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THE MIDDLEBURY KEGISTER.
OOTOBER 18, 1912
MIDIH.KlUtJtY, - - VKltMONT.
Xnttred at tht Mutdtelury rottoflce a$ Stcond
Terim Strlctly in Advance.
ONE YEAR IN VERMONT $1.00
SIX MONTHS IN VERMONT G0
THREE MONTHS in vkmont 40
ONE YEAIt Outeide of Vermont, $1.25
ONE YEAR Outside of U. S 1.50
Tlie Registcr will bo found on flle at
the Congressional Library reading room,
Washington, D. C.
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 18, 191a.
The following article is from
THE LITERARY DIGEST
of Yew York. It would appear to
give a fair statement of the pres
ent conditions of the different parties
in the distribution of money at the
time of elections of tho country's
highest officers, and throws light upon
the fact that for quite a series of years
very large sums of money have been
used in the election of our Presidents,
and has become evidently a controlling
eystem, if not the controlling system,
of their election. To what extent
this was known by the candidates
themselves it would be difficult to
say, but it is evidently full time
that the conditions should be known
by the whole nation, and action
upon them demanded, which can only
come from the law making power at
Washington, backed by the determin
ation of the people that a system,
which gives the management of our
government to a few very wealthy indi
viduals or corporations, shall be abol
ished. For the only possible object in
almoBt all cases of such large contribu
tions is the desire for gain by the
monied interests, the result being an
indefinite amount of increase in profits
permitted by the Administration who
thus receives money in such quantities
from such sources.
And if it is necessary that a new party
be formed in order to get upon decent
ground, that will be done, in fact. would
appear to have been done already; for
thepresent condition of things is too
dishonorable to be longer continued,
It is absolutely essential that a new
party, not one of the old ones, be estnb
lished at Washington.
Mr. Roosevelt, who knew full well
the necessity of this, set out to accom
plish it, and we believe the people will
sustain him in doing it.
His splendid action when suddenly
shot, nqt only when wounded insisting
upon finishing his speech, but also pro
tecting from an enraged crowd the man
that shot him, has endeared him to the
What benefactors of great wealth are
paying the campaign expenses of the
three leading. Presidential candidates,
and what do they hope to get in return
for their generosity? It is for an
answer to this question that the public
is scrutinizing the evidence before the
Senate investigatingcommittee on cam
paign funds, although the teslimony up
to the present has dealt only with the
Republican war-chests of other years,
and with the Progressive pre-convention
fund of this year. The committee
promises that its work will finally cover
the whole field, but Senator Dixon
accuses it of a design to adjourn until
after election as soon as it has gone ex
haustively into Colonel Roosevelt's
record in search of ammunition for his
political rivals. Senator Clapp, chair-
jnan of the investigating committee, is
a Roosevelt man, and of the other four
members two are Republicans and two
are Democrats. While the cditors do
not wholly ignore the wider problems
of campaign-fund regulation and pub
licity suggested by this investigation,
they devote most of their attention to
its more personal bearings. Thus in the
light of this latest evidence many are
recalling Judge Parker's preelection
charge in 1901 that "vast sums of money
have been contributed for the control of
this election in aid of the Administration
by corporations and trusts," and Mr,
Roosevelt's reply that the statements
made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly
and atrociously false." Judge Parker's
charge, it should be added, included the
intimation that the contributions in
question had been extractcd from the
corporations by fear of reprisal, and
Mr. Roosevelt says it was this that he
denied. Theso charges now declares
the New York Evening Post (Intl.),
"were exaggerated in form, but that
they were true in substance it would
be hard to find an intelligent man to
day who would deny." Such pro
Roosevelt papers as the New York
Press on the other hand, find in the
testimonybeforo the investigating com
mittee nothing but triumphant evidence
that "some plutocrats did try to buy
him, as they wero used to buyingothers,
While many papera tell uh editorially
that corporation contributions were not
jllegal in 1904, as they are now, and that
the facts thus far brought to light have
little or no bearing on the present cam
paign, they continue to accord to the
investigation the tribute of head lines
and the front page. "The committee
may make a lot of campaign thunder,
but nobody will be seriously hurt,"
predicts the Washington Post, an inde
pendent journal which is supporting
Among the facts brought out at the
first day's hearing were the amounts of
the Republican campaign lunds of 1892,
1896, 1900, and 1904, which were re
spectively $1,600,000, $3,500,000, $3,000,
000, and $2,088,000. Thnse figures were
supplied by Cornelius N. Bliss, jr.,
whose father was treasarer of the
Republican National Campaign Com
mittee in 1904. Mr. Bliss aubmitted a
letter in which his father expressed the
conviction that "the right to refuse to
make public these contributions is as
sacred as the right of a man to east a
secret ballot in the election.
