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The Pickens sentinel. (Pickens, S.C.) 1911-current, April 04, 1912, SECTION OF THE PICKENS SENTINEL, Image 8

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The One Question Eternally Present'is the Most Effective, the
Most Efficient and the Fairest Way of Equalizing,
the Burdens of Taxation
Mr. Underwood Would Have the Question Solved with the
Determination to do the Right, Safe and
Reasonable Thing
Speech Before the New York Southern Society Dec. 16, 1911
The kaleidoscope ,of political issues must and will continually change with
the changing conditions of our Republic, but there is one question that was
with us in 'the beginning and will be in the end, and that is the most effective,
efficient and fairest way of equalizing the burdens of taxation that are levied by
the National Government. Of all the great powers that were yielded to the
Federal Government by the States when they adopted the Constitution of our
country, the one indispensable to the administration of public affairs is the
right to levy and collect taxes. \Vithout the exercise of that pow.er we could
not maintain an army and navy; we could not establish the courts of the land;
the government would fail to porform its function if the power to tax were
taken away from it. The power to tax carries with it the power to destroy,
and it is, therefore, a most dangerous governmental power as well as a most
necessary one.
There is a very clear and marked distinction between the position of the
two great political parties of America as. to how power to tax should be
exercisod in the levying of revenue at the custom houses.
Iepublicans Have Always Stood for Protection.
The Republican party has maintained the doctrine that taxes should not
only be levied for the purpose oi revenue, but also for the purpose of protect
ing the home manufacturer from foreign competition. Of necessity protection
from competition carries with it a guarantee of profits. In the last Republican
platform this position of the party was distinctly recognized when they de
clared that they were not only in favor of the protection of the difference in
cost at home and abroad but also a reasonable profit to American industries.
Democratic Party for Tariff for Revenue Only.
The Democratic party favors the policy of raising its taxes at the custom
house by a tariff that is levied for revenue only, which clearly excludes the
idea of protecting the manufacturer's profits. In my opinion, the dividing
line between the positions of the two great parties on 'ais question is very
clear and easily ascertained in theory. Where the tariff rates balance the
difference in cost at home and abroad, including an allowance for the differ
ence in freigbt rates, the tariff must be competitive, and from that point
downward to the lowest tariff that can be levied it will continue to be com
petitive to a greater or less extent. Where competition is not interfered with
by levying the tax above the highest competitive point, the profits of the
manufacturer are not protected. On the other hand, when the duties levied
at the custom house equalizes the difference in cost at home and abroad and
in addition thereto they are high enough to allow the American manufacturer
to make a profit before his competitor can enter the field, we have invaded
the domain of the protection of profits. Some men assert that the protection
of reasonable profits to the home manufacturer should be commended instead
of being condenuied, but in my judgment, the protection of any profit must
of necessity have a tendency to destroy competition and create monopoly,
whether the profit protected is reasonable or unreasonable.
Unfairness of Protection.
You should bear in mind that to establish a business in a foreign. country
requires a vast outlay both in time and capital. Should the foreign manu
facturer attempt to establish himself in this country he must advertise his
goods, establish selling agencies and points of distribution before he can suc
cessfully conduct his business. After he has done so, if the home producer is
protected by a law that not only equals the difference in cost at home and
abroad, but also protects a reasonable or unreasonable profit, it is only neces
sary for him to drop his prices slightly' below the point that the law has
fixed to protect his profits and his competitor must retire from the country
or become a bankrupt because he would then have to sell his goods at a loss
and not a profit if lhe continued to compete. The foreign competitor having
retired, the home producer could raise his prices to any level that home com
petition wvould allow him and it is not probable that the foreigner who had
already been driven out of the country would again return no matter howv
inviting the field as long as the law remained on the Statute Books that would
enable his competitor to again put him out of business.
Iniquity of the Protection of Profits.
