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8 THE ARGUS, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1906. new growth of the very abuses which were In part responsible for the orig inal outbreak, The one hope for suc cess for our people lies In a resolute and fearless but sane and cool headed advance along the path marked out last year by this very congress. There must be a stern refusal to be misled into following either that base creature who appeals and panders to the low est Instincts and passions in order to arouse one set of Americans against their fellows or that other creature, equally base, but no baser, who in a spirit of greed or to accumulate or add to an already huge fortune seeks to exploit his fellow Americans with callous disregard to their welfare of soul and body. The man who de bauches others In order to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who de bauches others for financial profit, and when hatred is sown the crop which springs ip can only be evil. Demagogue and Corruptionist. The plain people who think the me chanics,' farmers, merchants, workers with head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors owe It to them selves to remember that the most damaging blow that can be given popu lar government is to elect an unworthy and sinister ugitator on a platform of violence and hypocrisy. Whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from It, for Jn such case democracy is Itself on trial, popular self government under republican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end the honest man, whether rich or poor, who earns his own living and tries to deal Justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagogue, promising much and per forming nothing or else performing nothing but evIL who would set on the mob to plunder the rich, as from the crafty corruptionist who for his own ends would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy. If we ever let this govern ment fall Into the hands of men of either of these two classes we shall show ourselves false to America's past. Moreover, the demagogue and the cor ruptionist often work hand in hand. There are at this moment wealthy re actionaries of such obtuse morality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when they vio late the law or who seeks to make them bear their proper share of the public burdens as being even more objection able than the violent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich. There is nothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agita tor. Fundamentally they are alike in their selfish disregard of the rights of others, and It is natural that they should Join In opposition to any move ment of which the aim Is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to all. Railroad Employees' Hours and Eight Hour Law. I call your, attention to the need of passing the bill 'limiting the nsaiber of hours of employment of railroad em ployees. The measure Is a very mod erate one, and I can conceive of no se rious objection to it. Indeed, so far as it is in our power, it should be our aim steadily to reduce the number of hours of labor, with as a goal the gen eral introduction of an eight hour day. There are Industries In which it is not possible that the hours of labor should be reduced, . Just as there are communities not far enough advanced for such a movement to be for their good or, if in the tropics, 60 situated that there is no analogy between their needs and ours in this matter. On the isthmus of Panama, for instance, the conditions are In every way so differ ent from what they are here. that an eight hour day would be absurd just as It Is absurd, so far as the Isthmus Is concerned, where white labor can not be employed, "to bother as to wheth er the necessary work Is Hone by alien black men or by alien yellow men. . But the wageworkers of the United States are of so high a -grade that alike from the merely industrial standpoint and from the civic standpoint it should be our object to do what we can In the direction of securing the general ob servance of an eight hour day. Until recently the eight hour law on our federal statute books has been very scantily observed. Now, however, largely through the instrumentality -of the bureau of labor, it is being rigidly enforced, and I shall speedily be able to say whether or not there is. need of further legislation In reference there to', for our purpose Is to see it obeyed in spirit no less than in letter. Half holidays daring summer should be es tablished for . government employees. It is as desirable for wageworkers who toil with their hands as for salaried officials whose labor is .mental . that there should be a reasonable amount of holiday. . Labor of Women and Children. The congress at its last session wise ly provided for a truant court for the District of Columbiana marked step in advance on the path of properly caring for the children. Let rou again urge that the congress provide for a thor ough Investigation of the conditions of child labor and. of the labor of wom en in the United States. More and more onr people are growing to recog nize the fact that the questions which are not merely of industrial but of so cial . Importance outweigh all others, and these two questions most emphat ically come, in the . category of those .which affect In the. most far reaching way the home life of the nation. ,The horrors incident to the employmeut of young children in factories or at work toywhere are ft blot on our civtliza-1 I tlou. It is true that each state must' hUI.i.l a i ii ultimately settle the question in Its own