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Pursuant to that eommand the
Democratic Congress on August 24th
passed the Free Tolls Act
It also provided that United States
trans-continental railroads must sell
their ships. Tho purpose was to force
a reduction of railway rates by water
The Canadian railroads still owned
their ships, and, naturally, wanted to
operate them through tho canal freo.
ThlB would, of course, give the Can
adian roads an advantage over tho
American roadswhlch had sold their
ships. The Canadian roads, through
the British Government, protested
against free tolls for American ves
sels unless they were also granted freo
Secretary of State Knox forced the
admission from Ambassador Bryco
that the British claims could not be
About this tlmo Senator Root made
a speech declaring for the repeal of
the Free Tolls Act. Thero was cir
culated, through the Carnoglo Insti
tute, 1,750,000 copies of tho speech and
organized propaganda to repeal the
Free Tolls Act was begun.
No real headway, however, was
made until the President appeared be
fore Congress and demanded tho re
peal of the Act. Here, again, I found
myself In opposition with the Presi
dent. I stood upon the Democratic
platform and resisted the repeal of tho
I held then and hold now that the
canal was built by American brains
nnd brawn. It was paid for by the
taxpayers of the United States. It be
longs to the United States. The claim
that our rights are not superior to
those of other countries that neither
contributed a dollar nor nn idea to its
construction Is, In my Judgment, un
sound nnd un-American.
Of course, gentlemen who permit
the President to do their thinking
would have no difficulty In voting
nwny the canal, but so far as I am con
cerned, every time I have the oppor
tunity, I shall vote for tho doctrine
that the Panama Canal Is American
property and that we can permit our
vessels to go through upon such terms
as we see fit to dictate.
The Administration was for tho pro
motion of good roads. I actively sup
ported that policy.
FARM LOAN ACT.
The Administration was for tho Farm
Loan Act. I served on tho Banking
Committee to which it was referred,
assisted In perfecting It, nnd support
ed It upon the floor of tho Senate,
CONTROVERSIES WITH MEXICO.
During 1914 nnd prior thereto, re
peated and irritating disturbances oc
curred in Mexico and across our bor
der. Tho President Inaugurated the policy
of "watchful waiting," hoping that af
fairs would adjust themselves and that
war nnd bloodshed could be prevented.
He was severely and bitterly criti
cised for not resorting to force. The
conditions flnnlly became unbearable,
and the President asked authority to
send troops Into Mexico.
When this measure was befOro the
Sennte, tho President was again ve
hemently assailed, this time because
he proposed to toko action.
I defended the President against
these attacks. While I was speaking
the news came that our soldiers were
already fighting in Vera Cruz. The
speech will be found in the Record of
April 21, 1014.
I desire to pass no encomium upon
myself reference Is made to the In
cident merely because It offers another
Illustration of the falsity of the charge
that I "always fought tho President"
As I recall, the speech was not re
plied to. The President obtained the
A bill to restrict immigration by op
plying the illiteracy test passed the
House against President Wilson's pro
test. The President held that illiteracy
was not a fair test as to good citizen
ship of the immigrant
I supported the President I sup
ported his veto.
Realizing that sooner or later tho
United States might bo drawn Into
the European conflict, President Wil
son, In the winter and spring of 1016,
began advocating preparedness.
Ills Administration caused to be in
troduced in Congress The National De
fense Act of 1016.
As a member of the Military Com
mittee I assisted In perfecting the bill
and made speeches In support thereof.
THE PRIVATE SOLDIER AND THE
As a member of tho Military Com
mltteo, I helped frame and Insert In
The National Defcnso Act numerous
provisions for tho benefit of tho Na
I succeeded In having the bill amend
ed so as to Increase the pay of private
soldiers from $15.00 to $80.00 per
month and to correspondingly increase
the pay of commissioned and non-commissioned
My speech in behalf of that amend
ment will bo found in tho Record of
June 24, 1010.
SHIP PURCHASE BILL.
Tho Administration sponsored a bill
to provide for the construction of a
merchant marine which would break
the strangle hold of tho ship monopoly.
