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St. Paul daily globe. (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, October 23, 1892, Image 1

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VOL. XIV.
MINNEAPOLIS ABLAZE.
The Most Magnificent Gathering That Ever Turned
Out to a Great Public Meeting in the
Flour City.
Cheering Thousands, With Torches and Transpar
encies, Give Daniel W. Lawler and Roger Q.
Mills the Grandest of Receptions.
The Exposition Building Crowded to Its Very Doors
and Ten Thousand People Unable to
Enter the Building.
Sturdy Champions of the People's Interests Discuss
the Issues Before an Audience Which
Scents the Coming Triumph.
Evidences on Every Hand of the Loyalty of Minne
apolis Democrats to the Standard Bearer,
Daniel W. Lawler.
Addresses by Senator Mills, Henry George, Gen.
Ewing and Half a Loien Other Leaders
of the Democracy.
Who said Minneapolis is not for Dan
Lawler? Upon what does he b#se his
assertion? Was he in Minneapolis last
nitrht? No; he couldn't make such an
assertion if he were.
Thousands of men in line, tens of
thousands looking on from the o'er
taxed sidewalks, horses prancing, ban
ners waving, flaring torches dispelling
'1^^^ f==fl
DAN W. LAWLER.
the gloom of night, rising, swelling
resounding cheers merged into one
grand outburst of welcome— all these
were part and parcel of the demonstra
tion in Minneapolis last night. That
demonstration was an ovation to Daniel
W. LavvJer, the man whom the people of
Minnesota will elect governor next
month— to him and the Democratic
parly for which he stands.
Time and again since the 3d day of
last August has the story been told that
Minneapolis would, by the votes of her
citizens, repudiate the nomination of
Daniel W. Lawler for governor. Why?
No one ever attempted to explain. No
one could explain. What is not cannot
be explained. Hut the story was told
and told again. At last
31iiuicapolis Arose
In all her pride as the metropolis of
the Northwest and said she would give
convincing proof for all time that none
stood nearer her heart than Daniel W.
Lawler. The magnificent demonstra
tion to Lawler seen in Minneapolis last
uight, the most spontaneous.enthusiastic
ovation ever before accorded a private
citizen in the state ot Minnesota, was
the answer Minneapolis gave to the
calumny that she liked not Daniel
W. Lawler. Not like a conqueror did
he ride through the streets of this city,
while all around him rose and fell the
cyclonic outbursts of applause, for
where a conqueror rides the afflicted
Will be found and the triumph of the
conqueror is embittered by the fate of
the fallen; rather like a much beloved
eoii did he appear, a son chosen by his
people to lead them and cuide them, be
cause they had implicit confidence that
whatever he might do would be well
done and done for the people. C?esar
had his triumphs, and so had Napoleon,
but their triumphal robes were tinged
with blood, and beneath the plaudits of
the populace could be seen the fear of
the lash. A whole cityful assembled to
do honor to Daniel W. Lawler, not be
cause he had made himself their master
at the cost of pain to them, but because
they had, of their own will, chosen him
to be their leader.
To Daniel W. Lawler, as the repre
sentative of the principles of the Demo
cratic party, this grand reception was
given— to him and to the other master
ful men who, with him, this year are
carryinc to the certainty of victory the
banner of the Democratic party, so long
theorirlanime of the believers in that
golden rule of statesmanship, "The
greatest good to the greatest number."
Victory for the principles of the Demo
cratic party is in the very air. That
feeling it was which
Tlivongcd the Streets
With cheering thousand's and packed
Sunday ST. PAUL Globe.
the big exposition building to suffoca
tion with thousands more, come to
drink of the stream of political truth
as it flowed from the fountain. For
the representatives of the Democracy
of the nation, as well as of Minne
sota, were in Minneapolis last night.
They were, with Lawler, the guests of
the city's people. And they were such
men as every city delights to honor
There was Senator Roger Q. Mills, who
for years has. from the floor of the na
tional congress fought the battles of
the people without hope of other reward
than the knowledge that he was right
and was doinir his duty, typical of De
mocracy; there was \V. G. Ewing, one
of a iontr list of men who have made, in
the history of American statesmanship,
that pace devoted to the territory west
of the Allegheny mountains one of the
brightest.
Last night he stood before the people
of Minneapolis as a personal representa
tive of Adlai E. Stevenson, the com
panion in arms of that leader of the
American people, Growr Cleveland.
And tliere was Henry George, one of
the brightest of minds, a man of whom
it can be said that he has. within the
memory of the youngest voter, changed
the whole trend of political thought in
this nation, and awakened the world to
a realizing sense of the great problems
that must be solved before all men can
become what they were created,
brothers.
These men are all champions of the
people. They speak, not for a state, for
a collection of states, for a class, for an
interest, but for the people, the whole
people, the nation which is symbolical
of the people, from which it derives its
powers. And so they spoke last night.
