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THE LABOR JOURNAL Mention the Journal to the merchant who solicits your patron age through these columns. Vol. XXII. Low Prices High Qualities Brodeck's Clearance ■ Sale of Men's, Young .Men's and Boys' (Suits, Overcoats, HatsA Shoes and Furnishings/ END OF THE SEASON PRICES PREVAIL To prepare a general clean-up to mnlte room for Spring stocks. (Sec the Window Displays) The Brodeck Co. January Clearance Sale This great sale ends this week —Bargains will never be better - Notice the specials we are showing in— Warm Blankets at Reduced Prices Oood size cotton blankets: gray, white or tan; worth fine, Janu ary Clearance Sale 55c 11-4 Double Bed Blanket, Gray only, worth $1.00: January Clearance sale 85c HeaVy 11-4 Cotton Blanket, Cray, White or Tan, regular $1.86 quality; January Clearance Sale $1.10 Extra size 11-4 Double Bed Blanket," Gray, While or Tan, worth $1.10; January Clearance Sale 95c Wool Blankets Reduced In white and light colors, only, always a good value at $6.50, January Clearance Sule $4.98 Extra'heavy, all wool, blankets in plaids; medium and dark colors, $7.00 value, January Clearance Sale $5.50 Full double bed size, wool blankets, in gray, white, tan and all plaid combinations; special value worth $10.on, January Clearance Sale $7.50 W. H. CLEAVER e^e^ y BOTH PHONES 217 Successor to Dolson & Cleaver A CHECK BOOK is easier lo carry than a wallet filled with currency, silver or gold. Jt adds dignity to your transactions and gives, mucb satis faction. Checks are of no value except to the person in whose favor drawn. fan yon afford t<> keep youi money nt home or in your pocket, when you can have, without expense, a check book on 1 Uis strong hank 1 THE BANK OF COMMERCE 4 P« Cent Interest Paid on Time and Savings Deposits CALL FOR THE HAFERKORN SEAL SOUDAN SEGONu Union Made by !!aferkorn Cigar Go, Riley-Cooley Shoe Co. TULL LINE OF UNION MADE SHOES Both Phone. 766 1 7 12 Hewitt These Arc Features of HEWITT AYE. 50c white crib blankets; blue or pink borders; January Clear ance Sale .f. 39c 12-4 Blanket, full 2 yards wide, Cray or Tan, worth $1.50; Janu ary Clearance Sale $1.19 Heavy Wool Nap 124 Blanket, Cray, White or Tan, worth $3.25; January Clearance Sale $2.59 $3.50 and $4.00 wool nap blan kets; extra heavy; gray, white or tan, January Clearance Sale. $3.98 HEWITT AND ROCKEFELLER and 5c Cigars THE THE LABOR JOURNAL THE OFFICIAL PAPER OF THE EVERETT TRADES COUNCIL Devoted to the Interest DIRECT ACTION AND ANARCHISM ARE THE SAME THE REVOLUTIONIST UNION IST OF TODAY BELIEVES AS HAS ALWAYS THE AN ARCHIST IN A WORLD UP HEAVAL. By ROBERT HUNTER. (Courtesy ot The National Socialist.) Direct action and anarchism have much in common. Both lay emphasis on a series of oppositions. Both are anti-parliamentary, anti-patriotic, anti militarist, anti-votes, anti-dues, anti insuranee, anti-contracts. Both be lieve in a vague federalism of ill-de fined and hastily-grouped workers. The revolutionary unionists declare for the general strike, which is a form of the insurrections urged by the an archists. The sabotage of the revolu tionists bears a striking resemblance to the anarchists' propaganda of the deed, even when it leads to assassin ation. Leadership is abhorred by both, but an inner circle of daring revolutionists is advocated by both. "We must form," said Bakunine, "not indeed the army of revolution —the army can be anything but the peo ple—but yet a sort of staff for the revolutionary army * * * No very great number of such men is requisite. A hundred revolutionists. firmly and seriously bound together, are enough for the international or ganization of all Europe." Ths deia of an inner clique to lead the ignorant and inert mass plays a gnat part In both the anarchist and syndicalist movements. Bakunine formed a secret society in the midst of tlu? International Workingmen's as sociation, and after that organization was abandoned in IS7I the anarchists continued to advocate the same tac tics In subsequent conferences. To- day we find Pouget, the leader of the French syndicalists, insisting that the enlightened minority in the French labor unions should be the unre strained guardians of the organiza tion. He says: "The conscious min ority will act without taking account of the obstinate mass of the uncon scious who have not yet been ani mated by the spirit of revolt and may be considered as human zeros." And Pouget concludes: "Thus ap pears the enormous difference in method which distinguishes syndical ism from democracy; the latter, by the mechanism of universal suffrage, gives direction to the unconscious * * * and stifles the minorities who near within them the hopes of the future. The syndicalist method gives a result diamentrically opposed to this. Impulsion