Newspaper Page Text
4
THE DRILY JftOBE
IS PUBLISHED EVERY DAY
AT \K\\SI'APER ROW,
<-OH. KOIHTH *«» WISXESOTA STS.
OrriCIAL Pil'KK OK ST. VXVV.
Mtftwss a» tatti-r* »"<! telegrams to
THE (iU)HE, St. Paul. Minn.
WASHINGTON BUREAU. I*os F ST. N. W
Complete files <;f the Hlobe always kept
on hand fur reference.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES.
Payable In \dvanff.
l)«ll> mill Saudity. P«"r Mouth .r>O j
mill M»«i !*on«lu>. Six Month* - fS.7B j
1t H il> siiml Su»«la>. One \>ar-«X.OO;
l>nll> Only. H«t Month -*O
l»ntl> «Hilj. *»* Montlin JX3&
I)nil> ttnl.i. Olir Year JM.OO
.Siiudiij Oul>, <»n«- \«'nr $l-"»°
a\<m-ui>. Ou«- Ifem* *l.«»o
TODAY* WKATHKK.
WASHINGTON, Sept. :: -I. -Forecast for Fri
day Minnesota Local showers. cooler;
northwesterly winds.
Wis.v.asin increased cloudiness, probably
followed l>y afcswera Friday afternoon or j
niplii: brisk to high winds shifting to west
erly; .-..(>!< r Friday night.
The hakoliu^ -Tartly cloudy weather, witn
local showers in <-astern iiortion: northwester
|v winds anil coolfr in 'astern portion.
Montana l-i*H local showers: northerly
v mils.
TBVPERATURBB.
- ' fia.-f. T.-ui.' Place. Tern.
._•, Paul '■'' Minnedosa M
Duluth .. Ml Winnipeg ...52
Union fi2 Bismarck M-66
Bismarck ss}B©stoii «-«
WllUston Si' Buffalo EMS
Havre 60 Cheyenne ©-«
Helena »X Chicago 84-TO
Edmonton 68-74
Battleford 4MHelena 4s-oO
Prince Albert ... 4-; (Montreal 5-60
CalKarv ■ ttlNew Orleans • *>-b4
Medicine Hat . KflNew York O-88
Swift Current 4!«j Pittsburg WJ-it)
QuAppelli iti Winnipeg ■ -~'-- f 'B
DAILY MEANS.
Barometer, 29.72; relative humidity. 56;
«reather, pitrtiy cloudy; maximum thermome
ter, 71; minimum thermometer. BO; daily
vx.ug". -' amount ol rainfall or melted snow
In las: :'! I crurs, 0; thermometer, Co; wind,
south.
RIVER AT 8 A. M.
Gaog< l'anjfer Height of
Reading. Line. Water. Change.
>t. Paul M -■" U-U
l.a Cross* . .... W L 6 8.0
Davenport 15 1.8 0.8
St. Louie - 30 lft.6 0.0
Note B&rometi orrected f'>r temperature
ami elevation. —P. F. Lyons, Observer.
DIBHOXBST.
There is no more palpable instance
of the utter dishonesty of Mr. Bryan's
methods and arguments than is to be
found in the speech which he delivered
nt Brooklyn <>n Wednesday evening.
11. deemed H necessary in that com
munity to attempt some explanation
<n ilHVns'- of thr> plank in the Chicago
platform which has. been characterized
as revolutionary and anarchistic. For
this purpose h' J quoted it in compari
son with the plank of the Republican
platform ol 19M, on which Abraham
Lincoln was elected president. For the
sake of showing the recklessness of the
man we give the two planks side by
side, with a- word of explanation to
point th<!i real meaning-. The section
of the Chicago platform of 18% referred
to reads as follows:
"We deammcc arbitrary interference by
federal authorities in local affairs, as a vlo
latloo of the constitution of the United States,
v." a crime against free institutions."
The section of the platform of 1860
referred to reads as follows:
"The mat rite—ace inviolate of the rights
ol the state, and especially the right of each
wtato to order and control its own domestic
institutions, according to its own judgment,
exclusively, la nswrmtial to that balance of
power upon which the operation and endur
ance of uur political fabric depends, and we
tierounrt- (ho lawless invasion by armed
Force of the 801 lof any state or territory,
tin matter under what pretext, as among the
greatest of < rimes."
Any declaration in a political plat
form must be road in the light not only
of its explicit language, but of the at
tendant circumstances which give to it
its real meaning. Nothing could be
more utterly dishonest than Mr. Bry
an's attempt to find a forced similarity
between two utterances which are as
wide apart as the poles.
What was the situation in 1860 which
called for the declaration quoted
above? The all-absorbing question in
this country was the maintenance or
destruction of slavery In the states
which .sheltered it by their laws, and
Its extension to, or exclusion from, the
soil of the territories. One section de
<-hired that, under the constitution, the
l I>l< J of each new state should have
the riprht to determine their domestic
institutions themselves. The other con
tended as vehemently that not an
other inch of our soil should be con
taminated by slavery. Already the
clash of arms had come in what was
then the far West, and men threat
ened openly that slavery must be sup
pressed, by the exercise of force if
I be. With the Union already at
the point of dissolution from the con
fllct of these two parties, it was the
effort of thoughtful men on both sides
to prevent the civil strife that threat
ened, by observing strictly the limita
tions of the constitution.
