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The islander. (Friday Harbor, Wash.) 1891-1899, May 20, 1897, Image 4

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TIIE ISLANDER.
CAPITAL CITY CHAT.
LETTER FROM OUR WASHING-
TON CORRESPONDENT.
A Whole Cargo of Good Things, Every
Cue of Which Is Worth Reading and
Bemeinberins-Republican* Always
Gain When National Question* Arise
Melville's Manifest.
Special WHshlogton correspondence:
NE of the highest
recommendations
that the Dingley bill
has had thus far—
and it has been high
ly commended from
various sections —is
the fact that repre
sentatives of various
foreign governments
are entering protests
against it. The ob
ject of a protective
tariff is to take care
of American citizens,
and when represent
atives of other parts
of the world begin to
complain about it it
is safe to assume that the purpose of th»
bill is being accomplished.
Twenty per cein of gain in twenty
weeks is a pretty good record for any po
litical pnrty to make in work. This is
the gain which the Rhode Island Repub
licans made in the recent State election
over the vote for McKinley in 189 G. This
is the only spring election in which na
tional politics has cut any figure, the
elections in the cities having hinged upon
purely local issues which had nothing to
do with the growth or otherwise of Re
publican or Democratic sentiment from a
national standpoint.
Democrats Tired of the Pops.
The Democrats are geting tired of their
hewhiskered allies in the late election.
Not only have a large majority of the par
ty in the House of Representatives re
spectfully declined to follow the sockless
Simpson, but leading Democratic news
papers of the Populist tainted sections are
beginning to swear off from supporting
Populists. The Topeka. Kan., Democrat,
a representative Democratic organ which
supported Bryan in IS9O. says: "Fusion
is dead in Kansas. A united Democracy
and no further fusions with the selfish and
arrogant People's party. The supreme
duty of the hour for Democrats in Kan
eas is to cut loose from the festering
corpse of the People's party. The ranting
Populists with full power to act have tried
their hands at State government."
Great minds will differ. Mr. Bryan
assumed in his utterances regarding the
recent elections that his cause and him
self have been vindicated. On the other
hand, that sterling Democratic paper, the
Macon, Ga., Telegraph, which expresses
the sentiment of the genuine Southern
Democracy, says: "The Democratic suc
cess of Monday shows unmistakably that
Bryanism and Altgeldism are done for in
this country."
Washington hid two distinguished peo
ple in one day recently—Robert Fitzsim
mons and William J. Bryan. Of the two
Fitz attracted the far larger crowd and
awakened morp enthusiasm. He was
preeted at the depot by a brass band,
while Mr. Bryan's only music was that of
his own horu which he never neglects to
blow.
Democratic Officials In Trouble.
Democratic statisticians whom the
Cleveland administration foisted upon the
Government through the civil service sys
tem are getting themselves into bad odor.
Secretary of Agriculture Wilson recently
suppressed a "single tax" document is
sued by one of ihese gentry, while a cor
respondent of the Chicago Inter Ocean
comes to the front with figures to show
that the statements of the chief of the
bureau of statistics of the Treasury De
partment regarding exportations of man
ufactures are grossly inaccurate. Statis
tician Ford recently asserted that the ex
ports of American manufactures for the
calendar year 18i)G amounted to $256,
-862.505, and were a considerable increase
over those of the last year of the McKin
ley law. In answer to this the Inter
Ocean correspondent asserts, and sup
ports his assertions with official figures,
that the exports of American manufac
tures in 1890 were only $138,408,837. Fig
ares, it is said, won't lie. but to make this
statement accurate, it should be added
that the people who deal with them
should be truthful.
The Union soldiers fared badly under
the Cleveland administration. More
than a thousand of them were dismissed
from the Government service in Washing
ton city alone by that administration and
comparatively few soldiers appointed to
fill the vacancies thus created. One of
the first things done by the new adminis
tration was to set about reinstating these
dismissed soldiers. Secretary WiFson of
the Agricultural Department reinstated
a dozen or more in his department during
the first week in April, and the heads of
the other departments are following the
same plan, so that it is probable that
most of the dismissed soldiers will be re
stored to their positions during the first
half year of the new administration.
democratic Diss ms:mi«.
