10 to 1 would be an in
jury and not a benefit to the working- ;
men of the United Stales.
MR. BRYAN'S TARIFF DODGING.
The refusal of Mr. Bryan to discuss |
the tariff question is causing comment
unfavorable to him. In view of the;
fact that while in congress Mr. Bryan
was one of the most radical advocates;
of tariff reduction, in order to cheapen ;
prices for the benefit of the people, ■
whereas now he is urging that prices I
are too low. very naturally suggests]
that he was either insincere then in !
his plea for the people or he is insia
cere now. Cheapness was then the j
great desideratum with him. lie j
railed against the "tariff robbers" Bad
urged that a reduction of duties was
necessary to give the people needed re
lief in lower prices for what they con- j
sumed. It was not the currency, but
the economic policy of the Republican;
party which Mr. Bryan then regarded
as tiie source of all ills. In a speech
in the House of Representatives in lST'r
Mr. Bryan characterized protection as;
a cannibal tree which had crushed the
farmers within its folds and declared
that the only thing needed to give re- 1
lief to the farmers and to the masses;
of the people was tariff reform. Ther •
was no trouble with the currency,
which was the some then that it is ;
now. The whole trouble was with the
tariff.
Referring to the attitude of Mr. Bry- j
an when in Congress and his present i
attitude, the New York Times says:
"For some years and up to a recent ;
date. Mr. Bryan, in and out of Con- j
gress, earnestly and constantly de
manded a great reduction of tariff
duties and urged that many dutiable
products should be placed upon the ;
free list, because, as he contended, the
prices of the necessaries of life ought |
to be reduced for the benefit of the :
people. The tariff, lie said, made
prices unwarrantably and unjustly j
high: the interests of the masses re
quired that these prices and the cost !
of living should be cut down. Vow he !
asserts that the prices of the necessar
ies of life are very much too low and ;
that they were too low at the very i
time when he was saying that they
were too high and was exerting his in- ;
fluence to reduce them. He proclaims
the doctrine that the cost of those
things by which life is sustained
should be increased -not decreased—by
legislation and advocates a policy de
signed to increase it. It was. he said,
for the benefit of the masses that he '
then called for legislation that would
decrease this cost; it is, he says, for
the benefit of the masses that he now j
demands legislation that will increase
it. Why should he not desire to avoid;
any discussion or any expression of J
opinion that would exhibit this differ
ence and this evidence of inconsis
tency? Mr. Bryan in 1802 and in 1594
did his pan and did it well in deluding
the people regarding the tariff and be
does not now dare attempt a defense of i
his course, the disastrous effects of
which are known to everybody. He ts
now engaged in another effort to de
lude and mislead the people, but what
lie now proposes is far more dangerous
to the welfare and prosperity of the1
country than the policy of tariff reduc- i
tion he advocated in Congress, in order
to reduce prices. That policy has done
great harm to all interests and espec
ially to the agricultural and the labor
interests, but it is trifling in compari
son to the injury that would be i
wrought by the free coinage of silver.
Mr. Bryan has the very best of reasons
for avoiding discussion of the tariff
question. He cannot defend the re- 1
suits of the policy for which he 's in
part responsible. Having deceived the |
people once, to their immeasurable |
loss, will he be allowed to do so again'!
No one can think so who has any faith j
in popular intelligence.—Omaha Bee.
AN ADVOCATE OF ANARCHY.
The silver Democrats and the Popu
lists do not say very much about the
"Anarchy plank" in their platforms.
Yet Mr. Bryan declared in his lettei
of acceptance that he approves of that
plank with all the rest. Here are the
planks as they appear in the two plat
forms. The first is the Chicago plank '
and the second is the St. Louis plank:
We denounce ar- The arbitrary
bitrary interference course of the
by federal author!- j courts in assum- 1
ties in local affairsi ing to imprison
as a violation of the j citizens for mdi-!
Constitution of the reef contempt
United States and and ruling by in- \
crime against free junction shoul.t
institutions. and be prevented bj
we especially oh- 1 proper legisl* i
ject to government j tion.
by injunction as a
new and highly j
dangerous form of |
oppression.