The Republican party of 1860 made
its appeal to the people of the states
where slavery already existed, in the
plank to which Mr. Bryan refers. It
promised them non-interference. It
said that control of its domestic in
stitutions is the right of each common
wTuirh under the constitution, and it
denounced "the lawless invasion by
armed force of the soil of any state
or territory." This is perfectly plain
When read in the light of history, and
is accepted without reservation by ev
ery patriotic citizen. We all of us
how today that there must be no in
terference by federal authority with
the domestic institutions of any state.
We arc all leady tc protest against
''lawless" invasion of any state or terri
tory as among the greatest of crimes.
Let us turn now to Mr. Bryan's plat
form, and see what similarity we can
Ond. The two planks do not come
within thousands of miles of touching.
The Chicago "anarchy" plank was
adapted, as we know, because Gov.
Altgeld insisted upon it with direct ref
erence to the course of Mr. Cleveland
In the great riots of 1893. It has no
< rber reference or meaning. It was
Intended as a stroke against the execu
tive for directing the enforcement of
federal laws against lawless violation.
2io institution o£ &ay state was inter.
fered with or destroyed, there was I
no "lawless" invasion by federal au- j
thority of the soil of any state The j
troops of the United States were sent \
to Illinois by the president of the '
United States in pursuance of a law of
the United States then and now on thu
statute books. They went there to j
protect the mails of the United States :
from obstruction and possible coniisca- '
tion by mob violence, against which :
the governor of Illinois declined to take '
measures. Therefore, the "arbitrary
interference" which the Chicago plat- j
form talks of is not an Interference '<
with any law or institution of a state, j
but is an interference with riot, arson '
and murder by unlawful assembtagea
of violent men. and its denunciation '
implies sympathy wiih their purposes ,
and their acts.
Mr. Bryan has never dared for one j
moment confess the truth, or refer to ■
the actual meaning of this plank la
his platform. Now, at this late day.
he is shameless enough to come for
ward with a comparison which is more
contemptible than an open falsehood,
because it is intended to use the sem
blance of truth to receive the ignorant
and to win votes by the infamous com
parison of Abraham Lincoln and his
position with Anarchist Altgeld and
his. Mr. Bryan has reached the lowest
point of his decline and fall in this
shameful and impotent effort to de
ceive the honest and law-abiding vot
ers of this country.
RKSIVG PRICKS.
There has been no free coinage of
silver, and the prospect of it is growing
beautifully less day by day. Yet the
effects which we have been told could
be produced only by a big addition to
the circulating medium are the promi
nent feature of current market reports.
The farmers of this country are richer
today by millions of dollars than they
were a few weeks ago. Not legislation,
but the great laws of trade, have
brought about this change. Decem
ber wheat went up in the Chicago
market to 66 cents yesterday, and
it is going to be higher yet. This is
the consequence of a short crop and a
small surplus to satisfy the world's de
mand. "Not one bushel of wheat,"
said one of the leading millers of the
Northwest the other day, "ought to go
out of this section between now and
spring. Every grain of it will be want
ed for milling and seeding purposes."
If this is the situation, and there is
no difference of opinion among those
who are best informed, the rise of
wheat prices is no temporary phenom
enon, but it has come to stay. The
great staple of the South, cotton, is
traveling- in company with the great
staple of the North. A short crop prom
ises to leave demand unsatisfied, and
prices have advanced accordingly. Mer
chants abroad who foresaw this con
dition have been making huge pur
chases in our markets for weeks past,
and our export list shows the change
of trade balances. The flowing in of
fifty million dollars in gold is a partial
measure of the swinging of the pendu
lum to the other extreme.
Had it not been for this financial agi
tation, and the uncertainty and appre
hension attending it, this consequence
would have been visible long ago. Had
there been the usual ample supply of
funds from Canadian banks, as well
as from oar own, to buy wheat and
carry it in the elevator to await the
certain rise in price, that rise would
have begun earlier, and the farmers
who have thus far marketed their crops
wculd have received not less than 10
cents per bushel more than they did.
Let them, with us, thank Heaven that
at last the crisis is over, and the sway
of natural laws is restored. With the
])assing of the nightmare of a possible
Popullstic success, trade resumes its
wonted course. People have ceased any
longer to fear the election of Bryan,
or the deluge of free silver. Regard
ing the result in November as already
practically settled, they have gone to
work In the normal way, buying and
selHng and calculating profits which are
not endangered by a possible depre
ciation of the currency.
With the first word of certainty, see
how commercial conditions respond.
Look at the magnificent advance in the
prices of farm products the moment
that the hand of Populism is taken
from the throat of capital and business
enterprise. All along the line there
sounds the note of confidence and en
couragement, and day after day adds
value to the wealth stored in the far
mer's granary. The Globe has told
him again and again that the first con
dition of greater prosperity for him
self was to end the free silver agitation.
The proof of it is here. The moment
that the laws of trade are allowed to
act unchecked by artificial interfer
ence, or the fear of it, trade movements
correct one another, prices seek their
natural level, and prosperity shows
her shining face to us once more.
I\" SrXMGHT*AXD FOG.
The talented editor of the Northwest
Magazine, who is temporarily conduct
ing the kindergarten at Republican na
tional headquarters in which instruc
tion is given to the voters of that party
in the rudiments of money, along with
a miscellaneous lot of misinformation
on that and other topics, devotes two
or three columns of his latest Issue to
an argument in which lucidity and
murkiness are strangely blended. With
the simplicity and clearness of a kin
dergartner he takes his class of farmers
through an explanation of the cheap
ness of commodities. A pair of shoes
must necessarily cost less that require
but four minutes to make than one
which took a man two days to com
plete. A bushel of wheat must una
voidably be cheaper when one man will
har%est what took the labor of ten
men to do. Competition of other pro
ducers wrenches from shoemakers and
wheat growers the profit that comes
from lessened cost of making. Thus
the argument runs on with a lucidity
♦he more commendable that it comes
from a very straight-laced Republican
protectionist.