Sam Randall's famous remark about
the wings of the Democracy "flapping to
gether" would scarcely apply to the con
dition of the remains of that party to-day
In the House of Representatives where
Mr. Randall was once so prominent a'fie
ure in Democratic ranks, the party is di
vided into almost infinitesimal factions
The Bailey and Bryan factions are con-
Btantly at war as to the control of their
ude of that body and as to the methods to
be pursued. Another factional question
is as to whether the alliance with the Pop
uhsts shall be continued, and in regard to
this there is a wide difference of opinion
and much bitterness. The question of pro
tection and free trade is making a wide
breach .n the party and the various fac
tions are being again rent in twain by this
issue. Add to this the great and incurable
division on the financial question and it
will be seen that the once strong Demo
cratic party has absolutely lost its cohe
siveness or definite purpose of action
Nothing has so aUrnied the element which
controlled the Popocratic organization of
last fall as the prospective dissolution of
the partnership which then existed. The
free siiverites see that without the Podu
liiti their chance of sacceii it absolutely
gone and are terrified that the partnership
is to come to an end. Mr. Bryan's spe
cial organ, the Omaha World-Herald,
sounds the note of claim in a recent edi
torial in which it urges the continuance
of the fusion between Democrats, silver
Republicans and Populists, saying: "Get
together. That is good advice to the Pop
ulists, silver Republicans and Democrats.
It means the selection of a silver man to
the United States Senate at the next
session of the Legislature; it means a
solid phalanx of silver followers in all
campaigns from now till 1900. It would
be worse than folly for the Populists to
refuse to fuse with the silver Republi
cans and Democrats at this time and the
disastrous results would extend consid
erably further than the local campaign."
GEORGE MELVILLE.
THE "STRUGGLE" OF 189 a
It Was a Contest Between Honesty
and Dishonesty.
The "struggle" of last year was not be
tween "the money power and the common
people." It was between the mass of the
people and a combination of dishonest ras
cals who wanted to rob millions of the
community by means of cheap, cheating
silver dollars, to be made to apply retro
actively on obligations incurred in honest
dollars and for the payment of future
wages of labor and —by the aid of retroac
tive legislation—for the payment of exist
ing debts. The confidence operators whom
Bryan headed, in furtherance of this vil
lainous scheme, wanted to establish de
based silver monometallism —not bimetal
lism—so that all who had loaned money,
or sold property on time, or had money on
deposit in banks might be done out of half
their dues. That was the game for which
Bryan made his GOO speeches.
Bryan knew that the silver monometal
lism he advocated and miscalled "bimet
allism" would involve this wholesale
cheating all over the Union, but he did
not dare to justify or adtnit it publicly.
He made hundreds of harangues during
the campaign in all parts of the Union,
and he has made still more speeches since
his overwhelming defeat, and has written
a big book since then, putting them into
type, but he has never dared to avow the
purpose and effect of his retroactive
scheme of wholesale repudiation and vio
lation of existing contracts and pecuniary
obligations.—Chicago Tribune.
Encouragement for Farmers.
The Democrats all along the line have
always, as they do now, insisted that the
farming interests of the country never re
ceived a benefit from protection. Yet, in
spite of these animadversions, and even
before the proposed Dingley bill had pass
ed the House, farm products began mov
ing to higher levels of price, and are con
tinuing to movo right along because the
good effect of proposed protection has
stimulated general trade and opened fac
tories that have long been idle, and made
of them greater consumers of what the
farmers had to sell. Wool, wheat and
corn have each advanced in value and are
holding their own. with a good prospect
of doing still better. Stock of all kinds,
horses, cattle and sheep, have greatly
improved in price, and it may confidently
be stated that the said advance has been
the direct and good result of the proposed
protection that Congress is going to give
the country. The authority for these
statements is derived from the standard
and recognized commpreial agencies which
are located in the great commercial cen
ters, and are thus enabled to state in ex
act terms what the conditions are. —Du-
buque Times.
Why We Protect Everything.