way, but a thorough official in vestigation of the matter, with the re sults published broadcast, would great ly help toward arousing the public con science and securing unity of state action In the matter. There Is, how ever, one law on the subject which should be enacted immediately, be cause there Is no need for an Investiga tion In reference thereto, and the fail ure to enact it is discreditable to the national government. A drastic and n . . ...u , luorousuBuiuy cuuuiuwr law siiomu bia and the territories. Employers' Liability. Among the excellent laws, which the congress passed at the last session was an employers' liability law. It was a marked step in advance to get the recognition of employers liability on the statute books, but the law did not go far enough. In spite of all precau tions exercised by employers, there are unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every line of busi ness connected with the mechanic arts. This Inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but it can not be completely eliminated. It Is a great social injustice to compel the employee, or, rather, the family of the killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such an Inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks Its duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of the trade. Com pensation for accidents or deaths due in any line of industry to the actual conditions under which that Industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the community for the ben efit of which the industry is carried on that Is. by those who profit by the Industry. If the entire trade risk Is placed upon the employer he will promptly and properly add It to the legitimate cost of production and as sess It proportionately upon the con sumers of bjs commodity. It Is there fore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire "risk of a trade" upon the employer. Neither the federal law nor. as far as I am in formed, the state laws dealing with the question of employers' liability are sufficiently thoroughgoing. The fed eral law should of course Include em ployees in navy yards, arsenals and the like. AS TO LABOK DISPUTES. Federal Commission of Conciliation and Arbitration Needed. The commission appointed by the president Oc t. 10. 1902. at the request of both the anthracite coal operators and miners, to inquire into, consider and pass upon the questions In con troversy in connection with the strike In the anthracite regions of Pennsyl vania and the causes out of which the controversy Aroseln their report, find ings and award expressed the belief j "that the state and federal govern ments should provide the .machinery for what may be called the compul sory investigation -of controversies be tween employers and employees when they arise." This expression of belief is deserving of the favorable considera tion of the congress and the enactment of its provisions Into law. A bill has already been Introduced to this end. Records show that during the twen ty years from Jan. 1. 1SS1. to Dec. 31, 1900, there were strikes affecting 117, C09 establishments and 0,105,094 em ployees were thrown out of employ ment. During the same period there were 1,00T lockouts, Involving nearly 10,000 establishments, throwing over a' million people out of employment. These strikes and lockouts Involved an estimated loss to employees of $307, 000,000 and to employers of $143,000, 000. a total of $450,000,000. The public suffered directly and Indirectly prob ably as great additional loss. But the money Joss, great as It was, did not measure the anguish and suffering en dured by the wives and children of employees whose pay stopped when their work stopped, or the disastrous effect of the strike or lockout upon the business of employers, or the Increase In the. cost of products and the Incon venience and loss to the public. Many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the par ties to the dispute been required to ap pear before an unprejudiced body rep resenting the nation and, face to face, state the reasons for their contention. In most instances the dispute would doubtless be found to; be due to a misunderstanding " by feach of the other's rights, aggravated by an un willingness of either party to accept as true the statements of the other as to the. Justice. or. injustice of the matters In dispute. The exercise of a Judicial spirit by a disinterested body repre senting the federal government, such as would be provided by a commission on conciliation and arbitration, would tend to create an atmosphere of friend liness and conciliation beiween con tending parties, and "the giving each side an equal opportunity to present fully its case in the presence of the other would prevent many disputes from developing Into serious strikes or lockouts and In . other . cases would enable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to terms. In this age of great corporate and la bor combinations neither employers nor employees should bo left completely at the mercy of the stronger party to a dispute regardless of the righteous ness of their . respective claims. The proposed measure would be in the line of securing recognition of the fact that in many strikes the public has Itself an Interest which cannot wisely be disre garded an Interest not merely of gen eral convenience, for the question of a Just and proper public policy must also be considered. In all legislation of this m . , a il i kind it Is well to advance cautiously, testing each step by the actual results. The step proposed can surely be safely taken, for the decisions of the commis sion would not