On the following day George R.
Sheldon, who in 1908 succeeded Cor
nelius N. Bliss as treasurer, testified
that the records of 1904 showed contri
butions to Colonel Roosevelt'B campaign
of $100,000 each from J. P. Morgan,
H. C. Frick, John D. Archbold, and
George J. Gould. Asked what per-
centage of the entire campaign fund
was contributed by corporations, Mr.
Cliolilnn anouroi-nrl. "Tn ka fmnlf 71 1.9
per cent." He corroborated the Col-
onel's statement that the $240,000 raised
by E. H. Harriman in 1904 was used
solely in the New York State campaign,
and did not figure in the national cam- j emphatically stopt the proceedings insti
paign fund. A numberof letters which ( tuted by others against J. P. Morgan
passed between Colonel Roosevelt while & Co.'s Harvester Trust. When the
President and E. if. Harriman were panic of 1907 was atfts heighthe turned
submitted by Mr. Tegethoff, who was ' the resources of the Treasury over to
Mr. Harriman's private secretary. ' J. P. Morgan & Co., who used them and
These letters, which cover a period of made money and reputation by the pro
about five years, beginning in 1901, cess. - He met Gary and Frick, repre
show that during that time the Colonel's senting J. P. Morgan & Co.'s Steel
relations were fairly cordial with the Trust, before breakfast one morning
man he denounced in 1907 as an "unde- and licensed them in violation of law. to
Special interest attaches to the testi
monyofJ. P. Morgan, who told the
committee that his firm contributed not
$100,000 but $150,000, to the Roosevelt
campaign fund of 1904. To the Mc
Kinley campaign of 1900, he said, he
had given $100,000, and to the Taft
campaign of 1908, $30,000. In the
course of his testimony he said that his
contributions were made "forthegood
of the country," and with no expecta
tion of anything in return.
"There is one statement that I would
like to make. I want it distinctly
understood that J. P. Morgan & Com
pany never made n single subscription
to any election with any promise or
expectation of anything or return in
any way, shape, or manner, and we
never made it without we deemed it
advantageous for the Government and
the people. We never had a commu
nication from any candidate. We never
had an application from any candidate
for money, and anything that we did
or that was done under my suggestion
and we were all in harmony was that
it was necessary for the good of the
country and the business of the people,
and it was done, and there was never a
commitment of any expectation of any
return, and we never got any return,
either, from anybody, if I raay be
On Friday Colonel Roosevelt himself
took the stand. He stated that he had
had no knowledge of the Morgan and
Gould contributions until he read Mr.
Sheldon'a recent testimony before the
committee. He insisted that he had ,
assurances that the Archbold contribu
tion, if made, was returned. At the
end of the morning hearing he sum
marized his own testimony as follows:
"I asked no man to contribute to the
campaign fund when I was elected
President of the United Statcs, and I
wish to reiterate that Mr Bliss and Mr. ,
Cortelyou both assured me that no
promise had been made as a return for
any contribution. Neither they nor any
one else having authority asked me to
aot or refrain from acting in any mat- j
ter while I was President because any
contribution had been madeorwithheld.
Uentlemeii, could 1 put it more sweep
ingly?" In regard to the much-discussed Har
riman fund, the Colonel pointed out that
at the time the contribution was made
there was no doubt abou't the national
ticket carrying New York, but that the
State ticket was in difliculties.
"There was not one word spoken by
Mr. Harriman or me having any refer
ence to the collection of funds for the
national campaign. On the contrary, j
the entire conversation was to theefTecf
that the national campaign was safe and
that aid should be given to the State !
"Mr. Loeb was present during tho ,
interview between Mr. Harriman and
myself and heard every word.
"Mr. Harriman asked me to get Mr.
Cortelyou and Mr. Bliss to help raise
funds for the New York State cam
paign. I never asked Mr. Harriman
directly or indirectly for a dollar to
help in that campaign or any other."