It Was a Multitude.
Such a tremendous army of auditors
as greeted Gov. Dan W. Lawler and
the distinguished gentlemen who to
some extent shared the honors with him
at Minneapolis last evening, misiht well
appal the stoutest-lunged orator that
ever addressed an audience in ancient
or modern da vs. It was superb in qual
ity, magnificent in number, truly multi
tudinous in proportions. Its extent and
enthusiasm may be imagined when it is
stated that such a tiling as a speech was
utterly impossible.
Stretching away amost to the limit of
vision from the platform— front, rear,
right, left, on the mam floor and in the
galleries- were what seemed millionsof
gleaming faces, all beaming with ex
pectancy, delight and joyous anticipa
tion of the treat in store.
But the uncountable multitude itself
ended all idea of enjoying the literary
feast promised.
On the platform were seated hundreds
of the most prominent Democrats of
Minneapolis, St. Paul and Minnesota at
large, and Lawler's admirable, unassail
able personality inspired every man of
them. Back of the platform were banked
other hundreds of deeply interested
citizens— Republicans, Democrats, inde
pendents, mugwumps, Prohibitionists,
waverers— all patriots, all completely
in harmony, so far as audible mani
festation goes, with Hie spiiit of
the universal welcome to the foreor
dained successor of William R. Mer
riam in the executive office of Minne
sota, Daniel W. Lawler.
Those in closest proximity to the
speakers' stand but reflected the senti
ment of the seemingly
Countless Thousands
who faced the platform. Packed to
gether in a crush beyond even the point
of ordinary discomfiture— in chairs,
standing in the aisles, hanging onto the
very edge of the gallery, jammed into
the band stand away up under
the roof until it seemed as it
the swinging structure would fall
and • crush those below — the
masses of men and women listened
with almost painful intensity to catch
the echo of every blow struck for
economic freedom by the men of world
wide fame who, in turn, stepped to the
front of the stage in the great Exposi
tion hall which witnessed the forced
nomination of Harrison earlier in the
season.
The bewildered eye of the observer
could not begin to comprehend the ex
tent of the acres of people surrounding
Gov. Lawler as he rose to speak on the
introduction of Mayor P. B. Winston.
The manly, courageous man who has
made such a niarvelously successful
campaigning tour of Minnesota was
visibly affected as he began to deliver
his message of encouragement from the
yeomanry of the state to the denizens
of two of. tfie proudest cities under the
banner of freedom.
Such an ovation as Democracy's can
didate for the governorship received
was
Calculated to Unnerve
any ordinary man; but Lawler, master-
SAINT PAUL, MINN., STjNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 23. 1892.— TWENTY PAGES.
ing his emotions and concentrating the
forces of his mind, began to speak.
Ever earnest, scholarly, patriotic,
eloquent, careful and yet ready, he
seemed to realize that lie had almost en
tered upon the supreme moment of his
public life— and he won the love ami
tribute of friend and foe. Bearing the
apparent signs of the wonderful work
lie has been doing for right, for prin
ciple, for Democracy, for the people,
yet Daniel iV. Lawler perhaps never
appeared to better advantage than last
night, as he realized in his soul, as the
impulses and intuition of his heart im
parted to his countenance, the convic
tion that he was racing friends, ac
quaintances, fellw citizens, who would
join later on in proclaiming him chief
and worthy magistrate of one of the
noblest commonwealths in Christen
dom.
"From the Canadian boundary to the
state line of Democratic lowa," said Mr.
Lawler. amid an impressive period of
silence in the ocean of listeners; "from
Kittson county to Houston: from almost
every hamlet, village, town and city;
from over two-thirds of the people of
this noble state,l brine to the assembled
thousands here tonight a
message or Success
forGrover Cleveland and the Demo
cratic state ticket."
Then the audience turned itself loose,
and while it shouted forth its exuber
ant joy the face of the orator relaxed.
At the conclusion of the applause, Mr.
Lawler went on to say that in
the state of Minnesota alone had
the wise heads of the .Repub
lican . party found it necessary to
shirk the main issue of this greatest po
litical fight of modern times, tariff re
lorm, and to compel their candidate for
governor to devote the most of his time
on the stump to a fictitious difference on
finance, that can never have any ex
istence in reality. A vast and consist
ent majority of the people of the United
States, under Democratic banners, said
Gov. Lawler, cherish and support the
idea of a sound currency, in which the
dollar of paper, silver or gold shall
stand equal in the markets of the world.
In caiiatic language that aroused the
enthusiastic plaudits of the audience.
Democracy's intrepid champion referred
to the fact that the only fault the Re
publicans had thus far laid at his door
was that he was a young man. That he
could not help, "but it was a fault that
could certarnly be remedied if he lived
long enough. Mr. Lawler again set his
hearers wild by the assertion" that when
he is elected he will never be found
Pawning the Power
of the executive office to further per
sonal or party interest. lie would
rather, he said. practice law all the days
of His life and in the evenings remain
at home to play with the babies than to
ride into the governor's chair on the
cowcatcher of any railroad in the state,
of Minnesota.