There is no other nation on the face of
the earth so well equipped by nature as
our own to make a broad and thorough
test of the protective principle. There is
not one "raw material" of the first impor
tance of which we are not capable of
producing within our borders the great
bulk of our supply, and sugar, tea and
coffee are the only prime articles of food
for which we have to depend upon foreign
countrie*s.
With these exceptions. America is. or
could easily be rendered, absolutely self
sustainiug. And Hawaii and Cuba, if
they were both within our possession,
could be developed to yield all the sugar
required for our needs. A vast country
like the United States follows an unerring
instinct when it endeavors to protect not
only its manufactures, but its raw mate
rials. The early tariffs of Washington.
Hamilton and Jefferson sought to protect
everything which could possibly be fabri
cated or grown in America. Jefferson, in
his fierce protectionist zeal, wished that
the Atlantic might be a great lake of fire
to cut us off utterly from Europe.—Bos
ton Journal.
Successful S cretary ofAgricuitue.
Secretary Wilson, the new head of the
Department of Agriculture, is demonstrat
ing that he is the right man in the right
place. Unlike the Nebraska busybody
who preceded him, he does not spend his
time in writing theoretical essays on top
ics which in nowise concern his depart
ment. Secretary Wilson believes that he
was appointed to his present position to
promote the interests of the tillers of the
soil, and he is not r«nly devoting himself
strictly to these duties, but he is devot
ing himself to them in a practical and
sensible way, which promises to be of the
utmost value.
One of the reforms he has inaugurated
is to collect new seeds from all parts of
the world, and to distribute them, with
the necessary instructions, among farmers
who are likely to put them to use. His
object is to encourage a greater diversity
of farm products Nothing could be wiser,
no matter from what standpoint the mat
ter is viewed.—New York Commercial
Advertiser.
Heavy AY eight Clothing.
A suit of clothes weighing forty pounds
would be a novelty. Yet it is apparently
the sort of suit which Prof. Wilson con
templates for the average American indi
vidual. He argues, in his newspaper ar
ticles at so much per column for the New
York Herald, that the tariff placed on
wool by the Dingley bill will add at least
20 per cent to the cost of a suit of clothes.
Since an increase of 20 per cent in the
price of a suit of clothes means an in
crease of probably $5 in its cost, and the
proposed duty on wool is 12 cents per
pound. Mr. Wilson must calculate that
forty pounds of wool would be used in the
manufacture of a suit of clothes. This
is a fair sample of the misleading and ab
surd propositions upon which the free
traders build their theories and sometimes
get into office.
The Divided Democracy.
There are signs of trouble for the Dem
ocracy again in 1900. The free silver fa
natics now in control of the party organ
ization are doing everything possible to
maintain their grip, while the sound
POSTOFFICE DEPARTMENT BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D. O.
THE Postoffice Department building, a view of which is given herewith, stands upon the site occupied by the build
ing erected for that service when the capital city was located and occupied in the year 1800. The British invaders in
1814, after burning the War Department building, headed towards the Postoffice building, but the explosion of a
magazine at Gre*>nleaf's Point, which destroyed the lives of several of their companions, coupled with a tornado and vio
lent rainstorm which set in at that time, checked the progress of the vandals and the building was saved. In 1836, how
ever, it was destroyed by fire. It was succeeded by the handsome marble building represented above. It covers an entire
square, being bounded by Seventh, Eighth, E and F streets. From this building are issued the orders and in it is conducted
the business which directs the greatest organization of the Government service. There are seventy thousand postmasters,
an army of themselves; there are twelve thousand letter carriers, half as many as the standing array of the United States;
there are thousands of contractors all over the country who carry the mails on horseback or muleback. by light vehicles
over the country roads, by steamboats, by railroads, by lightning express, and now by pneumatic tubes under the rumbling
wheels of the busy cities. What will the next step be? Perhaps electricity, a postal telegraph, who knows? The work
of the Postoffice Department costs in round numbers a hundred million a year. Yet its receipts almost meet running ex
penses, and but for the fact that newspapers, especially country newspapers, are carried at far less than the cost of trans
portation, the departmental service would more than meet its own running expenses of a hundred million dollars a year.