Discussing his famous controversy
with Alton B. Parker, he denied ever
sayihg that corporations had not con
tributed to the Republican party.
What he did say was that corporations
had not been "blackmailed" into con
tributing, nor "as3ured of some kind of
favor" for contributing.
When asked "as a practical man
would you naturally think that some of campaign, and boldly avers that it ex
these people might be expecting pected consideration in return.
favors?" he answered: I "Instead, it was sued under the Anti-
"As a practical man of high ideals, j trust Act, and ultimately its dissolution
who has always endeavored to put his was dccreed.
high ideals into practice, I think nny I "Out of the whole record one thing
man who would believe that he would appears perfectly clear. The campaign
get any consideration from making any funds of 1904 were raised under the old
contributions to me was either a crook system, and it was a wrong system. It
or a fool." was a system thatinevitably led power-
"A clean bill for Roosevelt," declare 1 ful interests to hope their contributions
the Progressive party, is all the inves- would be in the nature.of payments for
tigators have to show for their efforts.
Anti-Roosevelt papers, on the other
hand, are equally convinced that the
Colonel has now been stripped of his
disguisc and revealed in a very damag
ing light. "The trap has sprung and
Roosevelt has been caught in it," ex
claims the Philadelphialnquirer (Rep.),
which goeson to say: "Itisn't the fact
that tremendous sums of money were
raised for the Roosevelt campaign that
counts in the long run; it is the attitude
assumed by Roosevelt himself in trying
to explain them away." More specitic
are the charges of the New York World
(Ind. Dem.), which never misses an
opportunity to turn its editorial bat
teries on the Colonel. While conceding
that Mr. Harriman and the Standard
Oil Company "received scant favor for
the money that had been squeezed out
of them, except immunity from crim
inal prosecution under the Sherman
Law." The W6rld maintains that "it is
not true that Mr. Morgan and Mr. Frick
received no favors:"
"Mr. Roosevelt never prosecuted J.
P. Morgan & Co.'s Steel Trust. He
I absorb the Tennessee Coal and Iron
Company, thus giving J. P. Morgan &
Co.'s Steel Trust a monopoly of high
grade iron ore. He put Mr. Bacon, a
partner of J. P. Morgan & Co., into the
State Department and the diplomatic
service. He made Herbert Satterlee,
J. P. Morgan's son-in-law, Assistant
Secretary of the Navy. In a letter to
Attorney-General Bonaparte he testi
fied feelingly to the virtues of the
'Morgan interests which have been so
friendly to us.' Never before was the
'public welfare' so cheaply protected.
"The 'Morgan interests' are not con-
fined to J. P. Morgan & Co. by any
means. The Morgan interests compre
hend life insurance companiee, banks
and trust companies, railroads and
manufacturing enterprises. If the
parent house increased its regular Re
publican contribution in 1901 because of
its 'especial Interest,' we may easily
imagine that the policy was widely imi
tated by afliliated corporations and in
dividuals. Perhaps in this almost un
exampled favor by the Morgan interests
we shall find an explanation of the
Roosevelt Administration's hostility to
the Standard Oil interests, which have
not always agreed with J. P. Morgan
& Co. concerning 'the welfare of the
Turning to the dispute as to whether
I Mr. Harriman contributed to the
Roosevelt campaign fund or only to the
New York State Republican fund, the
Springfield Republican (Ind.) points to
the widely published receipt for $50,000
and remarks :
"This receipt from Mr. Bliss proves
that Mr. Harriman sent his personal
contribution to Mr. Bliss, treasurer of
the Republican National Committee,
and that Mr. Bliss acknowledged having
received it. The transaction thus be
came a part of the financial operations
of the national committee, in the first
instance, whateveruse was made finally
of Harriman's money."
Progressive papers declare exultingly
that all efforts on the part of the cor
porations to "buy" Colonel Roosevelt
were futile, and the Baltimore News
(Prog.) finds ample evidence of the
fact in the Harriman-Roosevelt letters
published during this investigation.
Says The News:
"The letters made public show that
the then President was urged by Mr.
Harriman to omit from his Congressional
message discussion of the railroad
question. The answer to this wos that
Mr. Roosevelt had made up his mifid
' what he was going to do in this regard.
"What he did do was to send in the
message on railroad matters which was
the initiation of the great fight that
brought the Dolliver-Hepburn bill of
"Harriman asked for an advance
copy of the railroad parts of the famous
messnge to Congrtss. Roosevelt re
plied that he was not letting anybody
have nny parts of the message.