Promising to meet the people of
every ward in Minneapolis before
the campaign ends, in a fair
and intelligent discussion of public
questions. Minnesota's next governor,
in the midst of a tremendous ovation,
was carried away to address a vast . con
course of people who could not get
within hailing distance of the
Exposition hall. At the conclu
sion of Senator Mills' address,
having returned to the hall, he
was again vociforeusly called for, but
could only bow his acknowledgements,
being too hoarse to be heard ten feet
from the platform. It was a great night
for Lawler, an auspicious augury tor
Democracy in the state and nation", and
an audible, demonstrative indication ot
a victory tnat will revolutionize Minne
sota politics and parties.
MINNEAPOLIS ALL RIGHT.
The City Apparently Pretty Unan
imously Democratic. ..or
The mammoth mass meeting at the
Exposition building to greet Lawler,
Mills, George and Ewing was sufficient
to show that Minneapolis is all riahtfor
the whole Democratic ticKet. But Min
neapolis pride and indignation had been
aroused by the slurs cast upon the city's
loyalty to Lawier. As a further proof
of the falsity of those stories COCO men
turned out in parade to show that Min
neapolis is. figuratively and literally, *
"in line" for Lawler "and the whole
ticket.
The Parade Was a Dandy.
As soon as darkness had fallen over
the city shafts of light shot skyward
from thousands of torches, bands" filled
the air with music, and the earth trem
bled under the tread of thousands of
marching feet. From every direction
they came in converging lines. Marshal
Louis K. Hull at the head of his corps
of aides, commanded •by J. 11. Waters,
was on hand in front of the New York
Life building shortly after 7 o'clock.
From the hour of 7:30 they
were all busy marshalling the
divisions. A Dart of the clubs formed
on Second avenue south and others on
First avenue north. Promptly at 8 a
platoon of mounted police started from
Second avenue up Fifth street toward
the West hotel. Behind rode Marshal
Louis K. Hull and his aides. Next
came Thyle & Schubert's band of fifty
pieces and then the Tenth ward club.
There was a body of men to convince
any one that the Tenth ward is all
right for Democracy. Next came
the Ilaynes and Jennings club
of the Third ward, one of the
biggest clubs in line. Maj. John Land
berg walked proudly at the head of the
Eighth ward club. This organization
bore an eagle with extended pinions
and a live rooster, who looked proudly
confident.
"Didn't know the Eighth ward held
so many Democrats," said a bystander.
"Wait until November and we'll
show Grimes where we stand," an
swered a marcher.
"If you elect Eustis, Torn Lo wry will
be mayor," was the motto the Twelfth
ward men carried. The Fifth ward
Winston club was there several hundred
strong.
. "Watch the Seventh Ward" was the
admonition, by transparency, the Sev
enth ward Gleason club bore. Aid.
Woodward saw it and wept in silence.
The Eleventh Ward Cleveland club
came next, followed, by the St. Paul
clubs. "Lawler and Castle" were the
names on many of the St. Paul trans
parencies. Minneapolis Democrats
lustily cheered Doth names, remember
ing how glad they were to vote tor J. N.
Castle two years ago.
Other clubs fell into line at the West
hotel corner and the line moved up
Hennepin to Tenth street, across to
Nicollet,- down Nicollet and over the
river to the Exposition building. Every
club in the city was there and every
ward was represented. The young men
from the state university, under whose
auspices the meeting was held, rent the
air with their "ski-u-mah" yell and di
vided with the Ihird ward Tammany
the honor of escorting the carriages.
The Tammany men . made a fine " ap
pearance, it being their first bow to the
public, in long coats and white plug
hats. They proudly bore the picture
of the tiger and, on a high platform, a
real tiger.
All along the route the sidewalks were
thronged. The cheers of the marchers
were answered by a chorus of shouts
from the spectators. It was a notice
able feature of the parade that clubs
flayed no favorites in the "matfor-of"
andidates. There was .nO " star
ring. The transparencies and ban
nera borne showed that the Dem
ocrats are working for the
whole ticket. The names of Grover
Cleveland and Daniel W. Lawler, as the
heads of national and state tickets, were,
everywhere coupled, and everywhere
they were received with wild cheering.
It was a parade of men, that of last
nignt, Intelligent-loosing young men.
The small boy, who is usually a large
part of a political Daracle, was wanting.
Every man in line will cast a vote, and
they are the sort of men who vote intel
ligently and leach others how to vote
intelligently.
It was the grandest political demon
stration ever seen in Minneapolis.
THE GKKAT MtiETIXG.
Biggest Crowd Ever Brought To
gether in Minneapolis.