,Thirty or forty years ago when we had numbers of small manufacturers,
when there was hioniet competition without an attempt being made to restrict
trade and, the home market was more than able to consume the production
of our mills and factories, the danger and ,the injury to the consumer of the
country was, not so great or apparent as' it is today when the control of
many great industries has been concentrated in the hands of a few men or a
few corporations, because domestic competition was prohibited. When we
cease to have competition at home and the law prohibits competition from
abroad by protecting profits,,there is no relief for the consumer except to cry
out ,for, government regulation. To my mind, there is no more reason or
justice in the government attempting to protect the profits of the manufac
tuarers and producers of this country than there wvould be to protect the profits
of the merchant or the lawvyer, the banker or the farmer, or the wages of the
laboring man. In almost every line of industry in the United States we have
as great natural resources to develop as that of any country in the world, It
is adniitted by all that our machinery and methods of doing business are in
advaince of the other nations. .By reason of the efficient use of American
machinery by American labor, in most of the manufactures of this country,
the labor cost per unit of production is no greater here than abroad.
It is admitted, ,of course, that the actual wage of the American laborer
is in excess of European countries, but as to most articles we manufactture
thc labor cost in this country is not more than double the labor cost abroad.
'When we sonsider that; the average ad valorem rate of duty levied at the
custom house oli manufactures of cotton goods is 53% of the value of the
article imported and the total labor cost of the prodtiction of cotton goods
in this country is only 21% of the factory value of the product, that the dif
ference in labor cost at home and abroad is only about as one is to two and
that ten or eleven per cent of the value of the product levied at the custom
house would equal the difference in the labor wage, it is apparent that our
present tariff laws exceed the point where they equalize the difference in cost
at home and abroad, and we realize how far they have entered into the
dlomain of protecting profits for the home manufacturer. This is not only
true of the manufacture of cotton goods, but of almost every schedule in
the tariff bill..
To protect profits of necessity means to protect inefficiency. It does not
stimulate industry because a manufacturer standing behind a tariff wall that
is protecting his profits is not driven to develop his business along the lines
of greatest efficiency and greatest economy.
Wool, Iron and Steel Industries.
This is clearly illuistrated in a comparison of the wool and the iron and
steel industries. Wool has had a specific duty that when worked out to an
ad valorem basis amounts to a tax of about 90% of the average value of all
woolen goods imported into the United States, and the duties imposed have
remained practically unchanged for forty years. During that time the wool
industry has made .comparatively little progress in cheapening the cost of its
product and improving its business methods. On the other hand, in the iron
and steel industry the tariff rate has been cut every time a tariff bill has been
written. Forty years ago the tax on steel rails amounted to $17.50 a ton,
today it amounts to $3.92. Forty years ago th'e tax on pig iron was $13.60 a
ton, today it is $2.50. The same is true of most of the other articles in the
iron and steel schedule, and yet the iron and steel industry has not languished;
it has not, been destroyed and it has not gone to the wall. It is the most
compact, virile, fighting force of all the industries of America today. It has
long ago expanded ,its productive capacity beyond the power of the Anierican
people to consume its output and is today facing out towards the markets of
the world, battling for a part of the trade of foreign lands where it must
mieet free competition or as is often the case, pay adverse tariff rates to enter
the industrial fields of its competitor.
Duty of Our Government-Genuine Tariff Reduction to a Revenue
Producing Basis Only.
Which course is the wiser for our government to take? The one that
demands the protection of profits, the continued policy of hot-house growth
for our industries? The stagnation of development that follows where com
petition ceases, or on the other hand, the gradual and ' insistent reduction of
our tariff laws to a basis wvhere the American manufacturer must meet honest
competition, where he must develop his business along the best and most
economic lines, where when he fights at home to control his market he is
Srging~ the~ way in the economic development of his business to extend his
trade in the markets of the world. In my judgment, the future growth of
our great industries lies beyond the seas. A just equalization of the burdens
of taxation and honmest competition, in my judgment, are economic truths;
they are not permsitted today by the laws of our' country, we must face toward
thrn and net away from them.
What I have said does not mean that I am In favor of goin to free trade
eenditions or of being so radical In our legislation as to Inure legitimate
business, but I de mean that the period of exclusion has passed and the era
of honeet camspatltion- is here.
Let us appmeseh the setution of the pr6blem Involved with the determination
to de 1ra is right, whtat Is safe and what Is reasonable.
Birmingham hew s
Supports Underwood
In many quarters there has arisen a
demand that Oscar W. Underwood be
named the standard bearer of the Demo
cratic party in the campaign that will
be waged for the presidency in 1912.
It is the earnest hope of The Birming
ham News that this may come alout.