But it occurs to him that he has
heard some deluded farmer protest
SHE SAINT PAUL GLOBE: FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1898.
that, if he must sell under this immut
able law of competition, it is but de
cent justice that he have the right j
to buy on the same terms, and the
versatile editor forthwith proceeds to
convince him that he should not. Here
he plunges into the fog:. He is more
at home here. He is hi his element. A
Republican out of this murkhiess is j
never happy. Some, the most (if them,
never get out-; some, with bigger
brains, occasionally venture into the j
sunlight, as did our editor, but they j
•carry back to their accustomed and j
congenial gloom. So this educator goes ;
on to repeat that hoary old fable about
the home market. Just now its appe
tite is cloyed by an overfeed of Demo
cratic free trade. All it needs is a
restoration of the policy of the Great
Apostle of Protection, when its appe
tite will return, and it will consume the
.farm's produce and prices will rise
again and the farmer will be happy. It
is assumed, but not stated, that com
petition will, in some way, cease its ]
cheapening; for, if it do not, then the
writer attempts the cYmieult task of
convincing his class that they are to
be relieved from selling cheap what
they produce by paying more for what j
they buy. It might convince one of
the Hon. Ohimmie Fadden's farmers,
but hardly any other.
From generalities he descends to par
ticulars. He gives an object lesson. In
his house are two rattan chairs, the one
made in St. Paul, the other in Japan;
the one made five thousand miles away
by pauper labor, the other at home by
American labor. The former lives on
Japanese rice, the latter on products
of the American farm. The Japanese
chair is in every way the better one,
more tastefully made, more work spent
on it, more material, more pleasing to
the eye and comfortable to the body;
price being equal, any one would take
it instead of the home-made chair. But
should not the farmer prefer the chair
made by the man who eats bread made
from his wheat, and pork and wheat
from his yards? If he is perverse
enough to deny this should he not be
mildly coerced to do it under the be
neficent working of a tax that would
either shut out the Jap's product or
smartly increase its cost? It is the
fog that venders indistinct to this edu
cator the wide spase that separates
"you should" from "you must." Vari
ous merely sentimental motives might
move one to buy the chair made by
his neighbor, and the motives would be
highly creditable to him if they in
volved sacrifice voluntarily made; but
it is quite a different affair when he is
commanded to make the sacrifice
against his will or his interests. The
one act lies Avithin the province of free
dom of action, the other is over in the
domain of slavery. This vital distinc
tion is lost to those who wander in the
mists of Republican paternalism, but
it Is one in which freedom itself is in
volved.
TWIX REIiICS OF DESPOTISM.
The children of nations, like the chil
dren of men, are victims of heredity.
The founders of the new carry with
them and retain the concepts of gov
ernment, its powers and functions, in
which they were born and nurtured.
Where they have been pressed by the
sharp point of some misuse or abuse of
that pow-er they buttress their new
state against its repetition, but where
the dull points have caused no irrita
tion the abuse or misuse of power is
carried into the new nation and adopt
ed without question as being of the
fundamental and established order. It
is not until larger and saner ideas of
what a government is and what its
simple functions are that these trans
planted misconceptions begin to be
questioned, and then it requires years
of educational effort to eradicate them.
The United States is the victin\ of
this transference of hereditary ideas of
government. Rejecting monarchy be
cause its despotic powers were the one
great apparent evil, it retained and
incorporated in its new government
two, at least, of the most cherished
powers of every absolute monarchy, the
system of "fostering" industry by
laying taxes on imports, and the pow
er to force upon the people a monetary
system through the operation of legal
tender enactments. They are the twin
relics of despotism transplanted and
flourishing today amid a people who
delight to boast of their freedom and
their happy exemptions from the abso
lutism of monarchs. Both are potent
forces here, as they were whence they
came, in depriving the people of their
freedom, and each is irreconcilable with
any elementary conception of individ
ual liberty
Whatever else one derives from read
ing the histories of nations, whether of
those in which absolutism, more or less
modified, still holds sway, or of those
who have struggled up into a larger
measure of freedom, one impressicn is
that the constant problem of the ruler
was to get revenue. Whether it was
needed to carry on his wars of offense
cr defense, or whether it was needed to
support the magnificence of his court,
the money problem was the ever press-
Ing one. If the heavy hand of direct
taxation was laid too severely on the
people there came discontent with its
danger of culminating in revolution.
Men are even yet so unenlightened that
they submit without protest to methods
of taxation that merge tax In cost,
while they would revolt against pay
ing the same amount directly. Their
pocket nerves are sensitive only to the
direct draft, and respond but dully to
the indirect draft that oroduces greater
injury, but obscures the source. Mon
archs early took advantage of this and
adopted the tariff system as being a
process by which, as the French
finance minister said, "the largest
quantity of feathers could be plucked
from the goose with the least squawk
ing:."
The change of the precious metala
into convenient form for commercial
'use was early taken over exclusively
by governments. Monarchs and their
ministers soon found in this monopoly
a convenient means of raising revenue.