"I have carefully considered the plat
form adopted by the Democratic Na
tional convention, and unqualified':, j
indorse every plank thereon," says Mr j
Bryan. In his Labor day address, Mr
Bryan told workingmen that the gov
ernment should provide some way in
which they could settle their differ
fences with capital "instead of resort
ing to violence to settle them." Sr
he decla res violence one means of set J
tlement Thus he proclaims himself
beyond all doubt or cavil, an advocat/
of anarchy.— (N. V.) News.
POWDERLY AT COOPER UNION.
It was not strange that an organized
j effort was made to disturb the proceed
i ings at Cooper Union at the wage-earn
ers' meeting on Thursday evening, and
by riotous interruptions prevent 'Mr.
! Powderly from obtaining a hearing.
Not strange at all. but entirely charac
teristic of the methods and th-i man
ners of that faction in the labor move
-1 ment which has been striving for years
Ito prostitute and degrade the move
ment for their own selfish purpose*.
I They are marketable, and both vicious
and lawless. It has not been the prac
tice, even in our most exciting political
campaigns, for the emissaries of an op
position party to invade the meet
of their opponent* in turbulent and
disorderly gangs with the sole view of
creating disturbance and inciting riot.
Bat the fellows who endeavored to
break up the Cooper Union meet
with hisses and howls and catcalls, in
order to prevent decent and law-abid
ing citizens from hearing Mr Pow
ilerly deliver what every one who
either heard or read it must admit
was a perfectly calm, logical and rea
sonable exposition of the issues of the
campaign, were of the new order of
political disputants — the sort engen
dered by the doctrines of tin; Chicago
platform, and accurately represented
by the Boy Orator and his anarchist
following. * Their highest conception
of political discussion consists in
drowning the arguments of their oppo
nents by unmeaning noise: their only
answer to calm and intelligent state
ment is lawlessness and disorder.
The only purpose of these disciples
of the Boy Orator was to prevent. Mr.
Powderly from obtaining a hearing. in
£6 doing they were only exemplifying
the principles of the Chicago platform,
only following, and bettering In but
small degree, the instructions of the
candidate who has for the last two
months been engaged in inciting just
such demonstrations by appeals to the
ignorance and the lawless passions of
those whom he calls the toiling
masses, But why should they make
this violent and disgraceful lemon
stration against Mr. Powderly? They
pretend to be laboring men, and to be
actuated by a sincere desire to pro
mote the interest of laboring men; to
make labor itself not only worthy its
hire from a material point of view, bin
deserving of the highest consideration,
both from its inestimable consequence j
as the most important factor in the
world's progress and from the intelli
gence with which its responsiblities
are weighed and its duties considered.
They pretend, in short, to be the spec
ial advocates of the rights, and The
champions of the dignity of labor. It
was under color of this advocacy, and
by virtue of this championship, that
they set themselves on Thursday nig.it
in Cooper Union not to listen to the ar
guments of an opponent, of their own
class, in order to be able to answer
them—nor. indeed, to answer them mi
the-spot with some show of order and
plan—but simply to suppress Ins argu
ment by lawless disorder and howl or
hiss him down unheard, by mere noise.
And who is Terence V. Powderiy.
that these so-called and self-styled ad
vocates of the rights of labor should
with such deliberation and set purpose
undertake to howl and hiss down in a
community whose boast is the freedom
of speech, which under law is accorded
and by law protected? His record as ;i
labor leader answers the Inquiry. lie
was for many years the highest officer
of the organization of Knights of La
bor, the most successful association of
its kind ever known in this country.
Under his administration It was the
most respected and influential. No
combination of workmen had ever
commanded such respect, and certain?.*
none had ever made its Influence anil
power so universally felt, as the
Knights of Labor under his adminis
tration. Self-poised and firm, he was
no less conservative and conciliatory,
and his administration was marked by
more real advancement for the cause
of labor and more actual achievements
in its behalf than were ever known
before or since. His policy was op
posed by the demagogues and agitat
ors in the labor movement whose only
conception of the labor question rs
that there is. and must necessanly al
ways be. bitter and relentless war be
tween the employer and the employed;
between capital and labor. Out of such
constant contention these men n:ade
their living. Labor strikes were and
are their opportunities. Reconcilia
tions and mutual understandings, were
and are the destruction of their busi
ness as agitators, and consequently the
bane of their existence. They put
Powderly out in 1893. Since then that
queer counterpart of the Boy Orator,
Mr. . Sovereign, has been wabbling
round in his place, making more noise
in a minute than Powderly did in a
year, and doing a thousand times more
mischief in the same time Powderly
ever did.
