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Socialist Balderdash
By HUM BOSTROM
; It makes a fellow tired to read such
rubbish as Is contained > In tho Anti-
War Manifesto and Peace Program
prepared by the national committee at
its May meeting and which is now be
ing voted upon by the membership as
National" Referendum B, 1915. Noth
ing can better illustrate the prepos
terousness of the Socialist claim to
scientlflcness than the average resolu
tion, platform or manifesto drawn up
by the idiotic . bunch of opportunists,
who, because of their skill in plati
tudes, have j succeeded in gaining as
cendency in the national affairs of
the party.
That Socialism is a scientific con
clusion drawn from known sociological
facts is undeniable; but that does not
make '■ the rainbow chasings of barn
storming political revivalists scienti
fic, or even tolerably sensible.
"i Just think for a minute of what this
piece of childishness says, this great
manifesto. Let us begin with the be
ginning sentence: "The supreme
crisis In human history Is upon us."
; Let me . ask the national committee
if this means that we are to abandon
'the law of Economic Determinism?
We have been taught that the great
epochs in history have been the use
ful discoveries and inventions, that I
the social history of mankind was a
mere corollary of these industrial ad
vancements, mere re-adjustments in
order to make the social structure fit
the needs of modern machinery. \ But
now our national sages tell us to put
i the cart before the horse. Let us read
further: "European civilization is en
gulfed. . .".: . The future of the hu
man , race is imperilled." Does the
committee mean that in this war we
are to lose track of our sciences, the
arts of making fire, melting iron, build
■ ing; houses, machines, i ships < and : air
crafts, or does it really believe that
the world would lose anything by hav
ing (all its old mossgrown institu
tions overthrown and destroyed? Par
don me my opportunist comrades for
stating frankly that you are exceed
ingly poor stuff to make Socialists
out of, if you are so devoid of optim
ism that you think that the world can
move backward or the human race can
be , imperilled . by anything that can
happen through human agency.
1915 UTOPIANISM
Space forbids treating the subject
in detail. Suffice It, however, to point
out that after an explanation of how
capitalism naturally leads to war, and
a reminder of the strenuous efforts of
the Socialists to prevent it, the com
mittee admits that capitalism has
created a Frankenstein ■ that will de
stroy its creator and that the party
has ; been engaged in < fighting, wind
mills. But never more. After this
manifesto has been ratified, we will
have a program that will settle the
question. We are going to tell the
governments of the world how we
want the world governed. We want
a United States of the world. But the
ancient law of force, upon which all
hitherto existing society has been
based, and upon which In fact sclen
TO SNOHOMISH SECRETARIES
Secretaries are hereby notified that
the dues have been raised to 17 cents
per stamp. This is in accordance
with the ruling of the state secretary,
who informs us that the extra 2 cents
is to pay for the per diem fund for
state conventions. When ordering
your stamps from the county secretary
in future see that you send In 17 cents
for each regular and dual stamp. This
works out at the rate of $3.40 for a
book of regulars and $1.70 for a book
of duals.
MONROE PICNIC
AT KRUSE'S GROVE SUNDAY, AUGUST 1, 1915
The Socialists of Monroe will hold a picnic at Kruse's
Grove, one mile from Monroe, next Sunday. There will be
something doing all day. Sports, music, refreshments
and dancing.
CARRIE W. ALLEN WILL LECTURE
On the Cause and Cure of War. Hope to see all the
Socialists In the surrounding district there on that date.
Come early in the morning and enjoy the whole day's
doings.
NORTHWEST WORKER
DEVOTED TO THE INDUSTRIAL, POLITICAL, AND EDUCATIONAL ADVANCEMENT OF THE WORKING-CLASS
,tlflc Socialism Is based, Is to be aban
doned and the decrees of the world
government are to be carried out
WITHOUT RESORT TO ARMS. This
Is pure philosophic 'anarchy and
comes from a big heart and a small
brain. Gentle persuasion will create
brotherly love. The powers that be
will undoubtedly listen to our advice
and mend their ways, WITHOUT
COMPULSION. And If they don't we
can point with pride to the fact that
we have expostulated with them in
resolutions and manifestos and thus
done all that could reasonably be ex
pected from us. This will entitle us
to the votes of all mutts.