The meeting at Exposition hall was
called to order by W. A. Mathwictr,
president of the University Democratic
club. In a neatly turned speech he in
troduced Mayor P. B. Winston as the
chairman of the evening. The mayor
was greeted by a lound of applause as
he interposed his portly form before the
sea of upturned faces and remarked
that it was his felicity to introduce three
of the greatestest apostles of tariff re
form in the country— Roger Q. Mills,
Dan W. Lawler and Henry George.
These men, the mayor said, were
known to all. Their principles hart
long been exemplified, and in their ex
emplification could be seen the honor of
the Democratic party and prosperity of
the country. Wi ben Mr. Lawler was in
troduced the audience gave vent to its
enthusiasm as a unit. The applause
was terrific in its fervor, and that, too.
in spite of the fact that everybody had
been prodigal with vocal demonstra
tions, expressive of appreciation of the
Cecillan quartette's efforts ptevious to
the speech-making.
The second speaker to face the audi
ence was Harry Hawkins, candidate for
lieutenant governor. His remarks were
few, but apropos, and made a hit. He
said :
"If you in counting your votes do as
as well as they will do in the rural dis
tricts, you will find when the smoke of
the battle is brushed away that the
state will have been taken from the
columns of the Republican party and
turned over to Grover Cleveland. By
doing so, you will elect that kid. that
bud, Daniel W. Lawler, anil all the
other kids and buds, including James
W. .Lawrence."
Gen. W. (i. Ewing, of Chicago, a
staunch Democrat and United States
district attorney under Cleveland, fol
lowed Mr. Hawkins. During his dis
course, the general said:
"1 have often been toid that Mr. Law
ler would be the next governor'of your
state, and I believed it. 1 believed it
so much that 1 am already calling him
governor, and you will have to do so
yourself pretty soon. He will, I am
sure, lead your hosts to victory. The
Democratic party in this state will win.
lam sure. Ido not see how it can fail
to do so, when it is considered that the
difference between the Democratic anrt
Republican parties is taxation. This
difference is what has raised the Demo
cratic party to take the part of the
laboring man. who is more directly in
terested. In this country of triumph
and liberty it certainly is not right that
the country should be taxed for indi
viduals or combination Of individuals.
Our Republican friends urge this
protection for the benefit of ' our
industries. Ah, well! They have been
protecting these industries, these infant
industries, until we want a change. It
tne protective tariff is to help American
labor, I am in favor ot it. 1 am in favor
of the laboring man, for I have had ex
perience in shops and other places.
But how are you going to help Ameri
can labor by taxing ft? By taxing it?
Our Republican friends >eem to
think there is something magical
and mysterious in this taxation, and say
all that is good has come of taxation.
They say they believe this, but 1 don't
believe they do. The laboring man is
growing tired ot the burden and wants
to throw it off. We all know the pros
perity of this country is not due to the
protective tariff, but because of the
grand climate, the grand world and the
grand goodness of the Alniitrhty God.
who has spread His dews over the land
and distributed His infinite goodness
over crops, woodland and waters.
There appeared to be something
mysterious in the tariff, according to
the Republican belief, said Gen. Ewing.
Then he proceeded to show how fallaci
ous these beliefs were and what a
"magnificent" falsehood the protective
tariff tax'was. He was sarcastic in his
reference to the childish arguments ad
vanced by the Republican speakers and
demonstrated in a humorous manner
how he had "found out" Julius Caisar
Burrows in his triumphal march of
tariff speechmaking in the East. In
enumerating the many absurd things
placed in the tariff list by the Republic
ans, he said:
"You find zebras there. Now what on
earth good is a zebra to us? The only
use he could be put to would be to
gather every one in the world together
in the center of the Republican party
and let them kick it to death."
This sally brought down the house,
and when Gen. Ewing took his seat he
was accorded a generous ovation. At
this juncture of ihe meeting several
thousand hel meted torch-bearers en
tered the hall and crowded so close to
the stage that it was impossible to pro
ceed on account of the confusion.
When quiet was restored Henry George
was introduced. It was fully five min
utes before the applause ceased and
Mr. George could make himself heard.
His speech was short, but to the point.
He said:
"This is the first Democratic meeting
I have seen from the stage for many
years, and it is a pretty £ood one. lam
not a Democrat in the- party sense'— l am
not a party man. I care nothing fof the
tickets, iam here to tell you briefly'
why I propose to vote with "the Demo
cratic party. There is more than brass
bands and shouting iv this election of
ours. All over the nation there is a
solemn question pressing. Go anywhere
and everywhere and you will find pov
erty and want. You will find men who
want work, are ready to work, but can
not get it. Why is this condition? Not
that capital oppresses labor, but that
mouopolj oppresses labor. Go into any
city of our country and you will see
wealth in piles and yet be accosted by
the beggar. What, then, is the country
prosperous in? I am for Grover
Cleveland because, to my mind,
he has opened the next great
battle. I am for the Democratic partv
because, led by its better element, the
element in the last session headed by
Senator Mills, it has denounced protect
ive tariff as a fraud. It has declared It
will have no tariff but a tariff for reve
nue only. lam not a tariff man ; lam
a free trader. In this election Grover
Cleveland and the Democratic party
stand for opposition to that demoralizing
system upheld by the Republican party.