The value of the private mintage de
pended upon the fact tnat the coin
contained the value the market gave
the metal. Kings began counterfeiting,
that is, putting out coins having less
precious metal in them , than their
stamp represented, adding base -metal
t" supply , the place of the precious
metal withheld. Commrrco quickly de
feated the cheat and refused the coin
save at ita market value. This would
deprive the government of the revenue
it wanted. T,he pjins must be taken at
their face value. Then was devised tfe«
legal tender plan which prevails almost
un«iuestu;nt d Jtoday, It .was flood's de
vice t . compel "acceptance of a coin
that was counterfeit. It has never, at
any time or in any country, had an.\
other use .u^ function. It is always a
fraud on the people perpetrated by a
needy government under an assump
tion of power which is unmitigated
tyranny. Tfye njoney it sustains is al
ways dishonest money; honest money
never needs its aid; to such It is as
sunerfluoUvS tilth wheels on wagons.
It is this reljCjpf. despotism that af
flicts us tou\ay. Silverites cling to it
with more' tenacity than they do to
ratios. They would use this implement
of despotic fraud for precisely the same
purposes despots used it, to defraud by
compelling exchanges at less than mar
ket values. They venerate and wor
ship it, these very men who ask audi
ences whether we have freedom in this
country. They prate about coercion of
voters, while advocating the most ob
noxious of coercive measures. They
are blind to their inconsistency. They
hug to their bosoms as something di
vine this hoary old relic of despotism.
"VIA MAMTOWOC."
On several occasions since the pro
posed construction of a branch line of.
the Wisconsin Central to the lake at
Manitowoc we have adverted to itß
value to the Northwest and especially
to the Twin Cities. It is now complet
ed, and the car ferry system of trans
porting loaded trains over Lake Michi
gan, to connect at Ludington with the
Flint & Pere Marquette line for the
East, is in operation. This shortens
materially the haul, and is the nearest
possible approach to an air line be
tween these cities and the Atlantic sea
board. It brings into play as a com
petitive force the navigation of the
lake, always a governor of freights
where its effects can be felt, and
helps to relieve our jobbing trade
as well as our millers from their
galling subjection to the trunk lines
that center in Chicago. It is ex
empt from the effects of winter on lake
navigation over the Superior route, for
the ferries will make their trips all
winter unimpeded by the floating ice
of the lake.
The effect of this new outlet is al
ready felt and was described In the
Gl ob c of Wednesday. The new tariff
on westbound freights was announced
to the trade and shows a cut of 14
cents a hundred on first, and a propor
tionate reduction on otner classes of
freight coming from New York, Phila
delphia or Baltimore. Our reporter
found the jobbers in a state of "unlim
ited joy" over the new arrangement,
an exuberance of statement, doubtless,
but that they felt a deep satisfaction
would be a statement safely within
limits. What a reduction of 14 cents on
a hundred pounds means, when the
freightage of a year's trade is aggre
gated, is not to be sensed from the
bald statement. One must know the
millions of tons* of merchandise that
annually come to the Twin Cities for
distribution, in order to be able to
grasp the full significance. One can
then understand the reason of the
"unlimited joy" of the men who pay
these freights in the first instance.
So far the reduction is on westbound
freights, but it must extend to those
bound east. The same force that
caused this cut, the desire to get busi
ness, will operate to win the carriage
of our produce east by the same
means, for it is true of produce in tran
sit, as it is of motion, that it runs on
the lines of least resistance, and re
sistance with it is cost of carriage. A
year ago our correspondent, writing
from Manitowoc and rioting the un
familiarity of- our" business men then
with the name 1 , predicted that it would
not be long before they would be or
dering their purchases shipped west
"via Manitowdc," and we now predict
that it will not belong before our ship
pers of produce east will be marking
their freight bills .the same. The re
ception of the efent by out jobbers
shows that we did not underestimate
the value to this Northwest of the new
opening.
♦-
ADMITTED AT LAST.
The facts of the current commercial
and financial situation are too much
for the most reckless partisanship Just
now. Even the Minneapolis Tribune,
which has been telling us for a long
time that all prosperity past and to
come is dependent upon a protective
tariff, allows the truth to be extracted
from it without a single shriek of pain.
The Tribune has an editorial which
explains truly and intelligently the
movement of gold in this dh-ection. It
notes that whereas the balance of trade
in 1895 was $130,000,000 against us, it is
already nearly $100,000,000 in our favor
in the first eight months of the year.
Why are these things thus? The
Tribune and its kind have contended
for years past that the balance of trade
depends entirely upon the percentage
of tariff. With a big duty on imports,
the balance of trade, they declared,
would be in our favor; and every re
duction of that duty tended to turn it
against us. Tlhey.have told us also
that the most disastrous consequence
of. Democratic rule was what they
pleased to call "Oe^n'ocratic free trade."
Putting this and that together, namely,
that free trade makes a hostile trade
balance, that "we "now have "Demo
cratic free trade," and that we also
have a trade balance changed marve
lously in our favqr, we begin to ob
serve that there is^something rotten in
Denmark. The 1 explanation does not
fit the facts. Ip this dilemma the Tri
bune disregards the preposterous pre
tenses of partisanship, and states the
obvious, undeniable fact.
"There will never be a reliably healthy
condition of afTairsr until we learn to live
more economically and that lesson is being
taught by dire adversity.
"When it is sufficiently inculcated to keep
gold flowing from Europe to us. instead of
the reverse, and we have in addition a
settled sound money policy, we can hope
for greater prosperity than the country has
ever se*n before."