is instilled into the conscious, the rebels, and all favor ably inclined are called upon to act and to paiticipate in the movement." The position here taken by Pouget is incorporated into the very constitu tion of the French federation of la bor, which makes it possible for a closely organized minority te com pletely control that organization. The trade union with a score of members has the tame voting power in the federation as the trade uuiou with lft.ooo members. Opposition to ma joiity rule has always been as much a cardinal principle of the anarchists as it is of Tammany Hall, and it to day stands as the policy and prac tice of the French unions. The anarchists in the international fought, as the revolutionary union ists do today, for what is called purely economic action. They had no faith in political parties, in par liamentary methods, or, in fact, in ' any effort to capture public powers. For instance, the anarchist, Bordat, 1 said before the Lyons tribunal in j 1893, what most of the revolutionary ; unionists today would thoroughly as sent to. "To send vvorkingmen to a parliament," he declared, "is to act |i like a mother who would take her daughter to a brothel." "Working class candidates," said Bakunine, "transferred to bourgeois conditions of life and into an atmosphere of i completely bourgeois political ideas. ceasing to be actually workers in or der to become statesmen, will become bourgeois, and possibly will become even more bourgeois than the bour geois themselves. For it is not the men who make positions, but, on the contrary, positions which make the men." Such have been the criticisms of tho anarchists levied agalnßt working class political action. Any one who will turn to the literature of revolutionary unionism will find again and again the same thought. In advocating trade union action, however, the anarchists always op posed officials and Bought a decen tralized federation of groups. The chief purpose of the vague organiza tion they advocated was little more than to enable the workers to keep in touch with ieach other and to serve the needs of a quick and wide spread insurrection. They believed that the world was on the verge of an upheaval, and that mere agitation EVERETT, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 24. 1913. J. E. CAMPBELL, STATE SENATOR FROM THIS DISTRICT, FATHER OF THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW FOR WOMEN, WHO IS IN OLYMPIA FIGHTING FOR THE INTEREST OF THE LABORING MEN. lution that would usher in the new order of society. Parliaments would then disappear, but trade unions were necessary, for, as I'rof. 11 ins declared at Basle in 1869, they rep resented in the germ the organiza tion of the new social system. "Ba kunine glorifies," says Pechaaoff, "the 'essentially economic' tactics ot the old English trade unions, and has not the faintest idea that it was these very tactics that made the English workers the tail of the liberal party." The revolutionary unionists today believe, as the anarchists always have believed, that the world is ready for a tremendous upheaval. The new order is waiting to be born, and the sole work to. be done is to arouse In the people the will to start the revo lution. How much like the views ol the syndicalists, as given in an earl ier paper, ore the following declara tions of Bakunine and Kropotkin! "The revolution, as we understand it," said Bakunine, "must on its very first day completely and fundamen tally destroy the state and all state institutions." The workers must then procede to the "confiscation of all productive capital and Instru ments of labor in favor of the asso ciations of laborers, which will use them for collective production." "The first act of the social revolu tion," says Kropotkin, "will be a work of destruction. * * * The government will be overthrown first And following that "the people will also, without waiting for any direc tions front above, abolish private property by forcibly expropriation. * * * 'The reorganization of pro duction will not be possible in a few days,' especially as the revolution will presumably not break out in all Europe at a time. The people will, consequently, have to take temporary measures to assure themselves, first of all, of food, clothing, and shelter. First, the populace of the insurgent cities will take possession tit' tin dealers' stocks of food and of tie grain warehouses and the slaughter houses. Volunteers make an Inven tory of the provisions found and dis tribute printed tabular statements b> the millions. Henceforth, free till; ing of all that is present in abuud ance; rations of what has to be mea sured out, with preference to Up sick and the weak; a supply for de ficiencles by importation from the country (which will come in plenty if we produce things