It did not seem to strike the national
committee that if war breaks out. the
organization will be paralyzed by mar
tial law that, as in Europe, the lead
ers will lose their heads and become
patriotic, or their backbones and be
come cowards. That therefore no pro
posal to stop war is practical or even
honest, which does not prepare the in
dividual for the dilemma of being
shot as a traitor or become a murderer
of his fellows. The Quakers have that
much sense. \
Do we want to abolish war before
we have gained our freedom? Are
we to follow in the footsteps of the
I meek Nazarene? Or the eccentric Tol
stoy? If war is one of the many evils
of capitalism, why should we waste
time and energy to trim the branches
and leave the root untouched? What
more can we do than advise our com
rades to leave the war alone and to
' fervently hope that as many mutts
may be killed as possible In order that
the standard of average intelligence
may rise correspondingly?
A SERIOUS SITUATION
j While the committee indulged in
hot-air Quixotisms and phrase gym
nastics, the party, the only organiza
tion that ' even; attempts jto do < some
thing ' for emancipation, is slowly but
surely heading for the rocks, poorly
officered, crew mutinous, and leaking
In every joint The Socialist party
is revolutionary or it is a fraud. It
would be 4 unreasonable to expect a
national committee, the great major
ity of which is composed of incorri
gible opportunists, to correct the
blunders of a national convention, by
giving the party a program that would
give it some semblance of excuse for
'existence; for the committee has not
power to do so, even
if it were Inclined, which it Is not.
But we might have expected that it
could have elected a more capable na
tional secretary and have left out of
the national executive committee the
three members who from their past
services have proven their incompet
ency for so important an office. In
ternlclne strife is perhaps inevitable
In the party, but it is not so necessary
that those who like to fan the flame
of hatred and dissension should be
given encouragement. True, their
term Is short, but the committee has
fixed it so that Berger, the fusionist,
will be elected next winter, by a mem
bership which does not know that he
and the Kaiser stand for the same
thing.
6.
THE JULY LEAFLETS
July leaflets from the Appeal have
not yet come to hand, so it looks as
though the order did not reach the
publishers in time. Those locals that
have paid for July leaflets will get
August leaflets In their place. Money
for the September leaflets should be
sent in right away so that the county
secretary can send away the money
early enough to be sure of their de
livery. All money for leaflets not In
this office by August 20th will be held
over till the next month's leaflets are
ordered.Snohomish County Secretary
EVERETT, WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, JULY 29, 1915.
PACIFIST UTOPIAS
The various pacifist, antl-milltarlßt
and anti-imperialist programs advocat-
Ed by sentimentalists of all classes
arise from different motives, but are
essentially alike In their Utopian disre
gard of fundamental facts. All of
them are impractical, because they ad
vance as Immediate demands certain
adjustments which can be realized
only In tho course of a long evolution.
Tolstoy, Carnegie, Bryan and other
non-resistants start from different
practical premises, but arrive at the
same Impractical conclusion, by com
pletely Ignoring the essential facts of
present-day capitalist life.
The sentimentalists from the differ
ent radical and revolutionist camps,
who champion a pure pacifism, dis
agree with the bourgeois non-resist
ants In matters of the class struggle,
but agree with them in making de
mands upon the capitalist state which
can be realized only by a Socialist ma
jority.
A political co-operation between the
bourgeois and revolutionist represen
tatives in the parliaments can not
overcome the dominant capitalist ma
jorities, because the increase In So
cialist representatives weakens the
very elements In the old parties that
advocate a pacifist program, so that
the Issue narrows down to a struggle
between imperialist capitalists and
democratic Socialists.
The bourgeois pacifists who pose as
radicals are invariably visionaries and
reactionaries at heart Tolstoy's non
resistant Ideas are a latter-day copy
of primitive Christian teachings., Car
negie's pacifism is dictated by utter
blindness to the drift of social evolu
tion.