The labor movement has been divid
ed into two distinct parties aver sin-.e
Powderly was deposed. ■> Powderly ad
dressed with his own method and His
own line of argument one of the^e di
visions the other night at Cooper
Union. The other division met him in
their own way, with their own man
ners, and by their own and only meth
od. The, result was th.lt Mr. Powderly
was heard, and his disturbers had to be
ejected by the police. The lesson can
not be lost upon honest laboring men,
who desire to hear both sides and form
their own judgments upon political
questions and do not believe in tn<» sup- 1
pression of free speech.—New York
Tribune.
M'KINLEY EXCELS HIMSELF.
The steel and iron industry has.been
quoted as the barometer of trade, and
It is true that when the steel rail mills,
the forges, the great foundries, the
nail mills, the huge establishments in
which structural iron and the thous- '
and household articles and implements
of agriculture or of mechanics are busy
the whole community is prosperous.
There may be exceptional causes lead
ing to exceptional activity in one or
two of the many branches of the great
iron and steel industry while the- gen
eral commerce of the nation lan
guishes, but it universally is true that
when all the branches of the iron trade
are vigorous the whole country is pros
perous, and when all of them are life
less the whole country is prostrated.;
This condition gives peculiar signifi
cance to the; visit made to Major M<;-
Kiuley by 2,000 wageearners from the
steel works at Braddock. Pennsylvania
The voice of these men is representa
tive in the voice of the nation. J hey
are men who have passed through a
season of adversity: they have suffered
from reduced wages and from lessened
hours of work: the savings ol tlu" pru
dent have melted in the slow fire ol
enforced idleness. These men have di
agnosed their own case correct ivnsev
know "what is the matter. I «•??
have been prosperous under protection
and unprosperous under reduced tai
iffs. They went to an experienced and
sympathetic physician in quest ol a
remedial prescription.
They talked to McKinley and he an
swered them in fit words:
"1 bid you welcome to my city and
to my home. I can well appreciate wi y
the workingmen of this country should
have a deep and profound interest in
the outcome of the present national
contest. I cannot fail to remember
that one thing which stands between
your labor and the labor of Europe -
the one thing which stands between
your workshops and the workshops of
"the old world. It is a wise, patriotic.
American protective policy."
There are two qualities that strive
for pre-eminence in the nature of Ma
jor McKinley -sound conmioii sen*.'
and unaffected brotherly feeling tow
ard those whom Mr. Bryan delights to
call "the plain common people." as If
they were of a class to which he stoops
from the height of a real or suppo^i
tiously intellectual supremacy, but to
whom and of whom McKinley always
speaks as "my fellow citizens." These
two characteristics never have been
more finely displayed than in his ad
dress to the iron and steel workers. An
ostentatious man would have seized
the opportunity for a display of his
scholarship in economics, and in so do
ing would have "multiplied words
without wisdom." The Republican
nominee went right to the root of the
matter in less than twenty words:
"We know that the present monetary
standard has not stood in the way of
our prosperity in the past." (Cries of
"No. no: free trade has.")
The extreme gold men and the ex
treme silver men alike are in error.
"The present monetary standard has
not stood in the way of our prosperity
in the past." Nor will it in the future.
It is an excellent system: it makes the
silver dollars as good as gold for the
purchase of all things and for the pay
ment of all debts: it prevents the pa
per currency from becoming depreciat
ed or irredeemable. The Republican
party is pledged to its maintenance.
The Democratic party is pledged to iis
destruction.