that the farmei needs and put them at his disposal), and also by the inhabitants of ttt< city entering upon the cultivation of the royal parks and meadows in the vicinity. The people will take pcs session of the dwelling houses in like manner. Again volunteers make listi of the available dwellings and dis tribute them. People come together by streets, quarters, districts and agree about the allotment of the dwellings. But the evils that will at first still have to be borne are soon to be done away; the nrtisans of the building trades need only work a few hours a day, and soon the overspaci ous dwellings that were on hand will be sensibly altered and model houses, entirely new, will be built. The pro cedure will be followed with regard to clothing. The people take posses slon of the great clothiers' establish in. tits and volunteers list the stocks. People take freely what is on hand in abundance, In rations what Is limited in quantity. What Is lack Ing 1b supplied In the shortest of time by the factories with their perfected machines." I quote the above statements of the two chief anarchists to illustrate the! similarity between their views and those advocated by the syndicalist The latter are extremely vague re garding the actual procedure of the general strike. Some of them believe that the general strike may be solely of Organized Labor forced in discussion to agree that a pi aoeful general strike would surely meet with defeat. As Buisson says: "If the general strike remains the rev olution of folded arms, if it does not degenerate into a violent insurrection, one cannot see how a strike of fifteen, thirty or even sixty days could bring into the industrial form of govern ment and into the present social sys tem changes great enough to deter mine their fall." To be sure, the rev olutionary unionists do not lay so much emphasis on the abolition of government as do the anarchists, but their plan leads to nothing less than that. If the capitalist class is to be locked out —whatever that may mean —one must conclude that the workers intend in some manner without the use of public powers to gain control of the tools of production. In any case, they will be forced, in order to achieve any possible success, to take the factories, the mines, and the mills, and put the work of production into the hands ot the masses. If the state interferes, as it undoubtedly will, in the most vigorous manner, the strikers will be forced to fight the state. In other words, we shall see the general strike become an insur rection and the people without arms carrying on a civil war against the armies of the government. We might. at course, pass over with light hearts much of the above interesting and harmless speculation were it not for lite violent and bitter attacks made by both anarchists and syndicalists upon any form of political party ac tion. We can afford to be tolerant to ward any positive proposition and even adverse criticism, except when they menace organization. When, however, a group of men conspire to create suspicion and to promote dis trust of all socialist party action, we are forced not only to defend our selves, but even to put the proposals of our opponents under critical analy sis. And the genetal strike of the syndicalists is only the insurrection of the anarchists in disguise. Indeed, syndicalism, as a whole, has been defined as anarchism in dis guise Certainly the entire forces of anarchism have been turned to the service of the syndicalist movement. Emma Q Old man, Alexander Berkman. and other anarchists in New York have recently formed a syndicalist educational league, and from now on, even in this country, every assault made by the anarchists upon the socialist movement will be labeled "syndicalism" or "direct action." The marriage of anarchism and syndical ism is, of c.inrse, a natural and legit i mate union, and we must expect to see In the near future' under its new guise an extensive growth in anar chist propaganda. So long as the an archists were excluded from the unions and divorced from every sec tion of the labor movement by the Marxian elements, they could only keep alive their doctrines by indivi dual acts of violence Rut in recent years the anarchists have not only gained a strong position in the labor movement of the Latin countries, they have also gained at hearing in other countries through policies which, how- ever old in their philosophy, bear new and striking labels. And it is perhaps Inevitable that the views of the anarchists should gain a larger and larger following Political action is slow, and many of the voting er, the more petulant and Impulsive, are Impatient Furthermore, the so cialist movement has become so ex tensive that while it is fundamentally more revolutionary, it no longer ap pears