They both stand for tne hist step to
free, trade. I was a protectiynist until
l heard a protectionist speech, i hope
every protectionist who goes around
speaking for the tariff will make votes
for free trade,
"H<pW cad this system of protectiojj
bring prosperity to our country? What
does protection do for national pros
periiy? It forms a cordon about the
Country and' keeps out everything we
want. How can protection protect
labor? All that Ja^or wants is freedom.
Th^re is something higher still. As
Grover Cleveland said, this question is
not only a question of markets, but
%| vfl^J r^°^** £^?
Sir Knight Wheelock===Gadzooks ! Won't anybody give us a lift ?
[This accurate sketch of a modern instance is a reminder of the grod old days of the fourteenth century, when the weieht
of armor was so great that a fallen knight could not arise unassisted.]
• morals. What is the prevailing senti
ment of all protection meetings and
speeches? To do injury to others. To
keep the poor of other countries from
enjoying life.
"My first vote was for Abraham Lin
coln, against that form tof protection
which rendered slavery a blot upon our
fair country. lam now against that
form of protection which has for its
purpose the making of slaves of the
Laboring man!"
When Henry George took his seat
everybody knew what was coming, and
who the next speaker was to be. The
name of Roger Q. Mills was shouted
from all parts of the hall, and echoed
and re-echoed from the packed gal
leries. It was "Mills, Mills," on every
'tongue, and when Mayor Winston
arose and struck the table with his j
'gavel the audience anticipated his
remarks and shouted "Mills, Mills!"
When through the terrible din and
shouting the doughty Democrat from
Texas managed to make himself heard,
Ihe deepest of quiet reigned. He was
in bad form, having a severe cold and a
hoarseness of speech from the strain of
speaking every nk'hi and in all kinds of
halls throughout the state. During his
brief but excellent discourse, Senator |
-Mills said:
THE GREAT ADDRESS.
Roxer Q. Mills Speaks to a Vast
Audience.
We are nearing the er.d of a great
campaign, one whose result is to leave
its impress for good or evil upon our j
common country. When the sun sets
on the Bth day of November next the
American people will have decided
whom they shall have chosen to be the
chief magistrate of the nation, and
whom they shall have chosen to be their
representatives in the congress of the
United States. In the selection of their
public servants, they must necessarily
determine the policies upon which the I
government is to be administered in the
future.
The great issue joined between the
two parties, and upon which the people
of the United Stales are divided, is in
reference to the proper exercise of the
taxing power conferred by the constitu
tion of the United States upon its con
gress. The Democratic party today, as
it has ever been, is a party of strict con
struction. It demands that every grant
of power conferred by itself upon its
public servants shall be strictiy con
strued in the interest of liberty. It
therefore contends that this power to
levy and collect duties is a power de
signed by the grantors to raise
revenue to support an honest, efficient
ami economical administration of pub
lic affairs, and for nothing else. [Ap
plauv.] It contends that in the impo- j
sitiori of these duties they shall be so
laid, and upon such articles,as will pro
duce the required revenue with the
least possible burden to the taxpayer,
and the least possible disturbance of
the private business of the people. Our
Republican friends, on the other hand,
demand a latitudinous construction of
j the constitution, not only in this grant,
but in every other. We believe in local
self-government and individual liberty.
[Applause.] They believe in a
Vast Concentrated Power
in the general government;. They be
iieve that this power should so be exer
cised by coneress as to prevent thtTiin
portatlou of foreign goods into the
United States; to restrict, as far as pos
sible, and in many cases to prohibit it
entirely, in order, as they claim, to pro
tect American workmen against compe
tition with foreign pauper labor; in
jbrder, as they claim, to build up Amer
ican industries by fostering and en
jpouragTns the domestic production of
Jhe article kept out by the high rate of
duty. They claim that by keeping out
these foreign goods and giving encour
agement to the production of tike
tcoods in this country by American
labor by increasing the price of
the domestic production and thus
encouraging its development, that they
Will naturalize these industries in this
'country and make the American people
independent, self-sustaining, and free
from any possible contact with any
other people on the globe. [Applause.]
They say that they want to build up a
home market. They promised that if
.live would give them this protective
policy, they would soon bring the pro
dncer and the consumer side by slue;
that they would bring manufactures
into this country, and manufacturing
laborers sufficient to consume all the
agricultural product that is made by the
agricultural labor of the country, and
that after a short time you would see a
blast furnace and a woolen mill by the
side of every wheat held, turnip patch
and pig-pen'in the laud. [Applause.]
