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title: 'The Missouri herald. (Hayti, Mo.) 1922-1990, May 12, 1922, Image 4',
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SUPPLEMENT TO THE MISSOURI HERALD, HAYTI, MO.
SENATOR JAMES A. REED
OPENS HIS CAMPAIGN FOR
IN SPEECH AT MOBERLY
He Defends His Record and Outlines
His Platform and Issues for
the Coming Campaign
PEOPLE ENTITLED TO KNOW THE TRUTH
If a Spirit of Tolerance Prevails; If We Take
Counsel" of Wisdom, the Army of Democracy
Will March to Certain Victory," He Says
Moberly, Mo. Democratic success
ought to Insure n return to the old
policies under which lmve been pre
served the liberties of the people, the
rnnrcli towards centralization nnx'sted,
the control by speclnl Interests termi
nated and the Government once more
made responsive to the demands of the
country, nsserted Senator .Tames A.
Heed, candidate for the Democratic
nomination to succeed himself as Unit
ed Stntes Senator from Missouri, In his
opening speech here, Saturday after
noon, Mny Oth.
The Inauguration of Senator Reed's
campaign was under the auspices of
tho "Heed for Senator Club of Ran
dolph County," which has a member
ehlp of about 3,000. Two special trains
from Knnsas City nnd one from St.
Louis brought hundreds of enthusi
astic Reed supporters to the city.
The substance of his speech follows :
The Democratic Party Is nbout to se
lect Its candidates for one of the most
Important elections ever held.
Democratic success ought to Insure
a return to the old policies under which
hnvo been preserved the liberties of
The mnrch towards centralization
Bhould bo arrested; the control by spe
cial Interests now Impudently nsserted
terminated ; nnd the Government be
once more made responsive to the de
mands of the country.
I have, for nenrly 12 years, repre
sented, In part, the .Slate of Missouri
In the United States Senate. I lmve,
to the best of my ability, upheld the
fundamental principles of Democracy.
It now becomes not only my right but
my duty to submit my ofllclnl acts to
the public whose commission I hold.
I hope that nothing I muy say will be
misunderstood., . I come to, .close not
to open wounds."
The Democracy may well take a leaf
from the philosophy of Its great an
tagonist. In 1012 the Republican
Party was divided Into two warring
camps. It composed its differences,
and overwliolmed us in defeat. Let us
profit by the example!
If n spirit of tolerance prevails; If
ve take counsel of wisdom, the army
of Democracy will march to certain
and deserved victory.
The difference1; of opinion that have
existed and yet exist within the Dem
ocratic party do not nrl-e over old
principles, but spring from questions
growing out of the great world up
teaval. These new questions wero thrust
suddenly forward for decision Imme
diate action was often necessary. Un
der such circumstances men capable
of thinking frequently arrive nt oppo
The majority of these questions have
been definitely and finally determined.
Why should we dispute over matters
of the past?
The war Is ended nnd It was ended
right. The troops have been recalled.
The army has been disbanded. The I
war legislation has been largely re
pealed. Treaties of peace have been
signed. Everyone did his best to win
the great struggle. What Is to be
gained by fanning into a tlamo expiring
Since our foreign policies nre fixed,
co long ns Mr. Harding Is President,
why need we qunrrel among ourselves
about that which we are presently
powerless to change?
Other questions of great import are
no longer nt Issue.
Women's Suffrage Is here and It Is
here to stay. Advocates and oppo
nents alike recognize the fixed fact
and unitedly hope that It will bring
all the blessings predicted and none of
the evils feared.
Prohibition has been written Into
the Constitution. The Constitution can
onlybc changed by the vote of three
fourths of the States. The Eighteenth
Amendment Is part of the Constitu
tion. The Constitution being the su
preme Inw of the land mnst bo re
spected and obeyed. That course Is
In accordance with good citizenship
and will receive tho support of law
abiding people. It follows that no
good citizen will demand that In order
to enforce one provision of the Consti
tution the other provisions should bo
disregarded or violated. All are equul
ly entitled to be respected.