Should the banner be entrusted to the
keeping of Oscar W. Underwood, The
Birmingham News thoroughly believes
that by him it will be carried to glo
rious victory, and that it will never be
stained by compromise with wrong or.
sullied by collusion with privilege.-The
Birmingham News, Thursday, November
23, 1911.
Underwood is probably the greatest
authority on the tariff in the House of
Representatives, or, for that matter, in
"What do you think of Underwood?"
I asked Senator Bailey.
"Underwood," said Bailey, "is the only
man in either house of Congress who
could be locked in a hermetically scaled
room for a week and emerge from it
with a perfectly good tariff bill."
Underwood is the strongest example
in modern times of a thoroughly modest
man getting a reputation without going
after it. Politics is a noisy game; you
have to have a trunipet and a bugle in
(1) Because he is the strongest all
round man in the field;
(2) Becnuse he is old enough to have
learned a great deal, and young enough
to learn more;
(3) Because he is a constructive,
practical statesman;
(4) Because he fathered the Farm
ers' Free List Bill, which was an im
mense stride toward free trade, and a
measure that would have been magically
beneficial to our over-taxed people;
(5) Because he proposed and put
through Congress a drastic reform of
the infamous woolen tariff; and also a
sweeping reduction in the cotton goods
(6) Because he had the manhood to
defy the Birmingham Board of Trade,
when it tried to intimidate him as to
tariff reduction;
(7) Because he has introduced a bill
to cut the steel and iron schedule
from 30 to 50 per cent;
(8) Because he had the courage to
oppose the Sherwood pension grab;
which the shirkers and skulkers, and
deserters, and bounty-jumpers demand.
Champ Clark voted for the grab:
Bryan has not had the pluck to say a
word against it, nor has Woodrow
(9) Because he has the sanity and
the spunk to tell the people that all this
talk about the initiative, referendum
and recall, in national politics, is
tommy-rot. Everybody should know
that the Constitution of the United
States would have to be radically
In Mr. Underwood's candidacy the
South for the first time in 60 years
comes forward with a man with a rea
son-a man with a valid claim on
Democracy for signal recognition. If
unselfish devotion, high performance,
Nation-wide breadth of view, and rare
qualities for leadership entitle a man
to sympathy and support in his aspir
ations, the nomination of Mr. Under
wood would be a testimonial logically
The Southern Democracy never
wants, in or out of Congress, for
powerful champions of party politics,
men who conme in for honorable men
tion when the Presidential year rolls
round, but in Mr. Underwvood's case
Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama is
unquestionably of presidential size. His
leadership of the Democratic majority
on the floor of the House has never been
excelled for skill, force and definite di
rection. It is a respectful hearing from
all over the country which Senator
Bankhead of the same State will have
ini naming him for the Democratic nom
in at ion.
H-as the time come when it is expe
dient for the Democracy to nominate a
Southerner living in the South for the
presidency? It has not been thought so
since the, civil war. It has not even
been thought expedient to give the South
second place on the ticket. The nearest
approach to this was the naming on the
That Representative Oscar W. Un
derwood is rapidly crowding to thme wall
all other aspirants for the Democratic
presidential nomination, is the informa
tion that comes from sottrces close to
the Alabama leader to-day. In fact, it
is now a subject of open gossip about
the H-ouse that New York State is veer
ing toward the Alabama member and
that Clark, Wilson and Harmon are los
ing ground in the chief pivotal State of
the Union.
A member of the New York delega
tion in the House, who is not person
ally an advocate of the candidacy of
Mr. Underwood, admitted in confidence
to-day that the trend of sentiment in
New York city and New York State
how favors the Alabama leader. From
Representative Henry D. Clayton, of
Mr. O'Shiaunessy's declaration fol
lowed the Underwood demonstratIon in
the House. Mr. O'Shannesy said:
"I believe Mr. Underwood is the right
man for the presidency. He has won
derful executive ability, a. shown by his
The South and
the Presidenoy
ThIs constant reference to' pn alleged
"dead line" when It comes to the sedec
tion of a candidate for the presidency is
out of place. It'is a pecui ar fact that
we bear more of it right here in the
South than anywhere else in the coun
try. We are getting to be painfully
self-conscious about this supposed politi
cal bar sinister. Not only that, but we
act on the assumption that it would be
politically inexpedlent for us to support
any man who is -Southern born and
bred. It is folly of the worst kind and
only serves to keep alive the dying em
bers of sectionalism.--Shreveport Times,
December, 1911.
order to make anybody hear your name.