Now, my friends, vve have had this
policy for, Io! these thirty years. We
have had protection, and in the latter
part of that period
Protection Run Had.
We have got the highest protective
duties today that auy country on ihe
globe has ever submitted t,o. Where, is
that home inarkej? We are today ship
ing out Of this* country 3 thousand mijb
ion of dollar jof the surplus product or
American labor, lud all these piomises
have turned to a^hel oil our- lips.-
plause.] We are shipping 70 per cent
©f all trie doiton that is grown in this
country. Only 80 per cent finds
a home market, while the peo
THE PITIABLE PLIGHT OF THE HORNING DEFENDER.
pie have been taxed to death for
thirty years to enable our Republican
'•friends to redeem that promise. [Ap
| plause.j If it cannot be redeemed in
thirty years, is it not presumptive evi
dence, at least, that it can never be re
deemed. [Applause.] And, my friends,
instead of the country becoming self
sustaining, instead of becoming inde
pendent of all other countries, instead
of bringing the producer and the con
sumer and setting them side by side and
our country being independent and cut
off from all other countries in the world,
I our commerce with foreign countries
j continues to grow, while the infant mi
i udstry continues to grow weaker. [Ap-
plausejlt was con ten led in the beginning
of ourgovernment,by theold fathers who
adopted this policy in the infancy not
j only of the government but the infancy
of manufactures, that while it was a
j burden upon the taxpayers, yet it was
one necessary to be borne in the then
condition of the country. They claimed
it was a poiicy infantile in its nature,
and temporary. Tliev were in favor 01
adopting that burden" in order that that
might hasten the adoption and the de
velopment ot a policy that would give I
us munitions of war, clothing and sucli
I things as we would need in a foreign
contest with one of the great
armed powers of Europe. It was
supposed, when Una policy was adopted,
that in a few years, with the encourage
ment of a small amount of protection,
that American manufacturers would be
able to stand alone; hence, the leaders
of the Republican party, up to fifteen
and twenty years ago. declared, in ac
j cordance with the old doctrines of the
fathers of protection, that they were in
favor of a
Protection That Lead to Free
Trade.
Mr. Garfieldso proclaimed. You may
take all the illustrious chiefs of the Re
publican party and you will find them
on record for a moderate protection that
; would enable the infant after awhile to
come to years of maturity and stand
alone against the world. [Applause.]
But the McKinley bill is a new de
parture in this country. It propounds a
new policy for the American people. It
declares that the doctrine of protection
is permanent in this country, and that
the highest rate of taxation is thowisest
policy for the people to submit to.
What has protection done for our
manufacturers? Have the years that
we have given them protection enabled
them to stand alone? Have they grown
stronger and stronger with the encour
agement we have given them, or weak
er and weaker? In the beginning of
the government the protective duty was
from 5 to 10 per cent, imposed at
the suggestion of Alexander Ham
ilton, the father of protection. After
they had had that for a number of years
they wanted 15 and 20 and got it. Then
they wanted 25 and 30. It has gone on
up to a hundred, in some cases to 300
per cent, and a few years ago a bill
was reported to the house ot representa
tives proposing a duty on pearl buttons
of 1,400 per cent. [Laughter and ap
plause.] Well, my friends,
Tills Infant Gets Weaker
and weaker. We had better take the
bottle away from its mouth before it
kills it. [daughter and applause.]
Protection, instead of aiding the infant
to stand alone, is ma - ing him worse
and worse. It is like Col. Seller's eye
salve, if you remember the play, in the
"GildedAee." There was a very hope
fui, sanguine fellow who was always
just on the point of malting 81,000,000
He was always assuring his friends
that there were millions in every pro
ject which lie proposed; all, however,
had failed, until he fell upon eye salve,'
and meeting his friend, he said": "Now
I have got it, and I will tell you. Cy,
that there is millions in this thing."
"But," he says, "How are you going to
make it?" r '\vhy." he says, "the ma- !
terial costs me SI a barrel; each barrel
malfes 600 Doxes.afid I can sell each box
for $1; that is $500 of profit on SI of in
vestment." "But," he says, "where is
your market for this : enormous
amount of eye salve?" "Why," he
says, "China,. Asia— 4oo,ooo,ooo of peo
ple in Asia— each one lias two eyes, both
eyes sore." [Applause and laughter.}
•How he say's, ' Cy. the b£st part of all
this thing is that the more oKiny eye
salve they take, the more they want. '
[Applause" and lauetiter.] And that is
the way of tpfs protective tariff; it is
more eye sy^Ve all the lime. And : the
people haW. submitted to it up to this
good day, too, now it is boldly pro
claimed ttiafthis infant will die unless
we continue to impose an increased
heavy taxation to enable it to live in this
country. (Applause.! ''iHSS^SSfS
Now, my friends, let us examine the
arguments in favor of it a little while.