revolutionary. Its tone is quiet er. Its reasoning is saner, and its members include a multitude who are no less determined because they are less given to fanaticism. Great halls, theatres, and lyceums are now the ho i s of the party. PRES. BROWN MAKES A FEW SUGGESTIONS TREAT SIN DETAIL THE PRO POSED ORGANIZATION OF TIMBER WORKERS—TELLS OF THE DANGERS OF THE SCHEME. Introductory Note. Owing to the timeliness of the following article — The Shingle Weavers' Union just hav ing closed its annual convention at Portland, Ore. —the article promised for this week has been postponed till next week. The following are ex tracts from international President J. (i. Brown's report to the convention and go more into detail about the planned organization of the timber workers than anything hitherto pub lished. Next week's issue of the Labor Journal will contain the article, show ing some of the more serious obsta cles, likely to be encountered within labor's own ranks, in endeavoring to organize the timber workers, ob stacles that must be overcome and will be, if treated with the care and intelligence the men in the lumber in dustry are known to possess. The increasing concentration of cap- j ital in the lumber industry lias made it harder and harder for the shingle weavers —being the only branch organ ized and representing but a small fraction of the men employed—to hold 1 their own against these growing for ces. This condition had compelled thought about the possibilities of ex tending our jurisdiction to include all ] workmen engaged in the industry.! This matter was first considered in connection with the suggestion of fered at the Sedro-Woolley convention] by General Organizer ('. O. Young. By instructions of the convention the sub ject was fully investigated during the year. Many conferences were held with many different persons in many different places. A strong effort was made to work out the details of an ex tended form of organization which j would meet the needs of the woods : men and saw mill workers and at the same time not jeopardize the organi zation already in existence. . . . Plan of Organization. I feel that if the workers in the lumber industry were organized on a departmental plan, allowing shingle weavers as now organized, with the addition of those working around shin gle mills not previously eligible to membership included, to constitute one department, the men employed iv sawmills to constitute another depart ment, and the woodsmen a third, we would be approaching the problem from the most practical side. To my mind the proper method of procedure in beginning the work of or ganizing is to use the present estab lished shingle weavers locals to act as a nucleus or centre around which the other and now unorganized men in the industry can be brought togeth er. By starting mixed locals of this sort the new members will have the benefit of the weavers in the manner of carrying on the detailed affairs of the union. This method would also prove valuable in keeping the newly organized men from becoming victims of desiging employers. To guard the principle of autonomy of each branch of the industry and permit the particular business of the organization to be done by those most familiar with the details of the sev eral departments, I would suggest that a measure be incorporated givine to each local branch the right to vote on and decide separately those ques tions not of a sufficient magnitude to properly justify a decision of a joint executive board or an international officer. This law could apply equally well in either mixed locals or after they have become segregated. This segregation should take place when the mixed locals have become so big as to become unwieldy, or when for any other reason it appears that the business of the organization can be better managed or conserved by such action. When more than one local of either department or of the same depart ment, are organized in the same city or in places adjacent to each other, a joint executive board should be ere ated by the election of delegates in such numbers as may be desired or agreed upon. From the delegates so chosen, the officers of the board should be selected, after which regu lar meetings should be held to con sider such matters as may be passed on to them from any of the locals Where only mixed locals are organ Ized, the body as a whole can con sider questions In which the several departments have a common concern, and upon which joint action Is de sired. . . . Initiation and Dues. The rate of dues and initiation fees to be fixed, for the new members we hope soon to ha**» in our Minks, will THE LABOR JOURNAL Is the official organ of the Trade* Council, and is read by the labor ing men and women of Everett. stract justice, the rate ot dues ought to he