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THE SOLDIERS' JOURNAL,
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Let me He down.
Just here in the shade of this cannon torn tree,
Here, low on the trampled grass, where I may see
The surge of the combat, and where I may hear
The glad cry of victory, cheer upon cheer;
Let me lie down.
Oh, it was grand !
Like the tempest wo charged, the triumph to share;
The tempest, its fury and thunder were there;
On, on, o'er entrenchments, o'er living and dead,
With the foe under foot and our flag over head;
Oh, it was grand!
Weary and faint.
Prone on the soldier's couch, ah, how can I rest,
With the shot-shattered head, and the sabre-pierced
Comrades, at roll-call, when I shall be sought,
Say I fought till I fell, and fell where I fought,
Wounded and faint.
Oh,that last charge!
Right through the dread hell-fire of sharpnel and
Though without faltering, clear through with a yell,
Right in their midst, in the turmoil and gloom,
Like heroes we dashed at the mandate of doom!
Oh,that last charge!
It was duty!
Some things are worthless, and some others so good,
That nations who buy them pay only in blood;
For Freedom and Union, eacli man owes his part,
And here I pay my share all warm from my heart;
It was my duty!
Dying at last!
My mother, dear mother, with meek, tearful eye,
Farewell! and God bless you, forever and aye!
Oh that I now lay on your pillowing breast,
To breathe my last sigh on the bosom first prest;
Dying at last!
I am no saint,
But boys, say a prayer. The re's one that begins :
*' Our Father," and then says, " Forgive us our sins;"
Don't forget that part, say it strongly, and then
I'll try to repeat it, and you'll say Amen 1
Ah, I'm no saint.
Hark!—there's a shout!
Rise me up, comrades, we have conquered I know ;
Up, up on my feet, witli my face to the foe!
Ah, there flies the Flag, with its star spangles bright,
The promise of Glory, the symbol of Right!
Well may they shout.
I'm mustered out t
O God of our fathers, our freedom prolong,
Andtread down rebellion, oppression and wrong!
0 band of earth's hope, on thy blood-reddened sod
1 die for the Nation, the Union, and God !
I'm mustered out!
A. Man that will not do well in his present
place because he longs to be higher, is fit neither
»o be where he is, nor yet above it.
THE EUROPEAN WAJR.
Although engaged in a terrible war, we have
not been disinterested spectators to the compli
cations with which Europe has been convulsed
for some time past, and anything that will serve
to give us light as to the origin and probable re
sult of these troubles among our trans-atlnntic
friends will be read with interest by our people.
The following article from the New York Trilmne
of the 29th ult., sets forth the matter in hand in
such plain, and yet impartial terms, that we
transfer it entire to our columns, believing that
the space could not bo more advantageously oc
" For more than six months the Scheleswig-
Holstein question has been keeping Europe in
suspense, and it is still doubtful whether a per
manent solution will soon be found for it. The
English press continue to bluster and to predict
! a new war, in which England will fight on the
side of Denmark ; yet whoever takes the trouble
to look more at the facts than at comments of
the English papers, cannot fail to see that the
protracted negotiations between the European
Powers have been by no means useless, that
[ important points of agreement have been reach
ed, and that the object of the dispute has been
" When the war first broke out, wo pointed out
what appeared to us to be the only possible solu
tion of the question. Whatever may be the
rights of each of the belligerent parties—and on
this point the most eminent jurists of Europe
have been and are of different opinions—it has
not been denied by any fair-minded observer,
that the people of Holstein and of a number of
districts in South Schleswig are unanimous in
demanding a separation from Denmark, and
that the people of Germany, whether living un
der an absolute or constitutional monarch or in
a republic, will never cease to aid the people of
the two duchies in the realization of their nation
al aspirations. There was, therefore, we con
tended, in the Danish question as in that of
Italy, only one effective solution possible; name
ly, to ascertain the extent of the Danish and of
the German predilections among the people of
Schleswig, and to base all propositions to be I
made to the belligerent Powers concerning
peace, upon the geographical frontier of each
nationality. If such an agreement could once
bo arrived at, and the line of separation fixed, so
as to leave the Danish-minded with Denmark,
and the German-minded witn Germany, there
would never be a cause for new hostilities.
" For a long time it appeared as if this view of j
the case was not likely to find many friends
among the European Governments. The ma
jority of the people of the two Duchies insisted
that their country had never been a part of Don
mark, and that according to their sovereign laws
the Prince of Augustenburg was the successor
supported in this by a number of the German
Governments and an overwhelming majority of
the German people. The Governments of Aus
tria and Prussia were for a long time willing to
returnrboth Duchies to the King of Denmark, if
he was willing to give guaranties that Schleswig
should not be incorporate 1 with Denmark, but
remain indivisibly united with Holstein. If
Denmark had consented to this proposition of a
so-called "personal union," the protest of the
Diets of the Duchios would have been of little
avail. The consent of the other European Pow
ers would have rea lily been given. King Chris
tian IX. and his heirs would have remained
rulers over the Duchies as well as the kingdom,
though the actual administration of government
would have been as distinct as in Sweden and
Denmark, however, did not consent to the
personal union, but, still hoping for aid from
England, continued the war. Austria and Prus
sia, in a brief and decisive campaign, conquered
the whole mainland of Denmark, and soon
learned that threatening language was not likely
to be fallowed by hostile acts. They then both
claimed the right to recede from the London
Treaty and to demand the independence of the
Duchies. France now proj>osed the plan of a
division of the two Duchies according to nation
ality, and the principle was soon adopted by al
the powers represented at the London Confer
enee. England comprehended that, if she chose
not to go to war, a part of Schleswig was al]
that, by peaceable negotiations, could be savec
for Denmark. Denmark herself preferred the
entire cession of Holstein and South Schleswig
to the establishment of a "personal union,"
being well aware that in the latter case, the pro
dominance of the German element in the two
Duchies would be so great as to absorb entirely
the Danish minority, and that then no treaty
would prove efficient to guarantee to Denmark
the permanent possession of the Duchies. Aus
tria and Prussia likewise consented to it, being
desirous to escape from a complication which
threatened the peace of Europe. The Represen
tative of the German Confederacy insisted that
no portion of Sen 'eswig should be ceded to Den
mark unless the people of either portion should
vote in favor of it; he therefore also admitted
the principle of a division. The people of the
two Duchies declared themselves very strongly
against a division of Schleswig, but their wishes
in ihis respect would have no controlling influ
ence upon the decision of the London Cbnfer-
It will thus be seen that what we have always
regarded as the important point in the solution
of this question has received tho assent of all
the Powers, the belligerent as well as the neutral.
They all have admitted the principle, that the