A long controversy ensued, a number
of Democrats Joined with the Repub
licans and prevented the passage of
Subsequently, the bill was revived,
nnd I, personally, worked out tho com
promise in tho committee which ob
tained the"- necessary votes for Its
This was one of tho Administration's
pet measures. I defended It" from first
to lust and contributed largely to Its
The foregoing constitute the prin
cipal measures of that part of Wilson's
first term prior to tho election of 1010.
It should, however, bo added that
th cio were scores, oven hundreds of
party pleasures In which tho Adminis
tration was lmcrcBiBU, ruu'ufa' iruui
special bills to great appropriation
measures, which received pjy fcgtant
CAMPAIGN OF 1910.
At the beginning of the campaign
of 1010 I made a speech In the Senate
reviewing tho achievements of the
Democratic Administration which was
largely employed as n campaign docu
ment, many thousands of copies be
ing printed nnd distributed. Tho sub
stance, if indeed not the exact matter,
of that speech, was used In tho Demo
cratic Campaign Book.
During all this time, I constantly
supported the policy of tho President
to keep out of tho European war. I
defended that policy upon the floor of
the Sennte and upon the platforms of
In the election of 1016 I not only
campaigned my State, carrying Presi
dent Wllsons banner, but. although
myself a candidate, I went Into other
states and made speeches for the
ernment expended nearly a billion and
n quarter of money on neroplnno,
scarceley a single Amorlcan-mndo
fighting plnne reached tho front before
tho war was terminated.
I do not say this to criticize the Ad
ministration. Mistakes were Inevit
able, but the singular thing Is, thnt
for making this Investigation and dis
closing these lnmentnble conditions,
the commltteo was denounced.
This review brings us to n time sub
sequent to the election of 1010.
Events were now rapidly shaping
themselves so that war appeared to be
ARMING MERCHANT SHIPS.
Congress was dissolved by low on
March 4, 1017. A few dnys prior to
that date the President came before
Congress and asked authority to arm
merchant ships. There was bitter op
position led by my distinguished
friend and colleague, tho lamented Sen
I, upon thnt question, separated
from my old friend. When, because
of the limitation of the time and the
vehemence of opposition, the bill could
not be passed, I Joined with 75 other
Senators in signing the "roundrobln,"
which assared tho President and the
world that If a vote could have been
taken we would have supported the
President In his demand.
Those who refused to sign were at
once characterized by tho President
as the "wilful twelve." At least I
escaped that denunciation.
I voted and spoke for tho declara
tion of war.
I voted for conscription, although I
did endeavor to have a period of 00
days allowed for volunteering. This
could have been done without delaying
the draft a single day, becauso it re
quired that period of tlmo to organize
und' place in operation the machinery
of the draft.
I voted for every strictly war meas
ure, among other things:
All of the Liberty Loan Acts.
For every dollar, every man, every
ship, every gun, the President ever
asked to carry on the war.
Some of the prlnclpnl acts which I
assisted In passing are as follows :
April 0, 1917. Declaration of State
April 20, 1017. Act Increasing the
size of the Naval Academy.
April 20, 1017. Act Increasing the
nge limit of naval officers from 85 to
April 20, 1017. Act authorizing
rifles nnd equipment for homo guards.
April 80, 1917. Act authorizing the
President to sclzo German and Aus
May 9, 1917.The Administration's
amendment to the Federal Reserve
May 14, 1017. The Espionage Act.
May 15, 1017. Act to increase tho
strength of the navy and marine
May 19, 1917. Act known as the
Urgent Deficiency BUI, appropriating
over $3,000,000,000 for war expenses.
June 2, 1017. The Food Survey BUI.
Juno 15, 1017. Act condemning land
for military purposes.
June 10, 1917. War Priority Ship
Juno 21, 1017. Act for National Se
curity and Defense by stimulating
agriculture and making an appropria
tion therefore of $11,840,000.00.
July 21, 1017. Aviation Appropria
tion Act of $641,000,000.00.
September 11, 1017. Act to secure
secrecy of patents on war inventions
September 11, 1017. Administration
bill regulating manufacture of explos
ives. September 12, 1017. Act creating
the Aircraft Board.
September 12, 1917,-Tradlng with
the Enemy Act.