That is the exact size of it. Econ-
omy is wealth, and extravagance
moans poverty and debt and all kinds
of suffering. \\> have just passed
through that terrific experience, and
ought to know all about It. Financial
disturbance means worst of all. Give
us as the Tribune .says, industry and
frugal living; and sound money, and
"we can hope for greater prosperity
than the country has ever seen." We
must congratulate the Tribune on hav
ing succeeded in explaining the* com
meieial situation truly, without saying
anything about the tariff. It the trade
reports move anything at all, they j
.show the absolute inutility of protec- I
tion to affect the trade balance,
except in the way 'of enriching j
monopolies and encouraging the for- I
ination of (rusts. That is all that tariff
is good for in this country now, and we
think that the blindest people are be
ginning to se» it.
Tonight will see one of the great |
gatherings of the campaign, in the I
sound money rally that will be held at
the auditorium. The veterans who are
to speak there include both Democrats
and Republicans. They have spoken
in many cities of the country, and last
night at Duluth a great audience lis
tened to them with marked approval
and ready enthusiasm. While we may
not agree with all that these gentle
men have to offer to the voter as ad
vice, we are at least heartily in sym
pathy with the cause of sound money,
which is first and foremost in their
campaign. There will doubtless be, as
there ought to be, a big turnout at
the auditorium to listen to arguments
in the cause that has so far sunk party
differences on both sides this year, and
that overshadows all others in its pres
ent importance.
AT THE THEATERS.
Julia Marlowe Taber appeared at the Metro
politan last night as Rosalind In Shake
speare's incomparable comedy, "As You Like
It." Mrs. Taber's interpretation of this role
is familiar to local theater goers, but it is
none the less interesting on that account,
for as the luster of Shakespeare's genius
shines with greater brilliancy the oftener he
is studied, so the art of yie player who
successfully portrays any of the master's
creations is a source of never-ending delight
and admiration to the appreciative mind.
That Mrs. Taber's impersonation of Rosa
lind is successful and wholly delightful
every one who witnessed the performance
last night must admit. It is a histrionic
achievement that not only appeals to the
more refined sentiments and sympathies, but
also stimulates the intellectual faculties.
Rosalinds there are who, for that they are
" -tore than common tall," perhaps better
nuelize in appearance the popular conception
of the character, but the "popular concep
tion" of any character is too often founded
on the mere satisfaction of the eye, rather
than the mind. The physical stature of Rosa
lind, provided of course that the young lady
Is of normal proportions, seems of little mo
ment in comparison with her mental stature,
her traits of character and her temperament
It is in the portrayal of these qualities that
Mrs. Taber displays the spirit of the artist.
She depicts with unconscious grace the arch
ness and piquancy of Rosalind. Her col
loquies with Orlando are gems of spontan
eity; her smiles the essence of witchery, her
stolen glances at Orlando the epitome of love.
It is pleasure unalloyed to hear Mrs. Taber
read the great poet's lines, so faultless is
her emphasisi. so delicate and significant her
modulation, and so musical and sympathetic
are the tones of her voice. In fine, her em
bodiment of Rosalind bewitches the eye, de
lights the intellect, and sheds a warm and
radiant light upon the heart.
Robert Taber's Orlando is recognized as
one of his most pleasing achievements. It
is a refined, clean cut, manly impersonation,
characterized by a thoughtful and scholarly
air. Mr. Taber is likewise an admirable read
er of Shakespearean text, always imparting
the correct emphasis, not after the labored
style that sometimes makes the right empha
sis seem forced, but easily and naturally, as
if the thought were behind the speech, which,
indeed, must be the case.
Of the supporting company, the conspicuous
success was scored by G. W. Anson, who de
livered the "swift and sententious" speeches
of Touchstone with exceptional significance
and unction. Such a satisfying Touchstone
is not' often seen, more the pity— for a good
Touchstone is the sauce of the comedy.
Bassett Roe, whose work in "Romola" was
so commendable, does not succeed in impart
ing sufficient color and individuality to
Jacques th« melancholy. In the first place
his make-UD might well be more distinctive.
In his delivery of the "Seven Ages" Mr. Roe
very properly refrained from "acting" the
speech, but on the other hand he handled
it much too colloquially. He was too mat
ter-of-fact in mannar and speech, and more
over inaudible at times, as he kept his face
turned towards the wings, in order to ad
dress the Duke.
Katherine Wilson, in the character of Au
drey, the country wench, was sufficiently
amusing. The others were acceptable.
Julia Marlowe Taber and Robert Taber will
appear at the Metropolitan opera house to
night in "Romeo and Juliet," and will close
their engagement in this city with two per
formances tomorrow. For the matinee to
morrow afternoon the bill will be "Romola,"
and at the farewell performance tomorrow
night they will present "Much Ado About
Nothing;."
Thrs« mora performances of "A Midnight
Bell" will close the successful engagement rf
this play at the Grand opera house. They
will take place tonight and tomorrow after
noon and night. Digby Bell's performance
in the role of Deacon Tidd is a distinct hit.
The company producing "The Ensign" at
the Grand next week is headed by Miss Bes
sie Taylor, who will be seen in the role of
Alice Greer. a part she is said to enact with
decided success. The scenic equipment will
represent some decidedly realistic represen
tations of actual scenes on board a man-o'
war.
WITH IXTEXT TO AMI SB.
Some one says that liquor strengthens the
voice. That is a mistake. It makes only the
breath strong.— Texas Sifter.