The true doctrine was well stated
by United States District Judge Sutcr
In the case of U. S. vs. Rykowskl, 207
Federal Reporter, 871. He dec-tared ;
"The eighteenth amendment to'
the Federal Constitution Is as
eucred as the fourth and fifth
amendment, but no more so. They
stand on an equality. There is no
inconsistency betweon them. The
Yo)fltead Act, like any other law,
should Vb enforced us long as It is
on the statute book. Efforts for Its
enforcement should be along legal
lines, lest the law be made odious
itnd tho ultimato result be the de
feu t of Justice."
Within the compass of this address
I rjU "Will le impossible to completely
catalogue the conflicting policies which
divide the Democratic from this Re
publican Party. Broadly stated, the
parties are back on the old "battle
ground." The contest of the Imme
diate future will be largely over the
questions about which the parties have
been for years contending.
To that battle I summon the hosts
of Missouri's Democracy. In that fight
I shall do mv nart. whether I serve
as a leader or In the ranks. Such Is
the spirit in which all should enter
Without now pausing for details, I
cliullenVe attention to the fact that
the National Administration lias failed
to redeem the pledges upmi which It
It has laid down legislative program
after program only to abandon them.
It reduced taxes upon all the great
trusts, profiteers and millionaires and
gave no substantial relief to tho peo
ple. It Is now endeavoring to force
through Congress a tariff bill dictated
by the great Interests and which will-
.enable them to exact extortionate
prices from the body of the popula
It IllCrensed tlio tnvna nnnn rnrnnm.
tlons making smnll profits In order to
reduce the taxes upon excess profits
gathered by corporate profiteers.
It nrnnoses In milwlillyo cliln rnm.
imiucs wiai are largely in alliance with
foreign ship companies.
In order to reduce tho taxes upon
millionaires and profiteers It sought
to retain I he tax upon transportation
which falls upon the entire people nnd
with particular weight upon farmers
It denied tho soldiers n bonus upon
the claim of Insufficient revenues, nnd,
at the same time, reduced the revenues
being paid by war profiteers.
It has refused adequate appropria
tion to control the flood wafers of our
great rivers or to promote navigation
Its history to this date Is one of
broken pledges, servitude to the greut
Interests and abandonment of the com
The conditions In Missouri nre well
known. The Hyde administration has
been tried and condemned at the bar
of public opinion. I shall have occa
sion to discuss it hereafier.
In view of the situation factional
differences outiht to ho fnvi-nttnn wiiii.
In the Democratic Party, and we should
invne io our assistance all citizens In
terested In the welfare of the State.
The people of Missouri nre entitled
to know what my public acts have
been, and I now proceed to u candid
review of what I have done.
It will be necessary to discuss these
questions plainly, and to answer va
rious charges which have been per
Permit me first to remove a Utile
of the underbrush. Many false and
sometimes malicious statements have
been circulated for years. Hitherto
I have maintained silence. The time
has now come when I can nnd ought
to speak. I shall refer to a few of the
charges, but In ns kindly a manner ns
the circumstances permit.
It is charged that because of dis
putes over patronage I opposed Presi
dent Wilson in everything he desired.
A Senator who would allow either
animosity or friendship to control his
official ucts would be unlit to hold that,
high office. The charge Is not only'
untrue, but ns the Congressional Re
cord will show, Is ridiculous.
Tho ubsurdity of' that purt of the
charge which asserts that I opposed
the President In everything ho desired
is Illustrated by the fact that during
his Incumbency the President sent to
the Senate more than 40,000 appoint
ments for confirmation and that I voted
for ull, sine some six or seven up-
The Record also proves that upon
questions covered by the Democratic
plutform upon which we wero both
elected, there wero no differences be
tween tho President and myself.
Upon questions not covered by that
platform I supported the President
when I thought him right. Frequently
I appeared (within tho limits of my
poor abilities) as his champion wlien
the questions wero Importunt und even
crucjul to his administration. I shull
later refer to specific instances.
JONE8 AND THE HARVESTER
A difference did arise between the
President on the one hand and Sen
ator Stone and myself upon the other,
hand regurdhig tbieo uppolntlve offices
hi the Western District of Missouri.