September 25, 1917. Second War
Appropriation Bill, carrying over $5,
000,000,000. September 25, 1917. Act providing
for soldiers In foreign service making
allotment of pay for support of de
pendents. October 4, 1017. War Bisk Insur
January 18, 1918. Act authorizing
U. S. Shipping Board to acquire lands,
February 22, 1918. Federal Control
of Railroads Act
Mnrch 7, 1018. War Flnnnco Cor
May 1, 1018. Housing Corporation
Juno 24, 1918. Act appropriating
$50,000,000 for President Wilson to use
as ho saw fit for the national defense.
June 20, 1018. Army appropriation
bill authorizing Increase of the drafted
July IS, 1018. Telegraph, Telephone
and Cable Control Act.
September 11, 1018. The Mineral
I refrain from further specifying.
Suffice it Is to say, that my other
votes and all of my energies were de
voted to making the war a success.
As a member of the Sub-committee
on Military Affairs I assisted In an In
vestigation of the aeroplane situation.
It was disclosed that tho aeroplanes
being manufactured were Inefficient
and that not a single first-class fight
ing piano had been produced and sent
The Investigation forced the dis
missal of a number of men responsible
for the condition. Contracts for the
construction of worthless planes to
cost, as I recollect It, ovor four
hundred and fifty millions of dollars
wero cancelled. Tho manufacture of
up-to-date aircraft was undertaken,
I como now to a measure which I
President Wilson Insisted upon a
law being passed which would au
thorize him to appoint n press "censor.
The proposition pnssed the House of
Representatives by a largo mnjorlty.
Against this restriction upon the lib
erty of tho press I contended with all
my might I held then nnd hold now
thnt a free press Is essential to the
liberties of the people; thnt the people
of the United States were waging nnd
supportlhg the war and thnt they were
entitled to know the truth.
Had the bill passed and taken the
course of other wur legislation, we
might have had a press censor until
peace was finally declared.
I may have been wrong In refusing
to "throttle" tho press, but so long ns
I live I will never cast a vote which
will deny to the people the 'right of
peaceable assemblage and the right to
know through an untrammeled press
the condition of the world in which
I am reminded at this point that
there are certain gentlemen, some of
them nsplrants for office, who hnve
often declared that they endorsed and
supported President Wilson In every
thing he ever did or suggested.
Such a man must stand before the
bar of public opinion convicted by his
own admission of a willingness to Im
pair a right without which no people
can be free.
THE WAR CABINET BILL.
While I opposed tho President In
his demand for a press censor, .1 gave
him support In one of the most event
ful and crucial hours of his career.
The war had progressed for some
time. There had been ninny mistakes,
many failures, much waste of money.
This was Inevitable under the circum
stances, but it produced tremendous
discontent In Congress and for a time
in the country.
Under these circumstances, a bill,
really conceded by Senator Weeks,
but introduced by Senator Hitchcock,
was brought forward.
It proposed to nppolnt a Joint com
mittee of Congress to supervise all of
tho expenditures of the war.
The President denounced It as an
attempt to tnke the conduct of the
war out of his hands nnd to deprive
him of his constitutional rights.
The bill, apparently, hud the back
ing of nenrly all the Republicans.
It also was supported by a consider
able number of Influential and power
If the bill had passed, the Presi
dent would hnve been shorn of a large
port of his power.
I took the floor against this mens
urc. I will not sny thnt I mnde a good
speech but I made tho best of which
I wns capable.
I believed the bill to bo unconstitu
tional nnd so declared. I believed It
to be unwise and unfair to tho Presi
dent nnd so declared.
I will not be egotlstlcnl enough to
sny that my speech produced the re
sult, but the fact Is, no one challenged
me In debate nnd the bill was "killed."
If I had been an enemy of the Presi
dent, If I had desired to humiliate or
crlpplo him, this was the opportunity
to have struck a deadly blow.
MR. HOOVER AND FARM PRICE
I have been bitterly criticized for
opposing Mr. Hoover.
Whatever the view of others may be
I am certainly deserving of no criti
cism by the Missouri fnrmers for op
posing Mr. Hoover and his methods.