After this display of the soundest
quality of sound sense the distinguish
ed host of the visiting workmen gave
utterance to sentiments of the truest
patriotism and of the most implicit
confidence in the good intent of his
countrymen:
"My fellow citizens, it is gratifying
to me to be assured by your spokesman
and my old comrade—it will be inspir
ing to the whole country — that the
voice of labor here to-day declares that
no party which degrades the honor of
the nation, no party which stands op
posed to law and order, or which seeks
to array the masses against the classes,
shall receive its vote and support.
Golden words are these, which will
strike a chord in every American Dvme
where virtue dwells and truth abides
"We have this year resting upon us
as citizens a grave responsibility. The
country has never failed or faltered in
the past to meet every crisis. It will
not falter or fail now to uphold the
dignity and independence of labor and
the honor and stability of the govern
ment, that it may still further exalt
the American name."
Here is no demagogic flattery of "the
intelligence of the plain common peo
ple."' no shoddy rhetoric upon "the cru
cifixion of labor." but just a manly ap
peal to the patriotism and good sense
of his fellow citizens and an expres
sion of confidence in the exercise of
them at the coining election. Major
McKinley has done well in all his ef
forts, but in his address to the iron ami
steel workers he excelled himself. -
Chicago Inter Ocean.
BRYAN IS PREACHING TREASON.
Attorney Genera] Harmon turns the
flank of Bryanism neatly when
he quotes Senator Daniel of
Virginia against Chairman Dan
iel of the Popocratic convention
in relation to the subject of "Federal in
terference." co-called, with the assumed
rights of mobs to violate the laws of the
United States.
Senator Daniel introduced in the sen
ate that ringing resolution which upheld
Mr. Cleveland in his suppression by mil
itary force of the interference of lawless
men "with the transportation of the mails
of the United States and with commerce
among the states." It was Senator Dan
iel who presided over that maniac con
vention that propounded the assurance
that the president had no constitutional
right to do that very thing which Sena
tor Daniel formally and vigorously ap
proved his doing.
It requires some little patience on the
part of meu familiar wirh the organic
law of the I'nion to gravely meet ami
refute the wild assertion of ignoramuses
and blatherskites, but Mr. Harmon has
simply to submit sections ."i.297 and .">,li<)K
of the revised statutes :o prove the obli
gation on the president to employ force
against unlawful obstructions "in Avhat
ever state or territory thereof the laws
of the United States may be forcibly
opposed or the execution thereof ob
structed." The doctrine laid down by
Altgeld. adopted by the Popoeraey and
proclaimed from the stump by Bryan the
attorney general rightly declares to be
more dangerous that the doctrine of seces
sion. The only plea for Bryan and his
earnest followers is that of shameful ig
norance of the law. Ignorance of the
law. however, is nor a vaid defense.
This man is preaching treason and fools
are applauding him because they know
no better.—New York Commercial Adver
tiser.
The Old Sons.
Young Sewull made a speech or two
Before the Maine election.
He talked apiinst the silver craze
And told of his deflection.
His speeches they were heard and read
Ihey caused the hosts to gather- '
They piled up 80.000 votes,
'•And the blow it near killed father."
It is all right to make a campaign of
education. But the effort of the Demo
cratic leaders to army the poor against
the rich, and make labor and capital
enemies, is evil, and wholly evil
BRYAN AND THE TARIFF.
Candidate Bryan shows a kind «*
shifty shrewdness in his avoidance .of *v
issue which his party has made the(top
most one in every campaign for man)
many years, until now. He says: "What
ever may be the individual views .oTciti
zens as to the relative merits of p»»tec
tion and t;!rif reform, all must _ recog
nize that until the money question is mi
and finally settled, the American people
will not consent to the consideration of
any other important question." II he had
said that the American people, having
tried tariff reform, and declared them
serea very, very sick of it, and were de
termined to return to the principles of
protection and stay there, he would have
come much nearer the truth, but then he
would have found the truth | embarrass
ing, as usual. Then-fort', be acted
shrewdly,according to his standard of
practical prudence In saying as little
as possible on the subject, and making
that little take the form of a claim that
the people are not interested in the ■ob
ject.