An Irishman and a Frenchman were dis
puting over the nationality of a friend of
theirs. "I Bay," said the Frenchman, "that
If he was born in France he is a Frenchman."
"Begorra." said Pat, "if a cat should have
kittens in the oven would you call them bis
cuits ?"— Toronto Christian Guardian.
"Did you ever notice that almost all these
misers reported in the papers are single
men?" asked Mr. Watts.
"Yes," answered Mrs. Watte. "Married
misers are too common to be worth men
tioning."—lndianapolis Journal.
Mrs. Youngthing— How long have these
eggs been boiling, Bridget?
Bridget— Eighteen minutes, mum.
Mrs. Youngthing— Why, I told you to boil
them only three minutes!
Bridget — Oi know that, mum: but the kit
chen clock is fifteen minutes slow.— Tit-Bits.
"Slavery," said the professor, in the course
of his lecture, "slavery originated in the
txibai wars."
"Well," said the thoughtful woman with
the worried look. "I always had a sort of an
idea that it had been brought about by a
scarcity of hired girls."— Cincinnati Enquirer.
The small boy had been requested to do
rome errands, but Insisted that he was feel
ing badly. As the family physician hap
pened to call, he felt the boy's pulse and
looked at his tongue, and said:
"You would better make a good, strong
mustard plaster."
The boy looked depressed, and left the
room.
"When shall I apply the plaster?" asked
the mother.
"Don't apply it at all. He'll get well be
fore that."
\ OTIO FOR PALMER.
Tliia Tlio \ilvl<*e of v Correspondent
of the <ilobe.
To the Editor of the Olobe.
I notice that there Is now Quite a lively
discussion going on as to whether Demo
cratic believers In the maintenance of. the
present gold standard should support McKln- !
ley for president.
If they are real Democrats, they can only I
do so (in my opinion) if tho danger is really
great that Bryan may be elected, and I do
not think that any one who has tried to keep
posted in regard to the facts, can now hon
estly assert that there is any danger of Bry
an's election.
The discussion which has taken place has I
clearly developed the weakness of his cause,
and on all sides you hear people who had
at first been taken with the free silver coin
age idea, who now acknowledge that they ;
were mistaken.
In this connection let me gay, that Candi
date Bryan himself has. as a politician
1 tipped off ' the fact that he is beaten al- :
ready.
If he thought he stood a chance of being
elected, do you think he would publicly ad
vise his opponents to all vote for McKin- !
ley. On the contrary, would he not ask
them to vote for Palmer? He is not stupid !
enough not to know that oue of his best i
chances for election lay in being able to I
split his opponents into two parties. Any
politician knows the advantage of being able
to do that!
It will be asked: 'What, then, is his ob-
Ject .
His object is clearly to prevent the forma- '
tion by the gold standard Democrats of a i
strong party— to claim to the public after i
this election is over, that his crowd Is the !
Democratic party, and to have the smallness
or the vote cast for Palmer, to prove his
assertion.
If these facts . recommend themselves to
democrats as being of some importance, I I
would also like to call their attention w the I
principles that are involved.
Just let them read the Republican platform
through, and see how much of it they can
"stomach."
The whole of our troubles are attributed to
the mal-administration of affairs by the
Democrats!
Are we right in voting that way?
As I take it, the only part of* their plat
form of which we can approve, is, the one
dealing with the kind of money we should
have, and that plank has a distinctly bad
spot in It, which is, the expressed determi
nation of their party to work for interna
tional bimetallism.
If there is one thing more strongly brought
out than another in the discussion of this
subject, it is that wo are asked by the Bry
anites to say that the government should
call 53 cents worth of silver a dollar.
If it would be morally wrong for our gov
ernment to do that, how many governments
combined can make a wrong right?
A vote cast for Palmer and Buckner is a
stronger protest against Bryanism than one
cast for McKinley, in my opinion.
—A Free Trader.
St. Paul, Sept. 23, 1896.
XOT TRIE HEPI BLICAXS.
Fellows Sailing Under That Label
in Colorado,.
Tg the Editor of the Globe.
I notice in a recent issue of your paper
the following language:
"The Republicans of Colorado have slipped
from their moorings. They have combined
with the Democrats, Populists and sllverites
on Bryan electors. This appears to take Col
orado out of the doubtful column "
As one of the many straight McKinley Re
publicans still flourishing in this great state
?f 8 - "°»' too Palpably under the ban and
blight of the free silver "lunacy." I beg to
be allowed the privilege of gently protesting
against being unjustly placed in the position
or cheerfully connubiatlng with the Popo
cratic organizations and combinations now
intesting tho several unhallowed precincts
of the city of Denver. You have been mis
led, no doubt, by a dispatch sent out osten
sibly giving an account of the proceedings of
an alleged Republican state convention re
cently held in Denver, dominated by the Tam
many gang of Bryan Republicans (?) and
bolters from the regular Republican organiza
tion. This so-called convention was held
on Sept. 9 and had about as much authority
for its procedure as the meeting of the silver
bolters— Teller, Dußois, Mantle and others
at Manitou— had to proclaim themselves the
straight Republican party after walking out
of the St. Louis convention. The facts about
this alleged Republican state convention held
at Denver are about as follows:
On July 29. 1896. the Republican state cen
tral committee met in Denver for the purpose
of drafting a call, making apportionment and
designating tho time and place tor holding
a state convention. This the committee did
designating Colorado Springs as the place
and Sept. 30, 1896, as the time for holding
said convention. In the course of the com
mittee's deliberations, tho following resolu
tions were submitted :
"Believing that, the best interests of the
United States, as well as the state of Colo
rado, demand the election of William Mc-
Kinley as president and Garrett A. Hobart
vice president of the United States, as nomi
nated at the St. Louis convention; therefore
be it
Resolved, That !t is the sense of this
meeting that this committee shall take such
steps as are necessary to place before the
people of the state of Colorado for their
suffrages In November, a straight Repub
lican ticket, headed by Republican electors,
who will cast their votes, if opportunity
offers, for McKinley and Hobart. and. fur
ther, that a roll of counties be called on the
resolution."