Let me tell you that story:
Mr. Hoover left the United States
when he wns 23 years of ago. lie took
employment by British companies. He
remained absent from this country for
23 years. He hnd lived no part of
the lust 23 years of his life In the
United States, except that ho had oc
casionally mnde flying" visits to this
country. He hud never enst a vote In
tho United Stntes, nnd has not up to
this day. He wus engaged in organ
izing foreign syndicates. Ho had his
house and holdings in London. Sub
stantially all of his Interests wero with
foreign corporations. He had attained
soma reputation In transporting food
I did not believe thnt n man so
situated should be placed In control
nf ihn nrnilimtlvn nnnn.ina nf AmpHrn
It wns Dronosed to irlvo him the au
thority to license and control, among
other business institutions, millers,
grain exchnnges, companies enguged in
the foreign shipment of grulns and
farm products, stockyards and pack
The power to license nnd take away
a license Is tho power of life and death
over a business Institution. I was
certain thut Mr. Hoover would exercise
this power In order to force down the
prices, particularly of wheat and of
other cereals raised largely In the
State of Missouri.
I Insisted that tho American farmer
was patriotic; that ho would bo will
ing to mako all necessary sacrifices for
the war, and that ho would submit to
a regulation of his prices, provided all
other prices were similarly regulated.
But I urged that If tho farmers' prices
were reduced upon all he had to sell
and ha was compelled to pay war
prices for all he purchased, tho farmer
would be greatly Injured If not Impov
erished. My arguments fell upon deaf ears.
Everybody seemod willing to regulate
the grain farmers. By dint of bard
fighting I succeeded In having steel
brought within tho terms of tho bill,
then cotton manufactured goods, then
copper, and finally, cotton itself.
The result was that many of the
Senators representing stntes In which
theso several Interests wero Important
declared against tho bill. In this situa
tion the President called a conference
- VJbttt uaf.QjjUJy, aHfmugu pur ot
to pnss the bill. However, It wns
ngreed, as some protection to the farm
ers, that a minimum price would be
established for wheat and that the
Government would guarantee thnt
I nt once warned the Sennte thnt
Mr. Hoover would mako tho minimum
price the maximum price nnd thnt
wheat would not be allowed to go
above the minimum. In spite of all I
could do the bill was passed.
Mr. Hoover did substantially make
the minimum price nnmed In the bill
the mnxlmum. He accomplished his
end In this wise: He informed each
grain dealer that if he paid more than
the price Hoover fixed for wheat, his
license -would be revoked. He fixed
the price the millers must pay the
grain dealers. This gave the grain
dealers a huge profit Ho organized
the Export Grain Corporation and
placed nt Its head one of the greatest
grain gamblers of the world. Through
that corporation Hoover fixed the
prices upon export grain.
The result wns that thero was no
plnce In the world for the farmer to
sell a bushel of wheat except at the
price fixed by Mr. Hoover. Sir.
Hooer was able .t6 accomplish" this
by the arbitrary abuse of the licensing
power granted to mm.
Because of this legislation and Mr.
Hoover's attitude the price of grain, as
I recall, fell at once more than a dollar
a bushel in the market '
The Grain Control Act wns con
tinued In force until long after the
war ended. When the control wns re
leased wheat Immediately advanced,
as I now recollect, more than 60 cents
It Is safe, therefore, to shy that Mr.
Hoover took from the farmers of this
nation $1.00 a bushel upon nil the
wheat raised during the period of
grain control. The enormous total must
have reached nenrly one billion dollars
By similar methods he controlled the
price of other cereals.
He also called the packers together
and fixed nn arbitrary price for live
stock. I well remember when the Missouri
Farmers' Association came to Wash
ington during those dark days and
compelled Mr. Hoover to a revision of
the pork and beef specifications for
tho army nnd navy. This they were
uble to accomplish by threatening to
provoke n rebellion In Congress
against his methods. I gnve these
farmers such assistance as I could.
I also recall when Hoover hnd forced
down the price of livestock to a point
where the feeder wns compelled to
loose heavily upon every bushel of
It Is Impossible to accurately esti
mate the amount of money thus taken
from the farmers of the United States,
but I believe they were deprived of
not less than from three to five bil
lions of dollars.