It arose in this wise:
In 1913 tho Federal Reserve Bank
BUI was beforo the Senate. I labored
for weeks to concentrate the complete,
control of the system in a Federal Re
serve Board to bo appointed by tho
President. I believed tho money and
credits of tho country should not bo
controlled by the big banks of Mew
With the bill thus amended, tho
President appointed Thomas D. Jones
us u member of the board. Mr, Jones
was n director of tlie Harvester Trust,
That combination was created by Pler-
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SENATOR JAMES A. REED.
pont Morgan. It embraced practically
all of the manufacturers of farm ma
chinery which had theretofore been In
competition. The trust bad for years
been robbing the farmers. The trust
had been condemned by Democratic
conventions. Prosecuted nt the re
quest of the Missouri Democratic Gen
eral Assembly. It had been coinlet
ed by the Supreme Court of Mis
souri. It win at the time of Jones' ap
pointment under grave charges by the
Federal Government, Jones, himself,
being nnmed as one of the defendants.
Tho Ilnrvester Trust was a sub
sidiary of the Morgan Interests. I did
not believe that the Morgan bank
ought to have u representative upon
tho Federal Reserve Bank Board. I
made n speech opposing Mr. Jones. The
President withdrew the appointment.
After this the President declined to
accept the lecommendutlons of Sen
ator Stone and myself. But all these
differences, nnd they wore really in
consequential, were amicably adjusted
long before the campulgn of 1010. If
any feeling existed after that regard
ing these appointments it certainly did
not find lodgment in my heart.
It Is charged that in the Senate I
opposed Democratic principles and
Happily, all my acts and votes In
the Senate are recorded In the Con
No living man can point to n speech
or vote of mine that Is not In absolute
accord with the established, funda
mental doctrines of Democracy.
As to the League of Nations, It deals
with our foreign relations nnd those
relations have never been regarded as
the s-ubjoct of pnrtlsun politics. The
question of entering Into the lenguo
was declared to be non-polltlcal by
President Wilson and ex-President
Tn ft, when they spoke from the pint
form of the Metropolitan Oiorn House
on i he eve of tho President's second
departure for Europe. Tho President
continuously nnd repentedly reiterated
tlK) statement, continuing to do so up
to the time tho league wus disposed
of In the Sennte.
Upon this non-polltlcal question my
views are so well understood that dis
cussion thereof Is unnecessary.
I voted against the league. I be
lieved It imperiled the Republic and so
believing, I could not support It. My
views have not changed.
I will never knowingly cast a vote
which will directly or Indirectly obli
gate the United Stntes to draft our
boys Into the military service nnd to
send them to fight nnd die In the
quarrels of foreign countries.
The Duty of a Senator.
My conception of tho duty of a Sen
ator Is that ho should carefully Inves
tigate all questions coming beforo Con
gress; counsel with his associates; lis
ten with patience to the view of Inter
ested citizens, nnd In tho end net In
accordance with his best Judgment and
conscience. He who docs less is not
un honest legislator.
Nothing Is easier thpn to follow the
drift of popular opinion ; to tlont with
tho stream of events ; to Join In the cry
of the hour. Tho mediocre, nny the
very fool may do that. Tho demagogue
und coward Invariably pursue that
course. They serve not the state ljut
themselves. Upon the altar of selfish
ness they sacrifice honor and coun
try. Naturally, all men prefer to accord
with their political associates.
There Is usually slight difficulty if
tho proposition Is controlled by estnb-
iisnou party doctrines, a he principle
being ulrcady accepted, lis applica
tion to a particular caso Is easy. When
new questions arise not embraced with
in the party creed, one must bo guid
ed by the laud marks of history and
tho light of reason. But In ull cases
tho responsible representative should
huvo logurd alone for the public weal.
The doctrine that It Is the duty of u
member of Congress to obey the orders
or suggestions of the Executive is not
only revolutionary but tippalllng. It
strikes ut the heart of our republican
Institutions. It deprives the people
of the several congressional districts
"and tho respective states of repre
seurullon in tho legislative branch of
Uie Government, bora use when the
legislative will becomes subservient to
the Executive, all of the powers of
government we centered in one wan.
Thut road leads from the plains of
freedom to the scaffolds of despotism.
It Is the course traveled by every civili
zation which Iwgan In liberty nnd end
ed In chains.
One-man government Is despotism.
This is not n one-mnn government.
It Is u government by 100,000,000 free
men whose representatives can only
luwfully act within the express limits
of their powers as fixed by the Con
stitution. Rome had u one-man govern
ment it ended In world ruin. France
had such a government It ended at
the guillotine. Russia had such u gov
ernment It ended in the bloody cellar
of Sibeiin. England had such a gov
ernment It ended at the block. Prus
sia hud such a government Its despot
is an exile Its people bear the burden
of his sins.