bind the parties In legal fashion and yet would give a chance for' public opinion to crystallize and thus to exert its full force for the right. Withdrawal of Coal Lands.' It is not wise that the nation should alienate its remaining, coal lands. I have temporarily withdrawn from set i "C1J tlement all the lands which the geolog- Ica, survey has indicated as containing or in all' probability containing coal, The question, however, can be proper ly settled only by legislation, which, in my judgment, should provide for the withdrawal of these lauds from sale or from entry save in certain especial circumstances. The ownership would then remain in the United States, which should not, however, attempt to work them, but permit them to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system, the government keep ing such control as to permit it to see that no excessive price was charged consumers. It would of course be as necessary to supervise the rates charg ed by the common carriers to transport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it, and the supervision must extend to the conduct of the com mon carriers, so that they shall in no way favor one competitor at the ex pense of another. The withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy analogous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the for est lauds from ordinary settlement. The coal, like the forests, should be treated as the property of the public, aud its disposal should be under condi tions which would inure to the benefit of the public as a whole. CORPORATION CONTROL Far More Complete Supervision at Early Date Required. The present congress has taken long strides in the direction of securing proper supervision uud control by the national government over corporations engaged in Interstate business, and the enormous majority of corporations of any size are engaged in interstate busi ness. The passage of the railway rate bill and only to a less degree the pas sage of the pure food bill aud the pro vision for Increasing and rendering more effective national control over the beef packing industry mark an Impor tant advance In the proper direction. In the short sessiou It will perhaps be difficult to do much further along this line, and it may be best to wait until the laws have been in operation for a uumlter of months before endeavoring to Increase their scope, because only op eration will show with exactness their merits and their shortcomings aud thus give opportunity to define what fur ther remedial legislation , is needed. Yet, in my judgment. itwill in the end be advisable in connection with the packing liouse, lursjecUon,-jaw itpi pro vide for putting a date on the label and for charging the cost of inspection to the packers. All these laws have already justified their euactmeut. The Interstate commerce law, for Instance, has rather amusingly falsified the pre dictions both of those who asserted that it would ruin the railroads and of those who asserted that it did not go far enough and would accomplish nothing. During the last five months the railroads have shown Increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends, while during the same pe riod the mere taking effect of the law has produced an unprecedented, a hitherto unheard of, number of volun tary reductions in freights and fares by the railroads. Since the founding of the commission there has never been a time of equal length In which any thing like so many reduced tariffs have been put Into effect. On Aug. 27, for instance, two days tefore the new law went into effect, the commission re ceived notices of over 5,000 separate tariffs which represented reductions from previous rates. It must not be supposed, however, that with the passage of these laws It will be iKwsible to stop progress along the line of Increasing the power of the national government over the use of capital in interstate commerce. For example, there will ultimately be need of enlarging the powers of the Inter state commerce commission along sev eral different lines, so as to give it a larger and more efficient control over the railroads. Legislation the Proper Antidote. It cannot too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown the Impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred different state legislatures anything but Ineffective chaos In the way of dealing with the groat Corporations which do not op erate exclusively within the limits of any one state. In some method, wheth er by a national license law or in other fashion; we must exercise, and that at an early date, a far more complete control than at present over these great corporations a control that will, among other things, prevent the evils of excessive overcapitalization and that will compel the disclosure by each big corporation of its stockholders and of Its properties and business, whether owned directly or through subsidiary or,-affiliated corporations. This will tend to put a stop to the securing of inordinate profits by favored individu als at the expense whether of the gen eral" public, the stockholders or the wageworkers. Our effort should be not so much to - prevent consolidation ns such, but so to supervise and control It as to see that it results in no harm to the people.. The reactionary or ultra conservative apologists for the misuse of wealth .assail the effort to secure such control, as a step toward socialism. As a matter of fact. It is these reactionaries and ultra conserva tives who are themseives most potent in increasing socialistic feeling. One of the most efficient methods of avert ing, the consequences of a dangerous agitation