"It appears then, that
"Roosevelt did not consult Harriman
about his railroad policy, and would not
let Harriman see in advance his rec
om'mendations on the subject. Later
heordered an anti-trust suit to dissolve
the Harriman railroad combination.
"Campaign contributors wanted
James Hazen Hyde made Ambassador
to France. Roosevelt llatly refused.
"They wanted Depew made Ambas
sador to France after that. Again
"The Standard Oil Company claims
that it contributed heavily to tho 190-1
indulgences. The indulgences were
never delivered by Roosevelt, and
Roosevelt was very insistent that no
body who gare should be permitted to
understand that he was possibly paying
for some advantage."
Mr. Harriman "was rebuffed so of ten
that at last there came a break," says
the New York Press (Prog.). "He
wrote the celebrated letter to Sydney
Webster in which he asked, 'whero do
I stand?' " The Press goes on to say:
"It was because Roosevelt would not
grant govermental favors to the Har
rimans that they all turned against him.
They were indignant and infuriated be
cause they could not buy him, as they
had bought so many statesmen, in the
customary way of making gif ts to cam
"There were many Harrisons who
learned to hate Roosevelt because he
would not do their bidding. Most of
them and their hired politicians are
arrayed against him to-day."
Turning its attention to more recent
history, the committee clicited the in
formation that William Flynn, of Pitts
burg, spent $144,308.29 in Pennsylvania
in the fight to procure the regular Re
publican nomination for Colonel Roose
velt this year. Senator Dixon, Colonel
Roosevelt's campaign manager, in
formed the committee that this year
"the Sugar Trust is backing Taft" and
"The Standard Oil and the Sugar Trust
are both either for Taftor Wilson." He
alleged that Charles P. Taft had spent
$600,000 in his brother's canvass for the
Presidential nomination this year. He
testified that the principal contributors
to the Progressive campaign fund were
George W. Perkins, Frank Munsey, and
Dan R. Hanna. He also asserted that a
representative of the Oil and Tobacco
Trusts was buying thesupport of foreign
newspapers published in this country
for President Taf t's candidacy.
"The slime of high finance is over the
whole business," exclaims the New
York Tribune (Rep.), which demands
"some laws which will actually stop
making the nomination of a President a
millionaires' game." Citing the com
plaint of the Dimccratic National Cam
paign Committee that not a fifth of the
necessary funds have b en contributed
under the program of popular subscrip
tion, the Detroit News (Ind.) remarks
that this is because the rank and file
have not yet "acquired the habit" of
contributing to campaign funds. It
adds: "The r?.nk ar.d file owe itto their
party if they have one, and to their
country to contribute to these election
publicity funds." The Literary Digest.
LETTER TO BUSINESS MEN.
The following is an extract from a
letter addressed to the Business Men
by Frank A. Munsey in the Boston
Journal of October 14:
In these nine months we have lived
half a century, politically considered.
Then there were two big political
parties in the field; today there are
three. Then the fight in the Repub
lican party was between two members
of that party, Mr. Taft and Mr. Roose
velt. That fight is now a dead issue. It is
history. Ithas no more to do with the
real fight of the present campaign than
if it had come off a quarter of a century
ago. The fight now, for you who be
lieve in Republican economic policies,
is against Wilson and the Democratic
party. The fight now is for good
business and for policies that will mean
good business. The fight now is
against the destruction of these poli
cies. The great, stubborn fact that you
.must reckon'with is that Taft cannot,
under any circumstances, be elected.
There isn't an intelligent man anywhere
who doesn't realize that this is so.
Every man who can see straight and
hear straight, every man who isn't
befogged in prejudice, knows that it
Notwithstanding this fact, the Re
publican campaign manngers, in their
public utterances, nro brazenly giving
the lie to their own convictions in their
claims, now frantically spread broad
cast, that Taft can and will bo elected.
If it werea matter of running for the
presidency of a social club, or some
other place of no consequence to the
hundred millions of our people, some
thing of no consequence to the business
interests of the country, it would be
one thing, but when false statements
like these are put out todeceive voters,
merely that the Republican organiza
tion may be kept intact, it is criminally
Your concern, Mr. Business Man, has
to do mainly with good business and
general prosperity. To sacrifice these
to a prejudice for a beaten leader and a
broken party is to prostitute the re
sponsibility of citizenship and disreganl
tho interests of your fellow men.