Our Fathers knew history. They hud
suffered from tyranny. They did not
Intend to repent the mistakes of other
nations. Accordingly, they divided tho
Government Into Ihree independent
branches, each confined to Its partic
ular duties, and ench operating ns a
check, upon the others. The Legisla
tive wus authorized to enact; the
Judicial to construe, and the Executive
to enforce the law.
OUR GOVERNMENT WAS WISELY
To the President, who was elected
at Inrge, was granted only certain
executive powers. He was denied
the right to dictate a single luw
or to Issue a single decree. By
the Constitution he is permitted to
touch legislation at but two points. He
may recommend laws, but Congress Is
at full liberty to disregard his sugges
tions. He mny veto bills, but the Con
gress has power to overturn his vetos.
He Is made Commander-in-Chief of
the Army and Navy, but the Constitu
tion gives him neither Army nor Navy
to command. He must go to Congress
for both. And Congress may refuse
both or either.
The House of Representatives has
tho exclusive right to origlnnte revenue
mensures. That body, If it sees fit,
can completely paralyze the Executive
And finally, the Fathers gave to Con
gress the right to impeach the Presi
dent nnd the Justices of tho Courts.
Whence then comes the doctrine thut
the President may dictate to Congress
what laws shall be pussed, and that
tho members of Congress must tamely
bow to the Executive will? Establish
that doctrine and Congress will no
longer bo a'grent nnd Independent body
speaking for the people. It will have
degenerated Into a contemptible tool
to register, not the will of the people,
but the will of the President.
A Congress guilty of such an act be
trays tho people, destroys the Con
stitution and assassinates American
Tho doctrine is an abomination in
tolerable In a free country. Adopt It
and the .President will hnvo more
power than any king who ever wore
u crown, for, by his own will, he can
govern tho grentest nation on earth.
There may be those who ure willing
to take n place In the Senate upon
condition that after they have sworn
to uphold the Constitution nnd to faith
fully demeun themselves in office, they
shall at once violate their oath by per
mitting the President of tho United
States to dictate their votes ; but, such
a man is willing to betray his country
to obtain an office.
If we are to adopt the now policy ad
vocated by Borne people why elect n
Congress? Why pay the salaries of
435 Representatives nnd 90 Senators?'
Why have investigations ami ucnates?
Why not abolish Congress? Why not
let tlie President 'promulgate his de
crees and call them laws?
The man who is Incapable of think
ing for himself is too great a fool to
send o Congress,
The man who is too indolent to think
for .himself la too lazy to send to Con
gress. Tho man who fears to think for him
self Is too cowacdly to send to Con
The man who would take the office
of Congressman upon condition that
ho should vote according to the dicta
tion of some other man Is too con
temptible to send to Congress.
'Shu structure of our Governmont
was laid by the wisest men who ever
assembled to create u uuttou. In that
Government onch state (except na to
certain specified powers) Is a complete
sovereignty entitled to bo represented
In tho Senate by two men.
Has It come to this that the proud
Stnto of Missouri, embracing territory
lnrger thnn the Island Englnnd, one
third ns largo as the German Empire,
possessing a population of 3,500,000 of
the most Intelligent men nnd women
on onrth, desires thnt Its representa
tives shall exercise neither Independ
ence of thought nor nctlon. Shall they
ench morning, turn their faces towards
tho White House and humbly exclnlm :
"Give us this day otir dolly thoughts?"
For nearly 12 years I have repre
sented this great State. I have refused
to delegate to another the trust re
posed In me. I will surrender that
trust only to the people whose commis
sion I hold.
If Missouri wauls a rubber stamp In
the United States Sennte, It undoubt
edly enn find one 'without searching
far or long.
If I am right In the position I have
taken, then the test to be applied to
my public acts Is not whether I agreed
or disagreed with the President, but
whether my votes and nets were In ac
cordance with sound public policy. By
that test I am willing to be measured.
I do not pretend that my judgment
has been Infallible I do claim to have
been honest in my convictions. In
fallibility Is not an attribute of this
earth. I may he mistaken when I do
not agree with you you mny.be mis
taken when you do not ngiee with me.
Nothing is so difficult as legislation.