which Is 80 per cent wrong is to remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well found ed. The best way to avert the very undesirable move for the governmental ownership of railways Is to secure by the government, on behalf of the peo ple as a whole, such adequate control and regulation of the great Interstate common carriers as will do away with the evils which give rise to the agita tion against them. So the proper an tidote to the dangerous and wicked agitation against the men of wealth as such Is to secure by proper legislation and executive action the nlwlitlon of the grave abuses which actually do obtain in connection with the business use of wealth under our present system, or, rather, no system,' of failure to exer cise any adequate control at all. Some persons speak as if the exercise of suc h governmental control would do away with the freedom of Individual initia tive and dwarf Individual effort. This is not a fact. It would be a veritable calamity to finl to put a premium upon individual Initiative, individual capaci ty and effort, upon the energy, char acter nud foresight which it Is so Im portant to encourage In the Individual. But, as a matter of fact, the deadening and degrading effect of pure socialism, and especially of Its extreme form, communism, and the destruction of in dividual character which they would bring about are In part achieved by the wholly unregulated competition which results in a single individual or corporation rising at the expense of all others until his or its rise effectually chocks all competition and reduces former competitors to a position of ut ter inferiority and subordination. In enacting and enforcing such leg islation as this congress already has to Its credit we are working on a coherent plan, with the steady endeavor to se cure the needed reform by the joint action of the moderate men. the plain men who do not wish anything hys terical or dangerous, but who do in tend to deal in resolute common sense fashion with the real and great evils of the present sysm. The reaction aries and the violent extremists show symptoms of joining hands against U3. Both assert, for instance, that, if log ical, we should go to government own ership of railroads and the like, the re actionaries because on such an issue they think the people would stand with them, while the extremists care rather to preach disconteut and agitation than to achieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position is as remote from that of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of the impracticable or sin ister visionary. We hold that the gov ernment should not conduct the busi ness of the nation, but that it should exercise such supervision as will In sure Its being conducted In the Inter est of the nation. Our aim is, so far as may be, to secure for all .decent, hardworking men equality of oppor tunity and equality of burden. Necessity of Combinations. The actual workiug of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all combination, good or bad, is noxious where It Is not ineffective. Combina tion of capital, like combination of la bor. Is a necessary element of our pres ent industrial system. It is not possi ble completely to prevent It, and if it were possible such complete preven tion would do damage to the body pol itic. What we need is not vainly to try to prevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate con trol and supervision of the combina tions as to prevent their injuring the public or existing in such form as In evitably to threaten Injury, for the mere fact that a combination has se cured practically . complete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances show that such combi nation was to be presumed to be ad verse to the public interest. It is un fortunate that our present laws should forbid all combinations Instead .of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil. Rebates, for Instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers (as. was shown In the investigation of the Standard Oil company and as has lKcn shown since by the Investigation of the tobacco and sugar, trusts) as to the Initiative of big railroads. Often rail roads would like t combine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining Improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public. Such a combina tion, instead of being forbidden by law, should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements, provided these agree ments were sanctioned by the Inter state commerce commission and were published. With these two conditions compiled with. It is impossible to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large. It Is a public evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement, because both judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country, for the result is to make decent railroad men viola tors of the law against their will and to put a premium on the behavior of the willful wrongdoers. Such a result In turn tends to throw the decent man and the willful wrongdoer into close as sociation and in the end to drag dpwn the former to the latter's level, for the man who becomes a lawbreaker In one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and to be willing to break it in many ways. No more scathing condem nation could be visited upon a law than is contained In the words of the Interstate commerce commission when, in commenting upon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically -violate the law, they say: "The decision of the United States su preme court in the transmissourl case and the Joipt Traffic association