The policy, however, of the Government, and it is a wise one, is to encourage the distribution of instructive literature to
the people,' and for that reason, and that only, is it necessary for the Postoffice Department, with its hundreds of thou
sands of employes, located in every section of the country, to call upon the general government for a trifle of three or
four million dollars a year to meet the slight deficit which now exists in its operations.
money leaders are laying plans to recap
ture the organization. On behalf of the
former William J. Bryan is on the lecture
platform again, following up the Demo
cratic victories, so called, in the recent
municipal elections. He is claiming them
as free silver triumphs, and is proselyting
along that line. He is to tour Ohio, and
will be in Cincinnati in due time.
On the other hand, the Reform Club
of New York, a Democratic organization,
is arranging for a two days' conference
to precede the annual dinner, at which
conference the future of the Democratic
party is to be discussed. Grover Cleve
land* William L Wilson. John G. Car
lisle Wm. D. Bynum. C. S. Fairchild and
other gold men will be there, and they
will determine what is best to be done to
rescue the Democracy from the free silver
faction.—Cincinnati Commercial Tribune.
CRAMP ON SHIPPING
VIEWS THE QUESTION AS IT
AFFECTS THE NATION.
Protection for American Fhips TMs
cussed from Ship-Builder's Point of
View - England Straining Every
Nerve to Perpetuate tier tea Power.
Letter to Senate Committee.
A meeting of 'representatives of the
shipping interests was held in the room
of the Senate Committee on Commerce at
Washington. Among these present were:
C. A. Griscom, W. P. Clyde, T. W. Hyde,
A II Smith, C. H. Cramp, Samuel b.
Bewail H P. Booth, E. Bliss. Aaron Van
derbilt,' D. C. Mink, F. J. Firth C. H
Keep ex-Senator G. F. Edmunds and
Senators Frye, Elkins, Hanna and Per
kins. The meeting was held for the pur
pose of promoting legislation looking to
the encouragement of American shipping.
There was a general exchange of views.
Senator Elkins' bill providing for a dis
criminating duty on goods imported in
American vessels afforded a basis for
much of the proceedings, but there was a
want of unanimity of opinion upon all of
its provisions. Mr. GriScom presided and
the meeting was private.
Several addresses were made during the
day by those in attendance, one of the
most important being the following decid
edly interesting and important letter from
Charles EL Cramp, Esq., president of the
Cramp Shipbuilding Company. It pre
sents the shipbuilders' side of protection
for American ships very forcibly:
Sir: We have to deal with real facts and
actual conditions. The interests of ship
owning and ship-building are identical,
because no nation can successfully own
ships that cannot successfully build them.
No nation can either build or own ships
when, unprotected and unencouraged, it
is brought in competition with other na
tions that are protected and encouraged.
This is the existing condition of the
ship-owning and shipbuilding interests of
the United States.
The resulting fact is that the enormous
revenue represented by the freight and
passenger tolls on our commerce and
travel is constantly drained out of this
country into British. German and French
pockets, in the order named, but mainly
British: while the vast industrial incre
ment represented by the necessary ship
building inures almost wholly to Great
Britain.
For this drain there is no recompense.
It is sheer loss. It is the principal cause
of our existing financial condition.
So long as this drain continues no tariff
and no monetary policy can restore the
national prosperity.
Until, we make some provision to keep
at home some part at least of the three
hundred and odd millions annually sucked
out of this country by foreign ship-own
ers and ship-builders, no other legislation
can bring good times back again.
It is a constant stream of gold always
flowing out.
The foreign ship-owner who carries our
over-sea commerce makes us pay the
freight both ways.
For our exports we get the foreign mar
ket price leas the freight ,
For our imports we pay the foreign mar
ket price plus the freight.
No fine-spun theory of any cloistered or
collegiate doctrinaire can wipe out these
facts.
The fact that so long as the freight is
paid to a foreign ship-owner, so long will
it be a foreign profit on a foreign product,
is fundamental and unanswerable.
The English steamship is a foreign pro
duct, and its earnings, which we pay, are
a foreign profit.
No sane man will argue that a foreign
profit on a foreign product can be a do
mestic benefit.