The roll-call being ordered the resolution
was adopted by a vote of 48 to 38.
After the committee adjourned the Bryan
Republicans, who had been fairly and square
ly defeated In a regular manner and In tho
regular organization, issued a call bearing
unauthorized and forged signatures, among
which appeared several who had voted for
the resolution, for a meeting of the alleged
"bona fide" Republican state central com
mittee to be held at Denver on the — day of
Aueust. 1896. This meeting was afterward
held Sept. 9, 1893. designated as the time
and Denver the place where this self-styled
state convention should convene. It did so
convene, and the result of its illegal and un
authorized proceedings was resorted in the
dispatch from which your knowledge of sup
posed combination between the Dems. Pops
and sllverites was derived.
No. sir; do not be misled. The only
straight, simonpure Republican state conven
tion will meet in th's city on Sept. 30, l*»t>,
and will put in the field a straight Renub
llcan ticket headed by McKinley and Hobart
electors, and will tight the whole combination
to a finish. Had you seen the turn-out at
Senator Wolcotfs reception here the other |
day and viewed the parade, three miles long,
and noted the magnificent audience of X.MO
who listened to his address in the evening,
you would still believe that there are a few
of us left yet, even in the Populist-ridden
state of Colorado. Moreover, we propose to
carry the Republican state ticket by a safe
plurality. We desire it known that there is i
some political honor still extant In this j
state and that there are many vociferous ad
vocates of McKinley and Hobart out here In
the lunatic West whooping her up for the
national ticket, and who will continue the
whooD till the shades of nlirht hover over
victorious people on Nov. 3, 1896.
— R. A. Reese.
Colorado Springs, Col. Sept. 19.
PLOT OF THE COAL COMBINE.
How It Is Preparing to Go Into the
People's Pocltet.
To the Editor of the Globe.
Let me hit the head of the coal combination
a blow, as you properly suggest, that some
one should. It needs several blows, and if I
lead, possibly others will follow.
It was evident all through the summer that
there were plottlngs and caucuses among
the coal magnates to devise how much the
traffic could be made to yield this year, how
much the public would stand, how much coal
money the people had In their pockets, and
how the proceeds of the season's coal crop
should be divided, as between the mine own
era, the transportation companies and the
local men. While the great body of the un
auspeoting people of St. Paul mopped their
faces during the dog days, these magnates
met In their back offlee3 and figured. Figured
on how hard a squeeze to put on and won
dered how much the public; would patiently
stand. They finally settled on $8.35 per ton.
Some wanted to make it $8.37%. but the for
mer figures won In the final wind-up. '
Seriously now, what can be done in such
a case? The general principle of law is that
the Interests of the public are supreme over
those of the individual or corporation, and
that where they come In conflict, the latter
must give way. It is on this ground that the
right of eminent domain takes a man's land
from under, his feet, if the public Interests
demand it. As I said, the right, or. apparent
right, of the Individual must give way to the
general welfare.
Now, let us apply that principle to the coal
question, that, as President Cleveland says,
"confronts" us.
Coal is almost as necessary to the people
of this climate as air and water. No man
nor combination of men would be allowed to
choke off the people in the matter of air. nor
cause them to perish from thirst, and the
question arises as to whether the coal mag
nates ought to be allowed to freeze the peo
ple to death.
Ah. but they aay: "While we didn't buy
the sunshine and air and water, we did pur-
chase the coal mines. These irt ours. Wa
paid our money for them; we are- going: to
fix the price of the product to suit our own
pockets, and now what are you going t» do
about It?" If you press the question, thetv
repeat the remark of Vanderbllt about th»
people.
Now, let us see about the law of eminent
domain and the public welfare. If the publi<:
welfare will take a farmer's house or barn
or orchard from him and give it to a railroad
corporation, could it not take a coal mlna
from an unfeeling owner and place it In tfeu
hands of a government agent for the benefit
of suffering humanity? Of course, the tarme*
is allowed a reasonable compensation for Ma
loss, and so should the coal mine owner Be.
say, the actual money Invested, with 4 to 5
per cent interest, from date of purcha*<>.
I submit this as my first blow at tho head
of the coal trust. —Equity.
IVORY ARRAIfiVKU.
lam- \djournfU Before » Decl-dou
Was X <•»<<■ In- <l.
LONDON, Sept. 24.— Kdward J. Ivory,
alias Kdward Hell, the New York sa
loonkeeper, who was recently arrested
at Glasgow, charged with being con
nected with the alleged dynamite con
spiracy of which P. J. P. Tynan is
f=aid to be the moving gpirit, was. ar
raigned at Bow street police court to
day. C. F. Gill, who appeared for the
treasury department, said that the
prisoner's real name was Ivory and
c-harged him with conspiring with Ty
nan, Kearney and Haines, to cause
dynamite explosions in the United
Kingdom, and also with aiding an^J
abetting" dynamite offenses.