case has produced no practical "effect upon the railway operations of the country. Such associations, in fact, exist now as they did lefore these decisions and with the same general effect. In jus tice to all parties we ought probably to add that it Is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be operated with due regard to the Interest of the shipper and the railway without con certed action of the kind afforded through these associations." This means that the law as construed by the supreme court Is such that the business of the country cannot be con- dnctel without breaking It. I recom mend that j'ou give careful and early consideration to this subject and, if you find the opinion of the interstate commerce commission justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate he evil disclosed. INCOME TAXJHSCliSSED. Both This and Inheritance Tax Strongly Advocated. The question of taxation is difficult In any country, but It is especially dif ficult in ours with its federal system of government. Some taxes should on ev ery ground be levied in- a small dis trict for use In that distric t. Thus the taxation of real estate Is peculiarly one for the Immediate locality in which the real estate is found. Again, there Is no more legitimate tax for any state than n tax on the franchises conferred by that state upon street railroads and similar corporations which operate wholly within the state boundaries, sometimes In one and sometimes In several municipalities or other minor divisions of the state. But then? are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the general government so ns to produce the best results, because, among other reasons, the attempt to imposi them in one particular state too often results merely in driving the corporation or Individual affected to some other locality or other state. The national government has long derived its chief revenue from a tariff on im ports and from an internal or excise tax. In addition to these, there is ev ery reason why, when next our sys tem of taxation Is revised, tbe national government should impose a graduated inheritance tax and. if possible, a grad- uated income tax. The man of great wealth owes a peculiar obligation to the state because he derives special advantages from the mere existence of government. Nt only should he recog nize thi; obligation in the way he leads his daily life and in the way he earns and spends his money, but 'it should also be recognized by the way In which he pays for thegrotection the state gives him. On the one hand. It is desirable that he should assume his full and proper share of the burden of taxation; on the other hand, it is quite as necessary that in this kind of taxa tion, where the men who vote the tax pay but little of it. there should be clear recognition of the danger of in augurating any such system save In a spirit of entire justice and moderation. Whenever we a is a people undertake to of.' ' tnll, ti. remodel our ta lines suggested we must make it clear , i beyond poradventure that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting tbe government more equitably than at government more equitably present, that we intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of abso- flute equality and that we regard it as equally fatal to true democracy to do or permit injustice to the one as to do or permit Injustice to the other. I am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in order that the people may become fa miliar with what Is proposed to be-) done, may clearly see the necessity of nrnrnoHi. with xvls.lnm and Keif re- straiut and may make up their minds just how far they are willing to go In the matter while only tralued legis- labors can ' work out "the project In necessary detail. 'But I feel that in the near future our national legislators should enact a law providing for a graduated inheritance tax by which a steadily Increasing rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other val uables coming by gift, bequest or de vise to any Individual or corporation. It may be well to make the tax heavy In proportion ns the individual bene fited is remote of kin. In any event. In my judgment, the pro rata of the tax should Increase very heavily with the Increase of the amount left to any one Individual after a certain point has been reached. It Is most desirable to encourage thrift aud ambition, and a potent source of thrift and ambition Is the desire on the part of the bread winner to leave his children well off. This objiet can be attained by making the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left, because the prime ob ject should be to put a constantly in creasing burden on the Inheritance of those swollen fortunes which it Is cer- talnly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate. Ethical . Propriety Unquestioned.' There can be no question of the eth ical propriety of the government thus determining the conditions upon which any gift or inheritance should be re ceived. Exactly how far the inher itance tax would, as an incident,', have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or gift of the enormous for tunes in question it Is not necessary at present to discuss. It is wise that progress In this direction should be gradual. At first a permanent na tional inheritance tax, while It might be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been, ueed not approxi mate, either in amount or in the ex tent of the Increase by graduation, to what such a tax should ultimately be. This species of tax has again nud again been imposed, although only ! 