Its effects lie in tlie future und arc
generally Incapable of exact calcula
tion. Patience and prudence nre In
finitely to be preferred to boldness nnd
experimentation. The greater one's
experience, the more one distrusts leg
The prudent mnn knows thnt our
Government was wisely conceived.
Chnnge Is sometimes necessnry, but
It should not he lightly undertaken lest
more Injury thnn good may follow.
During tlie past six years, nearly every
body has labored under Intense excite
ment. A multitude of well-intentioned
but Impractical schemes have been
brought forward. Nearly every plnn
proposed bus been Imperfect and many
were full of danger.
Under such circumstances It became
the duty of every man charged with
responsibility to proceed with the
greatest care, to examine all proposi
tions, to expose and cure their errors,
and If Incapable of cure, to oppose
them. The representative of tlie peo
ple was the "watchman upon the
tower." It was his business to gunrd
the Interests of the country even
though it broughU.upon him the con
tumely of enemies and the torturing
criticism of friends. He was obliged
In honor to forget himself nnd his own
fortunes. This Is never easy. It Is
sometimes an agonizing experience.
In the light of what I have said, let
me refer to n few of the principal
events of the last 12 years.
GREAT STANDING ARMY AND
I now proceed to discuss various Im
portant mntters In the order of their
Out of order nnd because I desire
to attract tho attention of those who
Insist that disagreement with the Pres
ident was n species of treason, I direct
attention to three demands of the
The domnnd for n grent standing
army nnd nnvy.
The demand for tinlversnl military
service for all boys 18 years of age.
The demand for the acceptance of
n mandnte In Armenia which would
require the mnintennnce In Asia of a
great American nrmy.
Months after tho Armistice hnd been
signed-nnd our expeditionary force wns
being dissolved, tho Administration,
through the Secretnry of Wnr, tho
Nnvy and Chief of Stnff, demanded:
(1) A regular standing army of
(2) Sailors and marines, 250,000.
This vast military establishment was
estimated to cost $1,240,200,000 per
Universal compulsory military train
ing for nil boys 18 yenrs of age, was
This would hnve kept In constant
training nt least 250,000 boys.
The entire scheme contemplated
keeping constantly undor nrms more
than one million men.
The plnn aforesaid also contemplat
ed the creation of n great National
Gunrd, the establishment of training
camps, nnd nrast reserve army.
The entire scheme could not have
been carried out for less than two
thousand million dollars annually.
At the same time active stejfB were
bolng taken to bring about the es
tablishment of an American mandnte
Tho President's personnl representa
tive, Major General Hurbord, wns
sent to Armenia to Investigate, no
reported that It would require from
25,000 to 200,000 American troops to
maintain the mandate; that he, how
ever, believed a force of 59,000 troops
would be sufficient for the first two
Such an nrmy could probably not
hnvo been maintained for less thnn
"$500,000,000 per year.
Adding this to the cost of the per
manent military establishment de
manded, we hnve a total annual cost of
two and n half billion dollars.
The burden would have crushed our
taxpayers and bankrupted tho Govern
ment. I opposed all these propositions. I
insisted that -forced military service in
time of peace wus Prussian militarism
In its worst form.
I Insisted thut our army should not
exceed 100,000 men and u good mllltla.
Wiiut has happened?
The forced military service scheme
The army, against my protest, was
fixed at 800,000.
In a few months, Congress was
obliged to reduce It to 228,000 men.
A little luter Congress was compelled
to reduce the army to 150j000 men.
As to 'the navy, for, which Daniels
demanded 250,000 men, wo aro today
disputing wheUir there shall be 80,
000 or 08,000 men.
Perhnps I wns wrong; it so, the
country has gone wrong. I am willing
to submit the question to the voters of
The President charged that there
existed in Washington a corrupt lobby.
The charge wns true but the Presi
dent was without evidence to sus
tain It I served on the Committee
of Investigation. Without claiming un
due credit, I may say that I largely
conducted tho examination of wit
nesses, gathered tho evidence and mar
shnlled the facts which demonstrated
tho truthfulness of the charge made
by President Wilson. I received a let
ter of congratulation nnd thanks.
CLAYTON ANTI-TRUST ACT.
Tho next great measure was the
Clayton Anti-Trust Act.
Against nn organized effort thnt wns
mndo to emasculate that bill I con
tended with every power I possessed.