It is contended that we must place
duties on foreigti goods coining to" this
country so high as to e.he.ck their im
portation—to prevent them from coin
ing. What effect will that have oh this
country ? What effect will that have on
tljekj&f and the products of the labor
of this Country? Every dollar of prod
uct that H checked. Impeded and hin
dered froi}i coming 'to this . country
checks il dollars worth of the surplus
product of Auiefrcan labor frSm going
away from this country. [Applause.]
syery "req^!re"B~at least two or
more persons to make it. No one man
can make a '- .'... \ . "■,. .-.
Trade With Himself /.
1 —at least no Democrat can do it; maybe
r some of these Republican friends can
1 do that sort of business. [Laughter and
- applause.] No trade can be made that
1 does not require two things to be ex
■ changed in making the trade. If your
• government comes in and intervenes
and prevents one part of the trade from
• being performed, that very proposition
• prevents the other part of the trade
. from being performed. Suppose there
■ are two citizens here, and one should
1 have a surplus horse: he is raising
! horses, and has got one more than he
, wants; he proposes to exchange it for
i cows with a man who is raising cows
• and who has more than he wants,but who
■" wants a horse. Suppose thej meet and
; agree, "I will give you my horse for so
1 many of your cows," and the other says,
, "I will eive you the number of cows for
your horse." the trade is agreed to. both
l parties are satisfied, both parties are
; benefited. But the government comes
1 in and says, "I have no objection at all
to the man who has the horse parting
1 with him, selling him to anybody, but
: he shall not take in exchange the cows
! that the other party to the exchange
proposes to give." Now I want to know
lif that trade is not broken up. I want
to know if the surplus of the man who
has the horse is hot thrown back
on him. Then, when you stop the
importation of manufactured goods from
Europe coming here to be exchanged
for your breadstuffs— and many of you
are producers of breadstuffs, or the rep
resentatives of men who are— when
they saj you shall not take the manu
factures of Germany, of England, of
France, you shall not take the steel
rails of Belirium. you shall not take the
woolen goods of the Netherlands, you
shall not take anything coming from a
foreign country that can be purchased
in this country, what does it
Say to the Wheat Grower)
It says : "You shall not send out of
this country your surplus wheat." That
is what it says. What is "surplus?" It
is that amount of every one's product
over and above that which his own
wants require. And when every mouth
is fed in this land, when every one of
65,000,000 of people have been satisfied
from the breadstuffs produced in this
country, then we have left a laige
amount of surplus to be disposed ot" to
otiier people for value. Our government
comes in and says: "You shall not take
what the foreigner has to give
you." Your surplus must be
thrown on the home market,
where it increases the supply.
The home market is already glutted,
and the price of your product falls to
the ground. Where is your wheat to
day? Certainly not where it was in the
old days when your trade was unob
structed. Look back to the returns
from 1850 to 1800; look back to the last
year of free and unobstructed trade —
commerce upon which alone no revenue
duties were imposed but to iaise reve
nue to support an honest eovernment—
and you see your wheat was worth over
81.50 per bushel. What is it today?
About one-third of that, or a little more.
But our friends say— our Republican
statesmen — that we must still cling
to the idea of the home market. In
a report it made to" the senate three
years ago. reporting a bill substantially
the McKinley bill, or the McKinley law
of today, the senate commute on finance
said that "We cannot depend on selling
ourwheat in foreign markets in com
petition with the pauper labor of Eu
rope." They say that the only way that
we can find a market to consume our
wheat is to levy high duties on manu
factures and induce an unagricultural
population to come to this 'country to
consume our wheat— a population to be
brought to the country out of a
Lore for High Taxation.
Well now, let us try that, my friends,
and see how it will work. We raised
last year 613X00,000 bushels of wheat.
The statistician of the agricultural de
partment, himself a Republican and a
protectionist, says that four and two
thirds bushels ol wheat is the average
consumption of the people of the United
States per head. Let us put it at five,
and multiply the 05,000,000 by five, and
it gives 325,000,000 bushels of wheat
necessary to satisfy the wants of all
our people, 'fhat leaves a surplus of
288,000,000 bilshels. What is to be- !
come of it? Why, that com
mittee gays that we must
import an unagricultural population into
the United States sufficient to consume
this enormous product. How many peo
gle will it take? And you have got to
.ring them in one year, because the
surplus is all here. They have promised
to give you a home market for your sur
plus. Five into 285 goes fifty-seven
times. Fifty-seven millions of people
have to be imported into this country by
the influence of a protective tariff, in
one year, to eat up the surplus wheat
crops. [Applause and laughter.] The
McKinley law was passed; it has been
in force two years. Where are the 57,
--000,000 of people? This is one
pf the strongest and most soph
istical arguments or the leaders
of the protective policy. It is
for the Ijoflie market! It is to make
ourselves independent of ali other peo
ple! The law has been passed, the high
duties have been imposed. Wh*»re are
the fi^ty-seven millions of people that
were to come here to consume our prod
ucts? The people are bearing the
taxes, but the
Wheat Is Going: Away
from us; the population is not coming
"to this" country to consume it, but the
NO. 297.
surplus breadstuffs are going, in accord
anca with the laws of God and nature,
and the laws which are sustained by the
Democratic party -going to foreign
countries to find consumers. [Applause.]