It is a tule to which there is.no excep
tion that I know of except Underwood.
lie sat back there quietly in Congress
for sixteen years doing splendid work
and never getting his name into the pa
pers. Finally the crash came, the Demo
crats carried the House, and from sheer
merit and nothing else the quiet man
from Alabama was made floor leader
and put in charge of the party's tariff
bill. And he so acquitted himself that
within a month lie became a national
figure, and now lie is quite likely to be
nominated for President.-Charles Wil
lis Thompson, in The Sunday Herald,
Boston, October 22, 1911.
changed, before the present system o'
representative government and legisla
tion could be changed for direct law
When, do you suppose, we could elect
a Congress that would give the people
the opportunity to vote away the pre
rogatives of Congress?
When, do you suppose, there would
be 34 States ready to adopt the new
When, do you suppose, would the
small Statos be willing to surrender
their equality, in the Federal Govern
When Wilson and Bryan prate of a
national initiative, referendum and re
call, they make themselves demagogues.
Can either of them tell us how Dit ect
legislation can be applied, nationally,
in such a manner as to preserve the
sovereign equality of the small States?
If either of them can, I should be
glad to publish their plan.
It will be time enough to talk about
national- Direct legislation and the recall
after we shall have tried it, in the
(10) Lastly, I am for Oscar Under
wood because his record, public and
private, is unstained; his character ele
vated and spotless; his leadership su
perb; his work and purposes patriotic
and, practical; his sympathies, for the
oppressed. He doesn't stoop to dema
gogy to win popular applause; and he
doesn't cater to wealth and power, as
the standpatters of both parties do.
Tom Watson, in The Jeffersonian,
Thomson, Ga., January 25, 1912.
there is added a genius for organiza
tion and command not often observable
in party leaders of his section. For
candor compels a good word in
acknowledgment of what he did in the
way of harmonizing and knitting to
gether the warring elements of his
party in the House. Not in twenty
years has there been in Democratic
councils a leader who proved success
ful in uniting all shades of opinion and
presenting a solid front on practically
every issue that came to a vote. For
that reason, if for no other, Mr. Un
derwood's availability would seem to
merit careful consideration at the
hands of the Democratic party.-Wash
ington Post, October 3, 1911..
Parker ticket in 1904 of H~enry G. Davyis
of West Virginia. But that is essen
tially a Northern State. Carlisle of
Kentucky had a few votes for President
in the conventions of 1884 and 1892;
Blackburn of Kentucky and Tihlman of
South Carolina in 1896; Williams of
Mississippi in 1904. But they were
merely complimentary.
Yet the war is over. A Southern
Democrat and a formier Con federate
soldier is Chief Justice of the United
States Supreme Court by appointment
of a Republican President. The (lay
may not be so far off when the last
traces of the sectional line will be oblit
erated in American politics.-Thae New
York World, October 24, 1911.
Alabama, also, comes confirmation of
the fact that the Underwood boomers
.are receiving most encouraging reports
from New York. These reports go so
far as to say that if the South will keep
Representative Underwvood's name be
fore the convention, New York State
may be counted on to fall into line after
the second or third ballot.
If the South czn get over the ancient
obsession that a Southern man cannot
be nominated for President and if the
South will keep, the name of Underwood
before the convention, for a few ballots,
there are many wise political observers
in Washington and New York who arc
confident that the New York delegation
will swing into line for Underwood.
Washington correspondence of the
NaYshville Tennesseean, December 31,
sion, and except for hIs residence so far
South, I feel that he is In every way
suitable for the place. -I believe the
Democrats could not nominate a more
acceptable candidate."--Representative
O'Shaunesy, of Rhode Island. in The
(I% the U. S..House of Representatives,
April 21, 1911.)
Our agricultural implements supply
the farmers' wants beyond the seas.