The record will show that I succeeded
In retulnlng some of the strong provi
sions of the bill. It wns under one of
the provisions, which was Inserted at
my demand, thnt the shoe machinery
trust was recently convicted.
THE RESERVE BANK BILL.
The Bnnklng and Currency Bill hnd
been hurriedly rushed through the
House of Representatives.
The banks of the country were
alnrmed; ninny of them threatened to
leave the national banking system.
Students nnd professors of iinnnce
were In consternation. It seemed to
me hearings vere Imperatively neces-
snry. I contended for them. Tho
President Insisted thnt hearings should
bo denied und the bill put on Imme
dlnte passage. Over this my first clash
with President Wilson came.
Tho hearings were held, nnd the bill
was amended 503 times. During Its
progress in the Senate, nnd before the
Democratic caucus, Secretary McAdoo
himself began to suggest numerous
amendments, some of them of -the most
vital character. As the result of these
labors, the bill, in Its perfected form,
renched the President, nnd he declnred
It to be the best piece of legislation
adopted" in 50 venrs.
After the hearings hnd been complet
ed nnd the bill had begun to take final
form, I gave an Interview to the New
York World pointing out some of the
grave defects of the bill, and suggest
ing further amendments but stating
thnt the bill would be perfected and
passed. Thereupon, tho President,
upon his own motion, wrote me a let
ter In which, among other things, he
"I want to thank you very warm
ly and sincerely for your state
ment through n New York news
pnper. I have felt all along the
sincere honesty nnd Independence
of Judgment you were exercising In
this whole matter, and you may be
sure that there has never been in
my mind any criticism except nn
occasional difference of judgment.
I think that things nre now shnp
lng themselves admirably, and
I am quite willing to admit that
the processes upon which you have
Insisted have contributed to that
In the campaign of 1910, when tho
President and myself were ench run
ning for re-election nnd our pollticnl
Interests were In n sense mutual, I was
authorized to print this letter for the
purpose of rebutting a statement which
hnd been circulated to the effect that
I had fought the Banking nnd Cur
rency Bill. Tens of thousands of
facsimile copies of the letter were dis
tributed. Moreover, the Democratic State plat
form of 1910 expressly commended my
work. It declared:
"In the framing of the federal
banking bill his (Senator Reed's)
work wns that of a constructive
statesman, and many of the most
salutary provisions of that law aro
due to his foresight and wisdom."
Notwithstanding this record nnd un
provoked by any act of mine, Mr. Wil
son hns recently seen fit to thrust him
self Into the Missouri campaign, by a
letter written to the Globe-Democrat,
In which, among other things, he
states : -
" I clearly remember
that Mr. Reed, as a member of the
Committee on Banking and Cur
rency, interposed every possible
objection to the completion and
adoption of tho bill. His objections
were so many, so varied, and sv
Inconsistent with one another,
that I recall speaking to him
about them In conversation."
That Mr. Wilson is a man of domin
ating temperament and Impatient of
opposition Is conceded by his most
ardent admirers. His feuds with one
time friends are many. But a man
should be just even In his feuds nnd
hatreds. It is for him to cxpluln his
thorough commendation In 1913 of my
position on the banking bill nnd his
wholesale condemnation of that posi
tion in 1922. I can stand his failure
to explain tho manifest injustice lie
has done me better than can ho.
The former President, now a pri
vate citizen, is endeavoring to do In
Missouri that which he was ablo to
accomplish In other states when he
occupied the office of President; that
Is to say, he is seeking to destroy mo
becausq I did not agree with him, Just
us in tho past ho sought to destroy
other members of Congress who ven
tured to follow their own Judgment as
to what was right.
Mr. Wilson ism very sick man. My
sentiments toward him are not thoso
of animosity but of profound sym
pathy. I believe the people of Missouri In
tho coming campaign will not permit
a former President to tell them how
to vote, and thnt they will not punish
n Senator for declining to permit a
President to tell him how to vote,
FREE TOLL8 FOR AMERICAN
SHIPS THROUGH PANAMA
In 1912 the Panama Oamft was ap
proaching completion. The Democrat
ic National Convention doclaced:
"We favor the exemption from tolls
of American ships engaged in coast
wlso trade passing through tho Panama
President Wilson was elected upou
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