3 4 sx-v nM..Mi L.M W nSilAnel ' icwyuiaraijr, uj m uouwuui &.miu j meut. It was first Imposed by the act of July C, 17U7, when the makers of the 1 constitution were alive and at the head 1 of affairs. It was a graduated tax. Though small in amount, the rate was Increased with the amount left to any individual, exceptions being made In the case of certain close kin. A sim ilar tax was again Imposed by the act of July 1, 1SC2. a minimum sum of $1,000 In personal property being ex cepted from taxation, the tax then be coming progressive according to the remoteness of kin. The war revenue act of June 13. 1NDS, provided for an Inheritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of $KMKfO, the rate of the tax increasing both In accordance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee's remoteness of kin. The supreme court has held that the succession tax Imposed at the time of tho civil war was not a direct tax, but an Impost or excise which was both constitutional and valid. More recent ly the court, in an opinion. delivered by Mr. Justice White, which contained an exceedingly abie and elaborate discus sion of th2 lowers of the congress to impose death duties, sustained the constitutionality of the inheritance tax feature of the war revenue act of 1398. In Its incidents and apart from the niain purpose of raising revenue an in come tax stands ou an entirely differ ent footing from an inheritance tax. because it Involves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhculthy ize. The question is in Its essence a question of the proper ad justment of burdens to benefits. As the law now stands it is undoubtedly lii!i i;!t to devise a national income tax which shall be constitutional. But whether it is absolutely impossible is another question, and if possible It Is most certainly desirable. The first purely income tax law was passed by the congress In 1S01, but the most Im portant law dealing with the subject was that of 1891. This the court held to be unconstitutional. The question .i undoubtedly very In tricate, delicate and troublesome. The decision- of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the law of the land and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed by all good citizens. Nevertheless the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole In com- lug to a conclusion when considered to get her with the previous decisions on j the subject may perhaps . possibility of devising a c Indicate the oustitutional Income tax law which shall substan tially accomplish the results aimed at. The difficulty of amending the consti- tution is so creat that nnlv real t,WMJ1l,ilu citizenship, and be must have the sity can justify a resort thereto. Every effort should be made In dealing with this subject, as with the subject of the projier coutrol by the natiouu. govern ment over the use of corporate wealth In Interstate business, to devise legis lation which without such action shall attain the desired end. Imt if this fails there will ultimately be no alterna tive to a constitutional amendment. Technical and Industrial Training. It would be Impossible to overstate, though it is of course difficult quantlta - tivcly to measure, the effect upon a na- ttikll' IT t W t 1 th (M'on tnnud r f n'luif tnnw ' , . , , ""f I talIe(l organized patriotism, which necossun , V T . , , cuu " ' , , Ivr I .! ii 1 au t-i4-w ! t n I .kM ,V , T ,7 , ... 1 , lth "3,a Sh amb.tion for hole country. No country can de - velop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part, above the feeling of lovalty to the whole. This is true of sections, and it Is just ns true of classes. The Indus trial and agricultural classes must work together, capitalists and wage workers must work together, If the best work of which the country Is ca- j VaUc ,s to he dtme It is probable "-lt tnorougUly emclent System or."""'"' cii.i..i Muuf.us. uui ' education comes next to the Influence !' patriotism in bringing alKut nation- 1 success of this kind. Our federal form of government, so fruitful of ad- vantage to our people in certain ways. In other ways undoubtedly limits our national effectiveness. It Is not possible, for instance, for the national government to take the lead in technical industrial education. to see that the public school system of this conntrv dovplnna nn nti it t h. nlcal, industrial, scientific and com mercial sides.-. This must be left pri marily to the several states. Never theless the national government has control of the schools of the District of Columbia, and it should see that these schools promote and encourage the fullest development of the scholars in both commercial and Industrial train- Ing. The commercial training should ta one of its branches deal with foreign wmw m' l-S!l r-v ine uusiuess woria. trade. The industrial training is even ni,a 11 has 'plished much for good more important. It should be one of l' the world of labor. It Is no less nec our prime objects as a nation, so far .cssa7 for '"" Sllth a n.ovement U feasible, constantly to work toward "s "ie p,rang0 "'ovoinent Is good In .,... , itself and is capable of a well nigh .run.., tUC U.I-IUUUU.. IUK MaBl-WWK-l,. er wno works witn nu immia nn n h(Khcr plane of efficiency and reward. so as to increase his effectiveness In the economic world and the dignity, tlie remuneration and the power of his position In the "social world. Unfor tunately, at present the effect of some of the work in the public schools Is In the exactly opposite direction. If boys and girls are trained merely In literary accomplishments to the total exclusion of Industrial, manual and technical training the tendency Is to unfit them for