Our boots and shoes are worn by peo
ple who speak many foreign languages
and who tread the highways of the
Occident and the Orient. The looms of
our factories clothe the people of dis
tant lands. The freight of our foreign
rivals is carried to market on Amerloan
rails, drawn by American engines, across
chasms spanned by American-built
bridges. [Applause.] The harvests of
our farmers feed the toiling masses of
Europe. We would be the unrivaled
masters of production and industry in
every land where free competition can
be obtained if we would but strike off
the shackles that bind us to the dead
and unnecessary economic systerp main
tained by the Republican Party, that
creates false staindards arnd wasteful
conditions at home. [Applause on the
Democratic side.]
(In Speech Before Pennsylvania So
ciety of New York, Dec. 9, 1911.)
"Is it not proper for all of us, irre
spective of party, to insist that the
time has come for us to join together
in putting an end to this profitless agi
tation and proposals for tinkering with
the (Sherman) law? As the necessity
arises, we can from time to time enforce
the act, without fear or favor, but with
out any disposition to get political cap
ital out of what we may be called upon
to do. Let our pilot be experience and
accurate knowledge and high resolve,
and not party expediency or misdi
rected energy, whether proceeding from
good or bad motives, and above all this
let us not proceed upon a crude guess."
(In the U. S. House of Representa
tives, Feb. 26, 1910.)
It is clear that there are no treaties
that stand in our way to prevent us from
enacting a discriminating tariff duty
But Mr. Underwood's rise in public
favor has not been spectacular. His
is not the kind of popularity that will
decline. It dawned suddenly but its
dawning was rather the awakening of
recognition than the discovery of a new
star. Mr. Underwood and his ability
had been there all the time, ebut they
had not been called into action. Op
portunity revealed the man and the
His leadership and his qualities are
of the stuff that will last. He may never
be President of the United States. He
may never be given the nomination by
Jhis party, but his usefulness to the party
and to the people will not be destroyed.
Hie is hangmng no hopes on the reward
that may conme to hinm from the party.
* * * * * * *
Mr. Underwood's public record is un
usual for its clean brilliancy. It stands
wvithout a flaw. Critics may search it
through and through and Mr. Under
wood's smile would never waver. His
party record is just as clear. His pri
vate life is without a blemish.
lHe is peculiarly fitted by nature and
training for the leadership of men and
the administration of executive func
tions. He comes of good stock, if that
means anything in this people's repub
lic. Hius education was thoroughly
rounded. His character wvell poised.
Hius training has becn broad an d wise.
Hie is thoroughly practical. His aca
demic education has been broadened by
well directed experience and constant
application to useful research.--Walter
Unlrper in the B irmningham Age-Herald,
January 7, 1912.
The rapid rise of Oscar WV. Under
wood in the discussion of Presidential
possibilities is full of significance, and
may well cause consternation in the
Wilson, Clark and Harmon camps. As
a distinctive Southerner, his boonm espe
cially is a menace to Wilson, who ap
pealed strongly to the sentiment of that
section, in wvhich he was born and spent
his early years. In the soundness of
his Democracy, the statesmanlike judg
ment and modleration lhe displays in
dealing wvith the issues of the hour,
Mvr. Underwood has no superior among
his rivals. He avoids indorsing very
questionlable issues to which Wilson
commnittedl himself somewhat inconti
nently.--The Troy Press, New York,
November 28, 1911.
The Mobile Register declares that
the relief of ninety millions of people
from tax extortion is the issue, and the
issue is personified in Oscar Wv. Under
wood. What more fitting, therefore,
asks this paper, than that the man who
is the personification of the issue should
stand~ before the President wvho vetoed
the bills drawni by Mr. Underwood seek
ing to give relief to the American peo
ple? What more fitting'that the cani
didate should be Mr. Underwood, stand
ing for tariff reduction as against Mr.
Taft standling in defense of present tariff
lawvs? What more fitting for the Demo
cratic party to nominate a man who can
wijn--for this is the time Democracy can
wvin., Powerful political leaders of
thought and those journalistic exponents
of Democracy throughout the country
should take note of Mr. Underwood.
They should investigate; and with party
loyalty firm-with sectional prejudice
eliminated, learn to know the man and
the principles for which he stands. The
Southern press, especially, ahould rally
with unhesitating vigor to support and
use their influence for the man who has
done more than any living Democrat to
reunite Democracy, and who can, as a
Southern Democrat in the White House,
establish forever a reunited country.