The primitive Christian non-resist
ant practiced resignation as a matter
of religious'conviction," hoping for help
from above and awaiting the mlllen
ium. Conditions in the ancient Roman
empire left no other alternative to
the lowly, but to resort to violence
against overwhelming odds, or to drag
out a life of resigned submission. Tol
stoy copied this last program at a
time when social conditions make an
economic -nd political resistance in
escapable for the modern working
class, and when the capitalist govern
ments are victims of militarist poli
cies, from which neither they nor the
working class can be .emancipated
within the frame of capitalist environ
ment.
Carnegie's pacifism Is of British
parentage. Influential circles of Eng
lish finance and industry have for
years attempted an approach of the
English government to the German, in
order to avoid the other alternative, a
war of extermination, which would en
danger the interests of these English
men while attempting to strengthen
the position of their domestic rivals
in the imperialist camp. These Brit
ish pacifists failed to change the con
ditions which enforced the alternative
dreaded by them.
Bryan's political career Is a series
of reactionary programs and recanta-
LIBERTY BELL MUTTS
The perlgrlnations of our "Liberty
Bell" (!) have evoked some caustic
editorial comments on the history
thereof. School children and "pa
triots"—for revenue onlyknow lots
about the history of "Liberty Bell"
which. in the vernacular of the street,
"ain't so." Socialists don't know so
much about the bell's history, but
what they do know is so.
The labor paper of Seattle, |Lhe
Union Record, like the Labor Journal
of Everett, Is edited by a Socialist.
Therefore it is informing as well as
Interesting. And what it says Is SO.
And It told the truth about the lie of
"Liberty Bell" pealing out its message
of freedom (sic!) on July 4, 1776.
To-wit, it stated frankly that the
school-book story of "Liberty Bell" and
Its glad tidings of freedom, etc., Is
pure "bunk." To this the Seattle
Star took tactical exception, for the
benefit of Its "patriotic" advertisers.
Comrade Bruce Rogers called the
attention of the Union Record to some
facts substantiating its claims, quoting
the Spokane Socialist, to this effect:
The story that Liberty Bell rang out
the glad tidings of the declaration ot]
American independence on July 4th,1
1776, is fiction. The bell did not ring;
there was no boy in the ante room,
nor any grandpa In the steeple of Inde-
By ERNEST UNTERMANN
. tions of almost everything he ever ad
■ vocated. Free silver, anti-trust laws,
> antl-lmperlallst ravings, anti-govern
i ment ownership—and then a com
• promise with Gold democrats, trust
' magnates, Imperialists. and govern
■ ment ownership. Now he Is a pacifist
. who assists Imperialists In Mexico and
, In Europe. >• '|?.«
Socialist Utopians.
The Socialist and other radical uto
: plans know that the modern working
i class can not adopt a non-res!stont pol
• icy. Many of them also realize that
' the ruling classes will;. not willingly
adopt a disarmament program which
■ would deprive them of the power to
crush rebellious workers at home. Yet
these same Utopians Imagine that they
can extort from the,present-day capi
talist governments a disarmament
which would Imply a Voluntary agree
ment of all great governments to re
duce their militarism End to arbitrate
all international questions of political
or industrial differences. ■
In support of this | visionary Idea
these Utopians argue that ] not every
tendency of capitalist.evolution is Ir
resistible as fate so long as' capitalism
lasts, and that militarism, imperialism
finance and colonial expansion belong
to those tendencies which can be ar
rested and overcome oVen f within the
capitalist system. .i*'''fl|''.■.'.'';'..'
Their forecast of the -Immediate fu
ture reckons with a revived and soli
dified Socialist International, which
shall have enough power,; to stir pub
lic opinion into an effective (Opposi
tion to the militarist and; Imperialist
plans. They admit. thatjeven this re
vived Socialist International will rep
resent but a minority Of the workers
of the world, but,they,count upon the
co-operation of the bourgeois" pacifists
and- hope to secure _ majority in. this
way. *;^-' '\\
It Is certain that'this program can
not be realized within any period
which the present i active generation
can practically encompass. Whether
these tendencies can be curbed or
overcome in the next generation, with
in the limits of capitalism, is a matter
of theoretical speculation which can
hardly claim, any influence over our
present-day policies. .