The Democratic party opposes n tariff
as a protective measure -opposes a tarid
that protects our industrios, opposes a
tariff that protects the American wage,
and asserts, as it has always asserted,
that if we are to have a tariff it should
beas.a revcnue-raising scheme rather
than as a means of protection.
Moreover, not only is it opposed to a
worth-while tariff, and to the economic
policies under which we have recorded
such marvelous prosperity, but it is
archaic to a degree. It doesn't fit the
period. Itholds sacredly to the anti
quated States' rights ideas, and opposes
whatever looks to national bigness and
It is charged by Mr. Roosevelt's
enemies that he did nothing, when he
was President, to remodel the tariff
and climinate its abuses. This is true,
and the reason for it is that Mr. Roose
velt was doing bigger things at that
We were in a period of great nationa
prosperity under the tariff as it then
existed. If Mr. Roosevelt had found
the country in the soup-house condition
in which McKinley found it on taking
over the reins of government after four
years of Democratic rule, he would
have jumped in on tariff legislation,
and there would have been something
doing. But since this was not the
urgent call of the hour, he grappled the
things that were crying to heaven for
reform. He awakened the nation to a
sense of civic righteousness, and forced
through an unwilling Congress reforms
of the most important and most far-
Hereis the evidence which shows why
Roosevelt hadn't the time for reforming
1. Dolliver-Hepburn Railroad Act,
enabling the InterstateCommerce Com
mission to control railroad rates.
2. Extension of Forest Reserve,
3. National Irrigation Act.
4. Improvement of waterways and
reservation of waterpower sites.
5. Employers' Liability Act.
6. Safety Appliance Act.
7. Regulaticn of railroad employees'
hours of labor,
8. Establishment of Department of
Commerce and Labor.
9. Pure Food and Drug Act.
10, Federal meat inspection.
11. Navy doubled in tonnage and
greatly increased in efiiciency.
12. Battlcship fleet sent around the
13. State militia brought into co
ordination with Army.
14. Canal Zone acquired and actual
work of constructing Panama Canal
15. Development of civil self-gov
ernment in insular possessions.
16. Second intervention in Cuba;
Cuba restored to the Cubans.
17. Finances of Santo Domingo
18. Alaska Boundary dispute settled.
19. Reorganization of the consular
20. Settlements of the coal strike of
21. The Goverment upheld in North
ern Securities decision.
22. Conviction of post oflice grafters
and public land thieves.
23. Directed investigation of the
Sugar Trust customs frauds and the
24. Suits begun against the Standard
Oil and Tobacco companies and other
corporations for violation of the Sher
man Anti-Trust Act
25. Corporation forbidden to con
tribute to political campaign funds.
26. Keeping the door of China open
to American commerce.
27. Bringing about the settlement
of the Russo-Japanese war by the
Treaty of Portsmouth.
28. Avoiding the threatened hos
tility created by Pacific coast prejudice
against Japanese immigration.
29. Negotiating twenty-four treaties
of general arbitration.
30. Reduction of the interest-bear-ing
debt by more than $90,000,000.
31. Inauguration of movement for
conservation of natural resources.
32. Inauguration of the annual con
ference of Governors of States.
33. Inauguration of movement for
improvement of conditions of country
POLICIES URGED BY ROOSEVELT
1. Reform of the banking and cur-
2. Inheritance tax. v
3. Income tax.
4. Passage of a new employers' lia
5. Postal savings bank.
0. Parcels post.
7. Revision of the Sherman Anti
8. Legislation to prevent overcapi
talization, stock watering, etc.
9. Legislntion compelling incorpora
tion under Federal laws.
This is a matchless exhibit, Apart
from war measures and activities, no
President since the formation of our
Government has a record of achieve
ments one-quarter as big as this. Itis
not only a long list of achievements, but
they are great, human achievements
of tho most far-reaching character.
achievements of masterly statesman-
ship. They mark an advahcement of
half a century over the individualism in
high places and capitalistic powers that
controlled the nation before his pres
idency. This great work that ho did is an ac-
complished fact. It will not have to
be done over. If elected neain. Mr.
Roosevelt v ill find much to do in tho
way of reform and in advanced legisla
tion, but not bo much that he cannot
give his time and energy to the out
working of a just and right tariff.