Add to this the fact, equally important,
that the carrier of commerce controls its
exchanges and the conditions of commer
cial, financial and industrial subjugation is
complete. Such is our condition to-day.
Great Britain has many outlying col
onies and dependencies.
The greatest two are India and the
United States.
She holds India by force of arms, where
by her control of that country costs her
something. She had to pay something for
her financial and commercial drainage of
India.
She holds the United States by the folly
of its own people, whereby her control of
this country costs her nothing. She has
to pay nothing tor her financial and com
mercial drainage of the United States.
But the amount of her annual drainage
of gold from the United States far ex
ceeds that from India.
Therefore, the United States is by far
the most valuable of all dependencies of
Great Britain.
In the relation of England to India there
is something pitiable because India is
helpless.
In the relation of the United States to
England there is nothing that is not con
temptible, because it is the willing servi
tude of a nation that could help herself
if she would.
England is wide awake to these condi
tions and keenly appreciates their price
less value to her.
The United States blinks at them, half
dazed, half asleep, insensible of their tre
mendous damage to her.
England clearly seeing that, in this age,
more than ever before, ocean-empire is
world-empire, strains every nerve to per
petuate her sea power and exhausts her
resources to double rivet the fetters which
it fastens upon mankind.
Though in 1885 England already had a
navy superior to those of any two and
equal to those of any three other powers,
her new navy, with what remains most
available of the old one, overshadows the
world and makes the sea as much British
territory as the county of Middlesex.
Since 1885 England has expended $517,
--000,000 for new ships of war and their
armament. During eleven years she has
built thirty-eight first-class battleships,
three second-class battleships, nine ar
mored cruisers, twenty first-class cruis
ers, fifty-one second-class cruisers: thir
ty-three third-class cruisers; thirty gun
boats; twelve composite sloops, and Bev
enty-four torpedo destroyers, including
the vessels authorized in the current
year's program.
The aggregate is 270 vessels of 1,136,
--575 tons total displacement, 1,674,700
horse power.
Of the navy England already had in
1885, there remain available 42 armored
ships, 34 cruisers, 11 sloops, 19 gunboats
and 95 torpedo boats, which she is re-en
gining, rearming and otherwise modern
izing as rapidly as she can.
In personnel afloat she has augmented
her force from 52,600 in 1885 to 100,500
in the estimates for 1897.
In other words, England has doubled
her navy in personnel and material and
more than quadrupled it in warlike effi
ciency during eleven years of the pro
foundest peace the world ever saw.
Even greater exertions has England put
forth in the augmentation of her mer
chant marine. During the calendar year
1896 she added 1,380,000 tons of new
steel steam shipping to her merchant
fleet, breaking up meantime 530.000 tons
of old and obsolete shipping which could
no longer be operated profitably; a net
addition of 850,000 tons to the total of her
merchant marine by the register, but a
practical addition of the whole 1,380,000
tons, because the 530,000 tons broken up
had do«e its work for her aggrandize-
ment and simply passed through the scrap
heap and the mills into the new tonnage.
No great fact can exist without a great
reason.
In recent years Germany, on a large
scale and in a systematic way, and this
country, on a small -scale and in a spas
modic way, have put forth efforts in the
direction of sea power.
England instantly takes alarm. To her
the growth of any other sea power, even
if its scope be comparatively small and
its extent comparatively feeble, is a peril
second only to the landing of an invading
army in Kent
England is determined that she shall be
not only the supreme sea power, but also
that except within limits set by herself
there shall be no other sea power at all.
She will tolerate the growth of any oth
er sea power only so far as the point at
which it begins to affect her naval su
premacy or dispute the ocean monopoly
of her merchant marine.
The moment any other national aspira
tion toward sea power reaches that point
England must be prepared to crush it.
She will crush it by intrigue, by cajolery,
by treaties, if she can. She will crush it
by preponderating force if she must.
Ever since two first-class American
ships were put in the transatlantic trade
under American management every device
of foul play that selfish ingenuity can in
vent and every resort that unscrupulous
rivalry can suggest have been exhausted
by the English press and the English ad
ministration to defame and discredit them.