If this Utopian anti-militarist pro
gram can not be realized, say, within ;
the next five, or at most, ten years,
then it must be evident that our op
position can not take the shape of/dc- ;
finite immediate programs,! but can
be expressed only In the form of a
general propaganda of fundamental
principles, like our demand for the .
abolition of capitalism.
Carnegie's Failure.
Carnegie and his friend Chamber
lain lost their cause, and It is not
very probable that they will gain In
the near future, no matter how the
present war may end.
Even If England and Germany
could have agreed on a common pro
gram of reducing their armaments, its
execution would not have been "pos
sible without the i consent of Russia.
pendence hall that afternoon.
Several days later there were gath
erings of the people in many towns
to express their approval of the ac
tion of the congress, and many bells
were rung. It is possible that the bell
In Independence hall was rung at such
a meeting but there Is no record even
of that.
This correction of the fanciful story
told to children in school books -Is
not the work of some enemy of the
government (or malcontent editor of
a labor journal.) Dodd Mead and com
pany, standard educational publishers,
a few years ago published a book by
John H. Hazleton, which gives a very
painstaking and exhaustive history of
the declaration of independence, in
which the author pronounces the bell
ringing story as false. Ida Tarbell
also finds the story unfounded. It
falls In the same class as the hatchet
and cherry tree and the prayer at Val
ley Forge stories told of George Wash
ington.
It cannot be doubted that the offi
cials of Pennsylvania and of the fed-'
eral government who have charge of
the bell are aware that the story of i
its ringing on July 4th, 1776, is fiction !
pure and simple. But the possibilities
of the great commercial gain through
its exhibit and the feeling that the
people like to be humbugged are suf
ficient to cause t.em to lend their aid
in maintaining the,' story as an actual
It is true that the Tsar seemed one
of the first to welcome Carnegie's
program, but those who were best In
formed, the British and German gov
ernments, did not trust the Tsar, nor
did they trust, one another.
Now the question of disarmament
will be decided by the armed conflict.
If there are. any vanquished at the
end of the war, they will be forced by
the victors to ag^e to a partial dis
armament. If there should be no vic
tor strong enough to enforce peace
terms, disarmament will be farther
away than ever. In the one case, the
victor will not disarm, In the other
none of the principal nations will dis
arm. They will rather prepare for a
new struggle.
Will U. S. Disarm?
The United States has a much smal
ler army than most European nations,
and a navy Inferior to that of the great
maritime powers. Disarmament would
be technically easier, and strategetl
cally less dangerous, for this country
than for most others, provided that
Europe and Asia would also reduce
armaments to a point where an in
vasion of America would become Im
possible.
There Is no probability of disarma
ment In this country, however. On
the contrary, in view of the most
probable outcome of the European war
and of the situation In Mexico and
China, the American government will
increase its army and navy.
Even if all the Socialists, labor
unionists and old party pacifists
should join hands in the effort to curb
American militarism, they could not
succeed this year, nor next year, nor
within the next five years. They are
not united, neither in a common '■ co
operation nor within their own ranks,
and * there *isl no S etitat _T_roSiji~et
that their mutual and internal differ
ences will be settled quickly enough
to make them solid and effective as a
force that could prevent an invasion
of Mexico and an armed conflict in
Asiatic regions.
... Imperialism on the Upgrade
All signs point to the probability
that not only the militarism and im
perialism of at least some great Eu
ropean nations, but , also that of the
United States are on the ascending
arc and will continue on it for a gen
eration or longer. In view of this
probability, all programs demanding
an Immediate disarmament all over
the world, or an international court bt
i arbitration, universal national Inde
pendence, etc., are necessarily vision
ary.