Nevertheless, the Democratic party
stands pledged by many planks in many
national platforms to oppose the protec
tive principle, and remains committed
by its action of scarcely more than four
yean ago to the doctrine that protection
: is unconstitutional and must", be extirpat
ed root and branch. A party cannot
change its principles as a man can change
I his shirt, every time a change seems to be
temporarily convenient. A party is re
sponsible for its history and its declara
tions in the past as well as in the pres
ent. It may indeed undergo develop
ment, growth and gradual change, but
only as an individual, by rational pro
cesses and in accordance with relations of
cause and effect. A party cannot, mere
ly by ignoring a subject or saying some
thing non-committal about it. relieve it
self of all responsibility for what it has
said and done in relation to that matter
through all its previous existence.
The tariff question is one regarding
which Ainercan voters are deeply inter
ested in this campaign and millions of
them are impatiently looking forward
to November V, r next, as the time when
they will have a chance to ' ex
press themselves on the subject at the
ballot box. No matter how much this
year's candidate for the presidency on
the Democratic ticket may try to run
away and hide from rife- tariff question,
the voters will not forget that he is the
candidate of a party which stands
pledged by unrepealed platform declar
ations to turn over the markets of this
country to the unrestrained competition
of foreign capital and labor, and that the
long continued industrial stagnation in
this country lias followed an attempt
of the Democratic party to carry out its
schemes in that respect; an attempt
which the party leaders have declared
to be only the first step in the way that
they intend the country to travel..—Bos
ton Advertiser.
THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH.
The freedom of speech and right in
a country like the United States, where
every citizen has his say. can only he
maintained by jealously jruardinj; the
public utterances. It should l>e deem
ed a menace to everyone when any in
dividual descends to incendiary or an
archistic talk to accomplish a purpose.
If anyone violates this principle, it
should always be taken against him,
and in the case of a political candidate,
it should defeat him. as the people
cannot afford to trust an intemperate
or an Incendiary man. and they don't
need to. The difference between ear
nestness and anarchy iv speech is so
clearly defined that there need be no
mistake.
When Bryan, in his speech at Chica
go, said burn down your cities,, etc he
gave the key to his whole scheme and
character. If the public trusts him af
ter such a note of warning it must ex
pect an incendiary government, dan
gerous at all times alike to friend and
: foe. Bryan will undoubtedly be beat
en by his own party. It is justly
ashamed of him. He is not even a
Democrat. His party found it neces
sary to get away from him entirely
and hold another convention and nom
inate a Democrat to get away from
the stampede and riot at Chicago that
adopted a platform that must sink any
candidate that stands on, it. Never
mind Bryan's promises for free silver
to all voters if he is not to be trusted
by his own party. If a bad man tried
to assure us of a good thing we would
all be slow to believe him. Here is a
man posing as a Democrat without
any Democracy and so bad that the
best men in his own party cannot and
will not trust him, but find it necessary
to go and hold a convention and nom
inate a Democrat so as to beat him if
possible. Instead of preaching to the
public Mr. Bryan should privately and
religiously try to make peace with and
satisfy the good .men of his own party
that he and his M to 1 and his anarchy
and burn down your cities is right. His
position before the country at the pres
ent time is that of a man utterly dis
credited by the best men in what he
claims is his own Democratic party,
many of them tried and trusted Dem
ocrats and patriots before he was old
enough to Mat. The pledges, promises
and threats of such a man as Bryan
must fall flat in the face of such facts
Bryan's boasted eloquence must be de
void of sense and argument when he
can not convince millions of conceded
Democrats that he is not a menace to
the country and its business interests
He must have tried it on the dog at
Imago to stampede the convention
but the medicine is no good when offer
ed to real Democrats, and the real
Democrats m the Chicago convention
even rebelled. We are told level-hew l
ed, people; cannot be hypnotized, but
ilv i,51 « SUbJeCtS CaiK can eas
-113 place Bryan among the hypnotists
when he handled enough subjects a?
Chicago to get nominated and fell flat
before a level-headed crowd here
Soca a man. with such a nerve could
succeedlikeSvengali.--XewYo^
Chip* That FA BS i,, tbt Sight
Bryan's boom seems to be drifting
in r splinters toward Salt Kiver-.\e£
lork Commercial Advertiser.
creasing. And the matter of raisin*
revenue has nothing to do with th«
question of coinage
Wt -lAL, NUMBER ONE.)