But, my friends, let us suppose that it '
was possible to bring that 57,000,000 of. .
people here. 1 want to pursue this ab
surdity a little. What would they do to
make money to buy the breadstuffs of
the people of the United States? There
would be no home market at all if you
had to give them the wheat. They have
got to have profitable employment to
enable them to make the money to buy
the wheat. They have got to have
work. These, remember, are not farm
ers. They weie adroit enough to say in
their report that these men had to be
non-agriculturists, because, if farmers
are going to come, they will raise more
wheat, and we will have a larger surplus.
[Great applause and laughter.] Now
then, we find by our census reports that
oue-third of our population, about, aro
engaged in gainful occupations, and
one-third of these that come will be en
gaged in gainful occupations. About
nineteen mijlious of these people will
be engaged in other than agricultural
pursuits. One-third of that class of
population in the United States are en
gaged iv manufacturing. Jff9 will say
that one-third of this great migration,
will be engaged in tfuwnifactnring.
Then there will be six million three
hundred and thirty-three thousand per
sons engaged in manufactures, of this
vast importation of people. Four mill
ions of operatives turned out in 1890 a
produce valued at eight billion,
seven hundred millions of dollars. If
four millions turn out eight billion ■
seven hundred million, how much will
six million three hundred thirty-three
thousand turn out? Between twelve
and thirteen billions of product. Where
is to be the market for it ? Why, they
Consume tlic Same Proportion
of their products that we do of ours.
We consume about $134 per head, of
manufactured products made in the
United States. Say they will consume
$134 worth of theirs. That will give
them somewhere about seven billions
of consumption of their own products,
leaving as a surplus five billions to find
a market somewhere. Where is It go
ing ? It cannot go out into the
world, because the duty on raw
materials keeps our products from for
eign markets, keeps us away from com
petition with foreigners, compels us to
stay and chase the ignis fatuus of a
home market. It will compel them to
sell, too, in the home market; they
cannot go out of it. Then, what are yon
to do? If these people cannot sejl their
surplus they cannot buy our wheat.
Surplus makes the wealth of a people.
It is not what they consume; that keeps
them alive, but it is thejr surplus that
becomes the accumulated wealth of the
country. Now, how are they going to
dispose of this five millions? Why,
according to the principle adopted by
these protectionists statesmen, they
have got to go then and import about
50,000,000 of fanners to eat or consume
the surplus manufactures. [Applause.]
And then, when the farmers cpme in,
they make another surplus of two hun
dred and fifty or sixty million of wheat,
and then you will have to import some
more non-agriculturists to eat that up,
and you have got to swap from one to
the other, until eventually iri a few
years we will have the entire popula
tion of the globe, fourteen hundred
millions of people, in this country. [Ap
plause.] Tliere will be the Chinese and
the Japanese and chimpanzees, ahunll
tne rest of them from all over tiie world
Crowded Into Tlii.s Country
to sustain the home market and vote
the Republican ticket. [Great applause.]
Now, gentlemen, you see how falla
cious all that thing is. We have got to
export. Instead of bringing people
from all over the earth, away from their
homes, confiscating their property (be
cause they couldn't find any sale for it
—it would have to be abandoned) in
stead of pursuing the Republican policy
of uprooting entire populations and
winging them to the United States we
would distribute the surplus products
Df our wealth all around the globe, and
bring back the surplus products of other
people that we want in exchange for the
surplus productsof our people that they
want. [Applause.]
How much do you suppose the farm
ers of the United States lose by the. pol
icy adopted by the present tariff law?
In 1846 a revenue tariff law was passed.
Kobert J. Walker, the then secretary of
the treasury, and one of the greatest
men that ever filled that office, when he
prepared that celebrated bill whijch was
sent down to congress and afterwards
jecame a law, said in his official report
hat when the bill was passed agricult^
jral products would rise in value all
)ver the Union and manufactured prod
ucts would fall. Why? Because the
lormal condition which competi
tion had established was broken
jp by the high tariff law of 1842;
nanufactured products were elevated
v price, agricultural products were de
nessed in price; and wnen the inter
vention of the law was removed, the
lornial condition would be restored by
Tianufactured goods falling and agri-«
uiltural products rising to restore the
evel. It was
A Perilous Prdeiction
! or a man to make if he did not know
:xactly what he was talking about—be
»" Continued on Stxtli l'nge.

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