In the meantime, the farmers were
compelled to buy everything they used
from war profiteers nt war prices. The
result wn3 they were robbed at both
ends. The war profiteers got rich al
most over night. Millionaires wero
mnde by the thousands. Munition
manufacturers, copper companies,
manufacturers of agricultural machin
ery, shoes, hnrness and clothing, raised
prices and plundered at will. Wages
udvanced four or Ave times. But the
farmer, to use a slnng phrase, was com
pelled to "hold the sack."
His boys were taken from the field
of production nnd sent to the field of
war. He was obliged to hire labor
at four or five times the normal pre
Nor were the bread consumers of tho
United States much benefited by this
crucifixion of the farmer. The miller,
the baker and the distributor mnnaged
in some way to Increase their prices
and enlarge their gains. But England,
the country In which is located Mr.
Hoover's house and holdings, received
American grain at the restricted
value. In the menntime, however,
Great Britain sold nbrond more goods
In value than nt any time in her his
tory, and all of these she sold at top
This Is the story of Mr. Hoover and
of my opposition to him.
If I could but hnve succeeded the
farmers of Missouri might have had
balances In the bank to their credit In
order to carry them over the slump In
prices which Inevitably succeeded tho
war. The great profiteers had mode
their money nnd were nble to with
stand the cut the farmer was the vic
During all this contest Mr. noover
hnd n publicity mnchlne working night
nnd day. Hundreds of thousands of
dollars, I believe millions of dollars,
wero taken from the public treasury
and employed by him In exploiting
his virtues nnd lnying the foundation
for his campaign for the presidency
upon some ticket which he hud not yet
Why were tho farmers subjected to
this treatment? Largely because they
are unorgunlzed. Capital is organ
ized and it demanded lnrge gains.
Labor Is organized and it demanded
larger wages. Manufacturers aro
largely organized and they took their
profits. But the farmers wero unable
to concentrate their strength.
In thnt respect they were not much
differently situated than they liavo
been from tlmo Immemorial.
Tho day has conn when the Intelli
gent farmer must recognize the fact
that it is necessary for him to pro
cure some sort of unanimity of action
In order to protect his Interests. Nor
will this policy be Injurious to the
country, for tho prosperity of the
country depends upon tho prosperity
of tho farmer. Destroy him and you
will bring ruin to the country. You
will drive tho boys from tho farms to
the cities and reduce that population
upon which the Independence and pa
triotism of the country so largely de
pends. Since I hnve been In the Senate, I
have endeavored In every posslblo way
to guard tho Interests of the farmer.
Some weeks ago I agreed 'Without
charge to assist in defending in the
Supreme Court of tho United States
the Act which was passed by tho recent
Missouri Legislature, which declares
that a board of trado or a grain ex
change Is a public market nnd that
being a publc murkot tho farmers of
commission compnnles within
heretofore exclusive precincts.
I intend to give that cuso the last
ounco of my ability.
Not until the farmers of the coun
try are able to hnve n free and open
market In which to sell their products
will American ngrlculture be safe, nnd
not until ngrlculture Is safe will the
Republic be safe.
Should I be returned to the Senate
there are two things to which I pledge
myself without reservation:
(1) Thnt In the future, as In the
past, I will do what I can to the end
thnt the farmer may receive a square
deal so far as legislation can assure
(2) Thnt I will fight for a reduction
of the heavy taxes which are n mill
stone about the neck of the American
QUESTIONS FOR CRITICS AND
OPPONENTS TO ANSWER.
There are those who say they were
for everything the President proposed
and that every man should be con
demned who even In a single Instance
differed from the President
To thoe Individuals, whether cnndl-
dates seeking election upon the pint
form thnt they nre followers of Wil
son or citizens who denounce me for
occaslonnlly differing from him, I Issue
the chnllenge that they plainly and
publicly answer the following ques
(1) The President demanded the
right to nppolnt u press censor for the
duration of the war.