English ofncials abroad, from ministers
and consuls down, industriously reproduce
in the newspapers of Japan, Chili, Argen
tine and Brazil the misstatements of the
English press about American vessels.
The British postoffice delays the Ameri
can mails for days in the slower ships of
the Cunard line, rather than send so much
as one letter by the American line.
Our postoffice responds by liberal allot
ments of its European maila to all the
British lines.
The result of all this is that while this
country has never known such industrial
stagnation and such financial distress,
England has never known such industrial
activity and financial prosperity as now.
Does it not occur to men who look the
least bit below the surface that the war
fare for ocean-empire and the strife for
commanding sea-power which England
forces upon the rest of mankind have
reached a stage so acute that her pros
perity unalterably means the misery of
everybody else, and that everybody's loss
is inevitably her gain?
What is the response of the United
States to this tremendous exertion of
English energy and resource to the ag
grandizement of her sea-power?
To the English estimates for the current
year for further increase of her navy
amounting to eleven million nine hundred
and five thousand pounds sterling (£ll -
005,000, say 857.334.500) and a program
involving 108 new ships in all stages be
tween laying down and completion, the
pnited States responds by a sudden halt
in even the comparatively feeble program
fitfully pursued since 18S5, and a flat
collapse of the policy of the new navy as
a whole.
To the 1.380.000 tons of new merchant
shipping built by England during the past
year, what will be the response of the
United States?
Now the future lies wholly in the hands
of Congress.
From that quarter comes no sign.
A tariff bill framed to produce revenue,
and at *he same time to promote and en
courage American industries, is to be pass
ed. To greater or less extent this tariff
is calculated to promote and encourage
every American industry but two—ship
owning and ship-building.
As I have already said, this ceaseless
ebb of gold without compensation is the
tribute this country pays to England, and
it is paid through English ship-owners.
The United States has never been able
to get any of it back except by borrowing
it on bonds.
England is keenly alive to these great
economic facts and their results.
Is the United States to be forever blind
to them And their significance?
These are the questions which confront
v*. Very respectfully,
CHAS. H CRAMP.
Bryan !b still ]L?Olnm*U^M
Cleveland wX/^'pLM
them viciously i^»"r M
day speech. Me^HiM
nation of this wart? th»MM
of his party Uth^SfM
toriety. andi/ '.>' ■
to self every time lnßt^.sM
.V. Great minds ■;„ *;<* ' * ■
cent election,, that ?!,"
have been vin,li,, i'\^j™
that sterling i),,,,: " 3^ f «
con. Ga.. Telegraph a!le Pi> "■
sentiment of the wnni **
ocracy, says: '7|, n l!p«
Monday show* llnil "tJ"~ai>^M
ism and A]t Se ldi^* ;'H«
country." a' c vo nt 3
One of the high- ■
that the DinglHvb'lli r*°%B
and it has been hHlv tad«
various section, -isti '4
sentatives of various fl f:to; «
are entering Pru;p>!s^,j;i «
3^t of a protective tar? !lIM
of American citizens ,„! V°«
at.yes of other part', 0 Dl>«
to complain about it i» ■ c *■«
that the purpose of 'ij'^M
complished. " l!!i«l^B
Twenty per cent f ■
weeks is a pretty soodreS,"*
htical party to make ,"?«*%■
the gain which the i ho ?eP l«
cans made in the iCm^W
over the vote for M Iv n ">•
I- the only springe I'-3^l
tonal politics have 2 -<«
elections in the cities b,V J s^B
purely local issues T I
do with the growth or h er !Hl
Hcan or Democratic *,« V. *""«■
tional standpoint imeatfej»l
The newspapers of the „,„„. I
tacking the Populists !,:;"'^«|
to vote for or airainst th, ■' 'J }!l
saying that they show p','" I
by their course in this mat ■ 'M
is that the Populists r e co;;; e ; 1
whelming sentiment of the I
vor of protection and vet do. .I
go back upon their old allia-Sl
Democrats, to whom they 5 1
some crumbs of office, should I*l
ever again be successful. ' ""il
The Popocrats are scared r I
rebellion in the Democratic pal,J
further continuance of the ,r • 1
tween silver Democrats and"2
and members of both these o m3
are wild with alarm. Mr Brr«v3
the Omaha World-Herald b S3
appealing to the old members o'tfl
litical job lot which failed in bVJJ
November to still bang together "iTJ
"It would be worse than folly at ft'il
for the Populists to refuse to fa
the Democrats and silver RepublicJ
and adds that a continued comb;oaty
.their forces "means a solid phial
silver forces in all campaigns froa J
till 1900." '
Encouragement for the I'arnid^H^
The Democrats all aid the linei^^V
always, as they do now, insisted thji^^B,
farming interests of the countryntT«^B|t
ceived a benefit from protection. Tei^Hl.