The Socialist party should not ad
vocate any visionary programs. It
should be the one political party that
reads the drift of evolution correctly
and should advocate only,such imme
diate programs as seem reasonably
practicable within the compass ot
present-day politics. All foreseen ad
justments, which must be realized In
a more remote period of evolution,
should be advocated only as matters
of fundamental propaganda.
LECTURES HELD
DURING NEXT WEEK
CARRIE W. ALLEN
. _-—_ —. _, —j •.._.., ..__., ...., _■__ — ,
Thurs., sth, Dewey; Fri., 6th, Lopez;
Sat., 7th, Bayview; Sun., Bth, So. Bel
lingham.
EMIL HERMAN
Aug. Ist, Hoquiam, 2 p. m., Aber
deen, 8 p. m.; Mon., 2nd, Moclips;
Tues., 3rd, Westport; Wed., 4th, Cos
mopolis; Thurs., sth, South Bend; Fri.,
6th,, Raymond; Sat., 7th, open; Sun.,
Bth, llwaco.
CARL ULONSKA
Sun., Aug. Ist, Walla Walla; Mon.,
2nd, Wallula; Tues., 3rd, Kennewick;
I Wed., 4th, Richland; Thurs., sth,
Pasco; Fri., 6th, Horse Heaven; Sat.,
7th, Prosser; Sun., Bth, 2 p. m., Mab
ton, 8 p. m., Grandvlew.
occurrence.
"To my way of thinking," comments
■ comrade Rogers, "it would amount to
' very little if true, for certain It is
! that conditions in the country give the
i lie effectually to all our symbols and
i formularies of freedom. Another
i ] thing that is told of the bell is that it
i became cracked while tolling theddea n
- of John Marshal. I could very well
1 believe that, for one, I would expect
1 any self-respecting Liberty Bell to do
The Need of Organization
By EUGENE V. DEBS
The subject here discussed is a
trite one, but it Is nevertheless of per
ennial Interest to the workers.
The substanital progress of the So
cialist movement and the successful
outcome of the social revolution are
wholly dependent upon the thorough
and efficient organization of the work
ing class. The Impending social trans
formation involving the change from
capitalism to Socialism Is, therefore,
In a word, a matter of organization.
But the fact should not be lost sight
of that organization itself is subject to
continuous change, especially >in this
evolutionary epoch, and that the forms
and methods of a decade ago, or even
less, are now outgrown, or at least out
of date, and that unless organization
adapts Itself to the changing condi
tions under which the class struggle
Is being waged, Its efficiency for good
will be impaired, and in time It will
be discredited and fall Into disuse, if
it does not become actually reaction
ary and a hindrance instead of a help
to the workers. ."■ /Y.APfS
The class struggle Is the fact to be
kept uppermost in mind when the mat
ter of organization is considered. It
is this fact that is the bedrock of mili
tant Socialism. Build upon this rock,
industrial and political organization
of the workers cannot fail. The
storms and tempests may assail it, but
it will stand impregnable and defiant
against them. all. But the very hour
it slips froA that foundation it is in
the shifting and treacherous quick
sands and its doom Is sealed.
The economic and political organiza
tion of the working class upon scienti
fic principles is the most stupendous
challenge to all the future in the name
of all humanity. " ' 7': 77^77
■ It Is precisely because the workers
are not organized -, efficiently and are
Usable to and assert their In
vincible power that they grovel at the
feet of their petty masters and cry
out impotently against their unhappy j
fate. j s'--,:;;r-;'C;^;■••/
The ruling masters of capitalism of
themselves are not strong but piti
fully weak and contemptibly vulner
able. The despotic power they have
and exercise, as such power is always
exercised, is not inherent in them
selves or in their class at all, but is to
A DANGEROUS CITIZEN
Surgeon General W. C. Gorgas,
draining Panama marshes and bring
ing health to the men working in a
climate that had decimated the
French, was a most estimable citizen.
Many people have been glad to honor
him for his great work. But Major
General W. C. Gorgas, proposing to
add thirteen years to the average of
human life by doubling the wages of
workmen, is in a fair way to be de
nounced as a dangerous citizen.