Would you have voted to "throttle"
(2) Months nfter the armistice had
been signed nnd our soldiers were
largely returned, the President, through
his Secretnrles of Navy and War, de
manded thnt we should have a regular
army of 509,000 men, with 250,000
sailors and marines attached to the
He also demanded universal military
training for every boy. This would
have kept under arms at all times at
least 1,250,000 men.
On top of this, it wns proposed to
create a great national guard and a
Would you have voted for this vast
(3) The President favored the Unit
ed States accepting a mandate over
Armenia. He sent Gen. nnrbord to
Investigate. The General reported
that It would require an army from 25,
000 to 200,000 American troops to
maintain the mandate.
Would you have voted to accept the
mandate ond furnish that army to
serve In Asia?
(4) The President proposed that wo
should make n trenty with France
nnd Great Britain, binding the United
States to defend France against nt
tack by Germnny.
Would you have voted for such a
(5) The President vetoed the War
time Prohibition Bill.
Would you have voted to sustain
tho veto or would you have voted
against the President?
(0) The President backed Mr.
Hoover when he forced the fnrmers to
sell their products at regulated and
reduced prices, although the farmers
were compelled to buy all they con
sumed nt unregulnted war prices.
Tell the farmers of Missouri whether
you would have supported a scheme
so unjust to them I
I have already briefly scanned the
course of the present Administration.
I propose In other speeches to discuss
Its policies In detail.
THE NEWBERRY CASE.
This concentration of power hns !
ready proceeded to an alarming degree.
One after 'another the rights
originally exercised by the States have
been Impaired or abrogated. Many of
the attributes of Government which
the States formerly performed hava
been transferred to a multitude of
Boards and Burenus in Washington.
Moreover, the power of these Boards
and Burenus has been extended far
beyond anything originally contemplat
ed by the Stntes themselves.
An attempt has been made to pnt
business Into leading-strings and te
regulate by Washington Boards the
most Intimate and sacred relations of
Among other things, it wns re
cently proposed that the control of
maternity should be given to a board
of unmarried women nt Washington.
The national ownership of highways,
of coal mines, of gns, has already been
sugestcd. It is but a step from such
propositions to the control of all tho
necessities of life.
If these processes continue, wo wlIL
in n short time, have established a
Federal Socialism which will destroy
the liberties of the individual man,
sap the energies of our people noa
produce a Government by Boards,
Commissions, and Burenus which will
undertake to control the affairs of
the country and the private life of the;
I shall In other speeches discuss this
I stand for n return to the old funda
mentals of Democracy;
For the abolition of useless Boards
For the restoration of business to
the people who created It;
For the cessation of Governmental
interference in the homes and lives of
For the reduction of taxation;
For a strong National Guard, a smalt
standing army, and as effective a navy
as can be had under Harding's treaty;
, For letting the mothers raise their
babies without Interference by a Wash
For a great and comprehensive sys
tem of internal Improvement which
will put water on the desert lands of
the West and prevent the flooding of
the rich river valleys of the great In
Which will give every legitimate
aid to agriculture ;
Which will gratefully render gen
erous nnd just treatment to the sol
diers, sailors nnd marines who served
and saved our country.
I stand for building America so that
her future may be as glorious us her
past bus been splendid.
NEED NOT DREAD POISON IVY.
Science Announces the Discovery That
Gasoline Will Prevent the Evil
Effects So Much Dreaded.
and It was agreed to take out of the
bill the severul products I have named, this State shall huve the riuht to es
In this way, the votes .were marshalled J tabllsu their own co-operative grain
I desire now to call attention to one
Incident of tremendous moment and of
I shall not take your time to review
tho evidence In the Newberry ense.
AVhen he wns seated In the United
States Senate those who voted for
him summed up tho case In the resolu
tion giving Newberry his seat. Be
yond the terms of that resolution we
need not look. Tho resolution was as
"Resolved. . . .
"That Truman H. Newberry Is here
by declared to be a duly elected Sen
ator . . . and Is entitled to hold
his sent. . . .
"That whether the amount ex
pended was $195,000 or ... In ex
cess, the amount . . . much larger
than ought to have been expended.
"The expenditure of such excessive
sums In behalf of a cnndldato . . .
being contrary to sound public policy,
harmful to the honor nnd dignity of
tho Sennte, und dnngcrous to tho per
petuity of a free government, such ex
cessive expenditures are hereby severe
ly condemned nnd disapproved."