spite of these animadversions, andr^Hl!
before the proposed Dingey bill hadp^^fc
ed the House, farm products :^^B
ing to higher levels of price, and are fl
tinuing to move right along becawM
good effect of proposed protection
stimulated general trade and (>;■<:■ :«^H
tories that have long been closed, p;!t^^H
at work who had long been idle, acdi^^H
of them greater consumers of wlat^B
farmers had to sell. Wool, wheat H
corn have each advanced in value a^M
holding their own, with a good prreM
of doing still better. Stock of all fe::H
horses, cattle and sheep, hare irrcatlyß
proved in price, arid it may confid I
stated that the said advance has b?ra:M
direct and good result of the proposed;M
tection that Congress is jroiir.' to . H
country. The authority for these s'*.H
ments is derived from standard and rea^^H
nized commercial agencies. -butri|^H
Times.
The Su?ar Beet in Minnesota. ■
1 The report of the Senate Committtt^M
Beet Sugar Industry in Minnesota !^H
nishes the farmers of the State with as:™
all the necessary information to e::H
them to conduct experiments in beeto^H
ing successfully. The report has A
compiled for the committee by P. I- ■"■;™
er, A. M., who has evidently pivectot^H
subject much time and research; andti^H
chairman. Henry Keller, who is faouJM
with the operations in Germany, t:.ejt^B
inal home of the beet sugar industry. J^B
contributed much practical informaW^B
* The conclusion of the committee is !»«
sugar beet culture and sugar beet «V
facturing are perfectly feasible in M'^Bl
sota, and that there is hardly any m M
the magnitude which the industry nW J|
tain when once started. They £!"»[■
testimony of chemists to the effect/^H
any good wheat land is suitable for mm
also Prof. Shaw, of the Agricultural
partment of the State University, to «
effect that Minnesota could crow"™
beets than would suffice to make sugary
the whole United States. ■
Dreary Imbecility. M
"The Democratic criticisms of thf «JIJ
tariff," says the Inter Ocean. "are<™
ily imbecile." The language is/; ron-JM
what else can be said of criticism l-«
are essentially imbecile in acumen: ■
most vapidly dreary in lantf«aj.e. jj
other phrase can so accurately V^M
exact nature of the attacks
free trade orators and organs a ■
making upon the bill which ii«J» ■
provide protection for our **™"M
an adequate revenue for our Govern .
—San Francisco Call. I
No Debauch, This. _.1
President McKinley has JnJ^J
from a short trip for recreation do«J ■
Potomac. It is mentioned that «» ■
his wife and two other ladies ato« 1
differed from the practice of i m
Cleveland upon such occasions. * ■
rather convivial in his tastes, ana I
of a Bohemian in his habits. « » J
and r morals, as well as '^.^^l
statesmanship, our present Datic
tire is an improvement upon the_on ■
preceded him. although as a ™* to tbal
and duck hunter he may not De »v I
standard.— Commercial. I
Deserting the Silver C««*J
a? Commencing with this week. thtfP >J
will again champion the cause oi do!! J
money. It believes in an bone"- - (
A dollar that is just as good as a* , f
dollar, and that is a gold one. i« *
must learn that 62 cents is not
They must understand the rciauve
of the two metals before paw. -
ment upon their stability as a c^ m *'
medium. With this end in Tie tuc
icle will labor until a
obtained--Portland. Ore.. Carom

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