Doubling the wages of workmen can
be done only by taking from the House
of Have and giving to the House of
Want. Destroying insect parasites is
popular; restraining human parasites
is dangerous.— C.
It is a disgrace and a reflection on
the intelligence of the race to have
to be always looking out to see that
the poor are fed. ".':
that rather than do honor to the man
who more than any other murdered
whatever there was to American lib
erty. Bernard Shaw when prevailed
upon by American admirers to give a
reason why he would not tour this
country replied that the statute of lib
erty In New York harbor was too
much for even his sense of irony."
ADVERTISERS
ARE SPENDING THEIR GOOD MONEY ON
YOUR PAPER
They do this in order to get you to spend your good money
in their stores. We should not have to convince you that
you ought to do this as your own material advantage de
mands that you do it. The competitive system has within
itself the seed of its own destruction. By patronizing only
those that advertise in this paper you help them to survive
in the struggle for existence, which in turn helps your
paper to survive.
be found In the ignorance, weakness
and Impotency of their unorganized
I and helpless workers who are depend
ent upon them for employment. ■: f
The task before us, therefore, is the
economic and political ; organization,
with all the education, enlightenment
discipline, and self-restraint this im
plies, of the working class. .
The recruiting, awakening and co
ordinating of the workers in their
own Industrial Grand Army, where
they stand elbow to elbow In class
conscious array, feeling themselves
multiplied many times by j the magic
touch of solidarity; and , their ; spirits
rising within them and finding expres
sion in boundless enthusiasm In anti
cipation of the fulfillment of their age
long dream of : emancipation, is the
greatest work in which . any human
being ever engaged since the world
was born. • _.
To give one's self wholly and un
reservedly to this cause is to be born
again and to feel the new life bound
ing in one's veins and swelling • into
hope, courage, and . self-reliance such
as forever defy disappointment and de
feat and stand unafraid before all the;
world. 7To the extent that the work
ers are rightly organized and : fitted
to take their places in the new order
as free and self-governing ".. citizens of
the collective commonwealth, the revo
lution will come in \ peace i instead of \
the deluge of blood which has accom
panted all the upheavals of the past.
We need not worry as to how to get
rid ; of our r exploiters ;■ once ', we ; know i
how to get along with ourselves.
- With the workers f organized as an
industrial ' and political army, they
could walk peacefully into their J own, ;
and all the '. power that now rules and
curses the world would . dissolve and *
fade at their conquering approach.
Let us study tho art oC how to unite
for our common gooff?! and < stop fight
ing among ourselves [ for our common
destruction! .:,'.'? 7-::"■:' ■■'""':;'
Let us bend all our energies ', to or
ganize : the workers f industrially /and s
politically and \ let minor differences
take care of themselves!
The industrial evolution is compell
ing the industrial organization of the
workers, and we have but to watch its
progress and ; adapt j: our methods to
the changing conditions, i AaT) 77}fS
CREATOR OF HENRY DUBB ;■
WRITES OP EVERETT COMS.
One of the local comrades is In re
ceipt of a letter from Ryan Walker,
who will lecture here within a few
months. Accompanying it is a cartoon
in commemoration of* the handkerchief
that made Walker famous. It Is cap
tioned thusly: Junior and Henrietta,
remember that your Henry Dubb Paw
wants Everett Henry Dubbs, not to
blow their noses on Henry Dubb hand
kerchiefs.
I He says in part: "I have heard a
great deal about the Everett comrades
and their work, and I am looking for
ward with the greatest pleasure to
meeting them. Everett is a place I
wanted very much to visit while I was
In Washington, on my last trip west.
I was very much disappointed when I
had to stop over there and wait for a
train, and not be able to meet any of
the comrades.
"On this coming trip, I hope to
meet all of you, and trust that every
body will. like Henry."
A chance on a fifty dollar diamond
ring for every dollar's worth of subs
sent in by you.;
No man is good enough to be an
other man's master.—Kirkpatrlck.
No. 238