Those who voted for that resolu
tion boldly proclaimed the fact that
Newborry hod been guilty of ucts con
trary to sound public policy; that his
conduct had been harmful to the honor
nnd dignity of the Senate and that
It wus dangerous to tho perpetuity of
a freo government '
Having thus arraigned Newberry
for nets which wero destructive of
tho Government, they proceeded to rat
ify his election und make him a part
of tho Government. They thus endorsed
tho corrupt nets and mado themselves
When It Is possible for n majority
of the United States Senate to thus
boldly proclaim knowledgo of Infamy
and to Indecently ratify nnd confirm
the result of that Infamy, the Republic
la imperiled, The guilty parties should
ba lashed from public office.
This action of the Senate can only
bo understood when tho fact 1b recog
nised that that body Is again being
crowded by men whose only qualifica
tions for office Is tho possession of
Whero money rules the use of money
finds sanction. If we are to preserve
this Republic then we must have re
gard for principles not dollars.
No man should be given a high office
merely on account of the mugnltude of
his wealth, whether earned, Inherited
or otherwise acquired.
"Newberrylsm" cuunot be tolerated
In the Republic 1
CONCENTRATION OF POWER.
Another menace which hangs over
tho Republic is tho concentration of
power In the. Federal Government.
The fear of poison ivy, which has
kept many a city dewller away from
the woods and meadows a whole sea
son through, Is now an unnecessary
feur. The specter In the shadows of
the forest is gone. Science has provid
ed the mer.'is for warding off the Illness
which otherwise would follow Infec
tion. The remedy is just an applica
tion of ordinary gasollue. Benzine may
be used Instead.
Science has discovered that the Irri
tation of the skin, In ivy poisoning, Is
no different from uny other cherulcnL
burn, and that gasoline or benzine will
dissolve and remove the poisonous oil
of the Ivy If applied In time. As many
as eight hours may elapse between th
touching of the Ivy nnd the applica
tion of tho remedy. Even persons oa
hikes In lonely districts may benefit
by the discovery, since any passing:
motorist can supply enough gasoline?
to do the work. St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
INSECT'S DEPREDATIONS ARE
The rhinoceros-bettle Is rendering:
the plantations along the coast of Ger
man New Guinea valueless, and unless
the Australian government which,
holds the mandate, does something tc
fight the pest the plantations will bo
nothing more than monuments to tlia
depredations of the rhino. A corre
spondent says: "In one or two in
stances they represent nn appalling
loss, and the sweeping away of the
fruits of from ten to twenty years'
hard work. During the Germun occu
pation a determined effort was lauda
to wipe out the beetle, und to this end
half-a-dozen scientists were Imported
from the Cnmoroons and Germany, and
attached to the locul bureau of agri
culture. These Investigators tried to
find a spray that would kill tho para
site without damaging the palms, and
they were well on their way to success
when the war came and they fled. Slnco
then nothing has been done except by
the beetle, who every year renders a
certain number of plantations value
less. The authorities don't seem to
realize tho seriousness of the thing.
HEARTS DIFFER WITH
"Tho student Insistently demands a
description of what ho Is pleased to
call a 'normal heart.' There Is really
no such entity ns a normal henrt," snld
Dr. Louis Faugeres Bishop In nn ad
dress before the Medical Society of tho
greater city of New York. "The near
est approach can bo found In a heart
which is normal to the person carrying
It. Tho heart of n laborer would ba
abnormal to a bookkeeper, and tho
heart of a tall, tldn man would be a
strange finding In the chest of a short,
Dr. Bishop was urging the examina
tion of hearts by fluoroscopy, which
he said enabled tho physlclun to watch
tho heart In action und to detect any
abnormality of tho performance of any
part of It
Alderman John Coughlln of Chicago
was cornered tho other day by soma
younger members of the city council,
who usked him how ho had retained
his sent In tho council for over 80 years..
"Boys," suld the veteran, "wo all like
to liavo nice things suld about; us la
tho papers, but, whether It's nice or
not, have them suy something and buy
It often P