Industrial work and to make them reluctant to go Into It or unfitted to do well if they do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously combated. Our Industrial develop ment depends largely upon technical education, including in this term all industrial education, from that which 'of farmers rather than to or through fits a man to be a good mechanic, a Individual farmers. It Is also strlv good carpenter or blacksmith, to tint ' Ing to co-ordinate Its work with the which fits a man to do the greatest en- J agricultural departments of the sev glneurtng feat. The skilled mechanic, (eral states and, so far as its own work L. ft.tlA.a - 4. uie Efci.uu vruuiAu, cau uesi uecuuie such by technical industrial education. The far reaching usefulness of insti tutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering Is now uni versally acknowledged, and no less far reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school, a textile or watchmaking or engraving school. AH such training must develop not only manual dexterity, but indus trial Intelligence. In international ri valry this country does not have to fear the comietition of pauper labor as much as it bus to fear tbe educated labor of sieciaHy trained competitors, and we should have the education of the hand, eye and brain which will fit us to meet such c;upetiticn. In every jwissible way we should help the wageworker who toils with bin hands and who must we hote In a constantly Increasing measure also toll with his brain. Under the constitution the national legislature can do but lit tle of direct Importance for his welfare save where he Is engaged In work which permits It to act under the In terstate commerce clause of the con stitution, and tills Is one reason why 1 so earnestly hope that both the leg islative and Judicial bruiiches of the KoveruI110ut w, c.0strue this clause of the constitution in the broadest pos sible manner. We can, however, In Mich a matter as industrial training, In such a matter as child labor and fac tory laws, set an example to the states by enacting the most advanced legis lation that can wisely be enacted for the District of Columbia. FARMING AJROFESSION. Agriculture Must Have Chance to De velop Property. The only other persons whose wel fare is as vital to the welfare of the whole country as Is the welfare of the wageworkers tire the tillers of the soil, the farmers. It Is a mere truism to say that no growth of cities, no growth of wealth, no industrial development, can atone for any falling off in the character aud standing of the farming population. During the last few dec ades this fact has been recognized with ever Increasing clearness. There 1 no longer any failure to realize that fanning, at least In certain branches. must become a technical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open to farmers the chance for technical and scientific truluiug, not theoretical merely, but of the most se verely practical type. The farmer rep resents a peculiarly high type of Auier- BllIuy to rise and develop as other American citizens have. More- uvt'r- " l UH, true of the wageworker that the ultimate success of the nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity, but uion high moral, men tal and physical development. This education of the farmer self educa tion by preference, but also education from the outside, as with all other ! men is peculiarly necessary here In 'the United States, where the frontier J conditions even in the newest states ' 1 ....... l 1 . .1 ... 1. j ,,i;j"- c 'there must be a substitution of a more . I . v t 0 lt il , i""VUH"w W i "- "1, ' , u.ouu-u,vui .where there m , organization ai mong the fanners them- selves. Several factors must co-operate In the Improvement of the farmer's condition. He must have the chunce to be educated in the widest possible sense In the sense which keeps ever. In view the Intimate relationship be tween the theory of education and the facts of life. In nil education we should widen our alms. It Is a good .thing to produce a certain iiuujImt of education superintended by the state jst wk raUwr to produce a hundred K1 citizens than merely one scholar, an 11 I1)Ust l,i turned now aud then from t,ie ,:IK!4 100,C to tbc' stuJy of th ,v:,t ,,ook of nature itself. This is (especially true oi me iarmer, hs na 1kou Pointed out again and aguln by aM observers most competent to pass l'ctll Judgment on the problems of ,0"r lounlrJ' life. All students now. : realize that education must seek to train the executive powers of young people and to confer more real sig nificance uinm the phrase "dignity of labor" and to prepare the pupils so that. In addition to each developing In the highest degree his Individual ca pacity for work, they may together help create a right public opinion and show In many ways social and co- I,e'ntive spirit. Organization has be ... r ...,.. , ... long as it Is kept to Its own legitimate business. The benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for mu tual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological. Agricultural Education. Moreover, while In the long run vol untary effort will prove more effica cious than government assistance, while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves, yet the govern ment can also do much. The depart ment of agriculture has broken new ground in many directions, and year by year It finds how It can Improve Its methods and develop fresh usefulness. Its constant effort Is to give the gov ernmental assistance In the most effec tive way that Is. through associations I 1 . I I A. - t a. ... is VMur-wouuu, w co-oruinaie 11 Willi