ROOSEVELT IS NOT OVER
Physlclans Cannot be Certaln
Until After Tomorrow.
THEY FIND FRACTURE OF RIB.
Chicago, Oct. lc'.-The first X-ray
plate which definitely shows the bullet
in Col. Roosevelt's chest was developed
late this afternoon. The bullet is
shown partly imbedded in the fracture
in the fourth rib about four inche3 lrom
the sternum. The bullet is much flat
tened and spread out of shape. It is
crushed into the upper edge of the rib.
Several small splinters of bone project
near it. The radiograph shows an ex
traordinary spread and arch to the
uninjured ribs indicating the unusual
size of the colonel's lungs and develop
ment of his chest.
After a day of ceaseless vigil, Col.
Roosevelt's physicians tonight could say
no more than that his condition was
virtually unchanged. Indications, they
said, favored the speedy recovery of
the ex-President from the effects of the
bullet which struck him in Milwaukee
Wednesday night. A rise in tempera
ture and pulse late in the day, how
ever, made his condition for the time
being somewhat less favorable. The
colonel's temperature went to 99 but
soon receded to 98.8.
The fact that a rib was fractured,.
which was not disclosed until today,
and that the precise location of the
bullet had not been discovered, added to
the feeling of uncertainty.
Not before Friday, if all goes well,
will the physicians be prepared to say
their patient is out of danger. The in
tervening period will be required to de
termine whether blood poisoning or
other complications are to be feared.
Theodore Roosevelt, jr., after a talk
with his father and a consultation with
the physicians expressed the feelings
of those about the ex-President today.
"It will be four or five days," said
he, "before we can breathe easily."
Col. Roosevelt spent a quiet and ap
parently care-free day, seemingly the
least concerned of all. He was cheered
by the appearance of Mrs. Roosevelt
who arrived early in the day from
New York and remained with him
constantly. He felt no pain, he said,
and moved about at will on his bed,
reading or dictating telegrams or talk
ing with members of his family. Tn
the afternoon he slept for a time.
Dr. John B. Murphy, who is in
charge of the case, Dr. Arihur Dean
Bevan and Dr. Scurry Terrell, Col.
Roosevelt's physician, held three con
sultations during the day. Aside from
the official bulletins which they issued
which gave little indication of any
change they would say little of the con
dition of the patient.
As soon as Mrs. Roosevelt reached
the hospital this morning, she took
charge of affairs. She was accompan
ied by Theodore, jr., Mrs. Nicholas
Longworth and Miss Ethel Roosevelt.
Later in the day, Congressman Long
worth arrived. Mrs. Roosevelt in
stalled herself in a room adjoining that
of her husband and during the day sel
dom lef t his bedside.
Mrs. Roosevelt's first move was to
decree that the colonel must see no
visitors except members of his family.
Once or twice during the day, she made
exceptions, but otherwise she adhered
firmly to her resolution. The colonel
was "feeling fine" and ready to receive
visitors, but Mrs. Roosevelt gave him
no opportunity to pass upon her ruling,
for she made it on her own authority,
and saw to it that it was enforced. She
received the cards and messages for
her husband and sent back her replies
with the result that the colonel himself
did not know who wished to see him.
It was learned today that the X-ray
photograph which was taken in Mil
waukee a few hours after Col. Roose
velt was shot did not show accurately
the location of ihe bullet and another
photograph was taken this afternoon.
It is probable that atter the plate is
developed, if good results are obtained,
a decision will be reached as to whether
the bullet will be removed. The bullet,
it was said, is resting against thc
fractured rib, the fourth one on tht
right side and the proximity of the ril
rendered it difficult to obtain the desiret'
result with the X-ray. The fracture of
the rib explained the pain which C ol
Roosevelt felt in breathing deeply.
The impression grew today that t ol
Roosevelt would be able to do little or
nothing more in the campaign. Al
though he expressed the hope of lea tng
for Oyster Bay on Sunday, it is prob
able he will be compelled to remain in
the hospital for at least n week longer
and that after his arrival at home ho
will not be permitted to plunge into tho
Associates of Col. Roosevelt said
that while ho was deeply disappointed
at being obliged to leave the fight dur
ing the closing weeks, he was showing
no concern as to the possible efTect of
his removal from the field of battle.
It is Col. Roosevelt's desire to make
at least one more speech before election
(Continued on Pago 5)