based upou a percentage of the earnings of the workman. This policy, however, it has been possible lo em ploy only in the oldest and best dis clplined unions. We may hope, some time, lo reach this same point, but for the present, perhaps it should be con sidered from another angle. I am of the opinion that the average wages of loggers and woodsmen Will compare, in a measure, favorably with those of shingle weavers. If this is true, the rate of dues for this class oi men might be fixed at the same rate as now paid by the shingle weavers In the saw mills, on the other hand, but a very small percentage of the men get the wages of either the shingle weavers or the loggers. It would seem, therefore, that the Imonthly dues for these men should be somewhat lower than tor the oth ers, with the same percentage of the local dues being paid the interna tional. We can believe that the rate of ini tiation allowed by our present inter national laws to members of newly j organized locals, if made to apply to mew members coming into the depart jmenta to be formed, should not be Iburdensome. However, no exorbitant 'initiation should be charged, since it |is of vastly more importance to get (the men than the money. This is de tail which, upon an exchange of views, w ill no doubt, become clear. The scale of wages to be adopted as ; the official one for the men in the ] new departments w ill be rather a difficult matter. The one in opera > tion already for the shingle mills will ! answer the purpose of that depart ment, with such changes as may seem desirable and necessary. In consider ing this as affecting the other depart ments, it will probably be the better plan to have the matter of wage scale j for woodsmen and saw mill workers locals to work out, assisted by the ad vice of the officers of the interna tional. This course seems the wisest one to adopt, because of the lack of, 'or very meager, representation of these branches of the industry in our convention. By the time of the next convention it may be hoped that we shall have enough locals of saw mill i and woodsmen organized, which will ■ be represented, to insure them a voice in this and other matters vital to their interests. Dangers. During the early stages ot the civil war many of the reverses sustained by the union army was directly trace able to the lack of preparedness of the forces when they engaged In battles. Much time was later spent in properly drilling the soldiers in military tac tics, and by that means the early dis asters due to the premature encoun ter! with the better disciplined enemy were overcome. The chief dangers we shall encoun ter in organizing on the enlarged scale will be the likelihood of engag ing in premature strikes. The oppres sion heaped upon saw mill and log ging camp employes in the past has been so flagrant that many men will be inclined to give way to their long accumulated indignation by exerting their new-found strength by strike in an effort to obtain redress of their orying grievances. The experiences of the federal soldiers at the battle of Bull Hun ought to serve as a warning and indicate the wisdom of "making haste slowly." On occasion, too, it happens that meu of fiery tempera ments, and sometimes even emissaries of the employers themselves, precipi tate struggles which prove the undo ing of young though, perhaps, strong and prosperous unions. To insure success we ought to organize as thor oughly as possible before making de mands of a radical nature. By doing this we are sure, ultimately, to meet with the same splendid success that has marked the growth of the Shingle Weavers' union even in their isolated position. Merely because a thing is right, merely because a grievance de mands redress, is by no means proof that success would follow a strike. In the last analysis, power is the only factor that will insure certain success. Let us then develop a power sufficient to cope with the forces against which we shall have to contend. The gen eral feeling of confidence which it is our privilege to possess in the ability of the Shingle Weavers' union to pilot the new movement should be justified by the care we exercise In behalf of the men we shall draw into our organi zation during the coming year. Letters on Proposed Legislation Flood New Department That the University f Washing ton bureau of municipal research has attracted nation-wide attention is in dicated by the fact that material and Inquiries concerning employers' lia bilities, "blue sky." insurance laws and a great many other things are pouring into Dr. Hermann Ttrauer's office daily from all over the country. There has also been a prompt re sponse to all the requests this de partment has made for Information which would prove of Interest to thla state. Drafts of bills concerning NO. 50