Mr. Gill claimed that the four men
mentioned left New York in August,
and said that it was quite clear that
they were supplied with money sent to
this country by a Fenian organization
in New York for the purpose of going
to Antwerp, preparing bombs and
dynamite and then securing men in
London or Glasgow, to explode them.
Cortfinuing.Mr. Gill said that the date
of September 15 had been fixed upon
as the time when they contemplated
that the last step of the conspiracy
would be consummated. Ivory, Mr.
Gill added, left New York on August
19. reached Southampton on August 26.
and proceeded to London, his special
duty being to interview persons con
sidered likely to be willing to engage
in the crimes pj yposed. The prosecutor
gave the dates of the different m«»v
ments of the men in Great Britain, and
cm the Continent, saying that they em
ployed a cipher code in communicating
with each other. Later Mr. Gill road
letters sent by Tynan to Ivory and
those sent by Ivory to Tynan.
Mr. Gill further said that on Septem
ber 11, Kearney and Haines, who were
at Antwerp, concluded they were being
shadowed and telegraphed Ivory to
come right away, as the business was
stopped. Ivory objected and pointed
out how he would disappoint his friends
if he returned to America without con
cluding the business. A long letter to
Tynan was also read, in which Ivory
charged Tynan with hugging the shores
of France too much, and not forward
ing the cause enough.
The prosecution then gave the details
of the arrest of Ivory, who he added,
claimed he was an American journalist.
Mr. Gill stated that infernal machines
of a new pattern were found in the pos
session of Kearney and Haines when
they were arrested. The formal evi
dence of the arrest of Ivory was then
presented. After evidence had been
furnished of meetings between Ivory
and his alleged fellow conspirators at
Antwerp, the case was adjourned until
tomorrow.
CHAIX OF FORTS.
They Will Connect- Dougoln With
Wii.l.v Haifa.
DONGOLA-ON-THE-NILE. Sept. 24.
— An inspection of the dervish defenses
at this place shows that they were con
structed with great skill, that the po
sitions were well chosen and that if they
had been held by resolute men they
would have caused an immense amount
of trouble and loss to the Anglo-
Egyptian expedition. About 900 der
vish prisoners were captured, in ad
dition to a large quantity of arms of
all kinds, dates sufficient to support an
| enormous fighting force for a long time,
great quantities of grain and large
supplies of sheep and cattle. The hon
ors of the fighting fell to the gunboats
and the artillery, whose shells reached
the fleeing enemy far out in the desert.
Deserters from the dervish forces con
tinue to arrive here, as they are all
anxious to serve under the Egyptian
flag.
The work of perfecting the chain of
depots and forts connecting this place
with Wady Haifa is being pushed with
the greatest energy and from here
work on the railroad embankment be
gins tomorrow, so as to join the line
being pushed southward as quickly as
possible. All the troops are in ex
cellent health and spirits, and the pro
visions captured have considerably
strengthened the position of the sirdar.
No announcement has been made as to
the course of the expedition in the
future, everybody being busily occu
pied in the work of settling down here,
establishing advance posts, clearing
away the debris of the dismantled for
tifications (preparatory to reconstruct
ing a number of them on a large and
more important scale), on a large and
storing ammunition and supplies and
constructing camps for a possible stay
of some length here.
■VUUVAH AT HOME.
Once Silid to Have Been Arrostcil In
Lolidou.
NEW YORK, Sept. 24.— Alexander
Sullivan, of Chicago, formerly presi
dent of the United Irish Societies of
America, arrived from Europe today on
board the steamer Lahn. He was met
by three friends, with whom he drove
away from the pier, presumably U take
a Pennsylvania railway train for the
West.
Chicago. Sept. 24. — Mrs. Alexander
Sullivan, who suffered a stroke of para
lysis, some days ago, is slowly recover
ing. Dr. St. John stated today that she
is able to move her lips and bend her
limbs to a certain degree, and he has
strong hopes of her recovery.
-•»■
LA FOLLETTE JAILED.
Former Indiana Official Cliurged
With Serious Fraud.
NSW YORK. Sept. 24.— Harvey M.
La Follette, formerly superintendent
Ot instruction in Indiana, spent last
night in Ludlow street jail in default
of $10,000 bail. His arrest was in an
action brought by Harry S. Mooney to
recover $27,333 for fraudulent repre
sentations, alleged to have been made
by La Follette, that one hundred and
twenty-two bonds of the Connorsville
Gas and Electric Light company, sold
by him last December and April to
Mooyen, were first mortgage bonds,
when in fact there were prior liens on
the company's property.
COMMISSION IX KAXSAS CITY.
Continuation oJ" the Investigation
Degrnn at Chicago.
KANSAS CITY, Mo., Sept. 24.— The
Interstate Commerce commission con
vened here today and continued its
investigation into the reconslgnment
of Atlantic seaboard shipments now In
vogue in Kansas City, with a view of
determining whether it is legal and
tarried on in good faith by the rail
roads.
The whele trouble local grain men
assert is simply the outgrowth of an
enmity of Omaha against Kansas City,
engendered by the fact that the latter
city Is an open market, while Omaha
is not. J. A. Monroe, freight traffic
manager of the Union Pacific, explained
the reconsignment method and emphati
cally dended any discrimination In the
matter of rates or preferences to any
consigner or consignee. He denied that
his road had anything to do with Omaha
being an open market.