Richmond Journal, reprodm'ed in the
A di'rtiser, Montgomery, Ala., January
20 1912.
in favor of American ships. It was the
policy of the fathers; it built up our
mercharat marine from a point where
it was carrying 17 per cent of our com
merce to a point where it was carrying
90 per cent of American commerce in
a period of seven years. It does not
place additional burdens on the people;
it is not a policy of doubtful constitu
tionality; it is a policy that has been
tried and Proven effective. It is a pol
icy by which we can restore the Amer
ican flag to the seas and the American
ships to our commercial trade. It is a
policy that will enable us to build up
the export trade of the American peo
ple. It is a policy that will enable us
to find foreign markets for our surplus
products in agriculture and -manufac
ture. It is a policy that will restore the
balance of commerce as well as trade to
our Nation. It is a policy that will
ultimately overoome the necessity of our
paying a foreign balance in gold to
European nations and will bring pros
ptrity. tQ, all lines of industry.
(In the U. S. House of Representatives,
April 21, 1911.)
Two years ago, when the proposition
came before the House to cut the tariff
on iron and steel products, in many
cases about half, I favored the proposi
tion because I thought it was just and
fair, but some of the protected interests
in my district met and passed resolu
tions, and resolved that they would re
buke me if I voted to reduce the tax
on iron and steel. I voted to make the
reduction [applause on the Democratic
side], but they did not turn me out of
Congress [applause on the Democratic
side], and they will not turn you out
of Congress if you stand true to the
people you represent. [Applause on the
Democratic side.] The distinguished
gentleman from Illinois [Mr. CANNONI,
when lie addressed the House several
days ago, stated that the United States
Steel orporation was in favor of this
bill and asked if I did not know it,
or if that was not the reason why I
favored it. As I then stated to the
gentleman from Illinois, I was 'not in
formed as to the wishes of the United
For years Oscar Underwood has been
recognized in his district as a man of
marked ability. His broad knowledge
of the tariff displayed time and again
on the floor of Congress and in public
utterances on the stump; his far-reach
ing insight into large public questions
under consideration in the national law
making body; his skill in debate; his
complete mastery of himself in times
of political turbulence on the floor of
Congress; his judgment as well as his
tact, have all convinced his constituents
that he was a man of force and achieve
ment long before he became Chairman
of the Ways and Means Committee with
a tremendous task to perform.-Bir
minghzam Ledger, 1912.
But the present leader of the IHouse
is not impulsive. In truth, that fact
explains his leadership. He is a man
of calculation. Had he not been, he
could never have piloted his party
through the difmiulties of the extra ses
sion. His task then called for a calm
vision and a single purpose. Had lie
been a spellbinder and a scatterer he
would have wasted his opportunity.
Were Mr. Underwood to set his heart
on the White House and maneuver for
a stay under that famous roof he would
play hobs with all the reputation he has
just acquired. His vision would be
come confused, and everything would go
by the board. H-e could not serve two
masters, and his work in the House has
the first and highest claim on his at
This does not mean that Mr. Under
wood's name will, as the result of his
reply to his House colleagues, disap
pear from the Presidential speculation.
Of course, it will not. It is there to
stay, with the other names nowv on
many pens and tongues. The matter of
the nominee is in the lap of fate, and
wve shall all have to wvait for the dleci
sion.-Thae Washington Sunday St ar,
December, 1911.
Every public speech that Oscar WV.
Underwood, Democratic leader of .the
House of Representatives, makes brings
him closer to the people as a presiden
tial possibility. What Congressman
Longworth, a Republican, said of him
at the dinner of the Pennsylvania So
ciety in Newv York on Saturday night
is coming to be generally felt by the
"Not for many years," said Colonel
Roosevelt's son-in-law, "has so forceful
a personality come to the front of ,his
party as the present leader of the House.
Not in my time, certainly, and not, as I
believe, in modern times, has the Demo
cratic party dleveloped a man possessing
in so full degree the qualifications for
real leadership as it has this year in the
person of Oscar Underwvood."-The Jer
sey Journal, Jersey City, N. J., Dcemi
ber 11, 1911.
"It was dhue to the South that Grover
Cleveland was nominated and elected,"
said Judge Parker. "It was due to the
South that William J. Bryan was twice
nominated, and in like manner the South
wvas responsible for the nomination of
a New Yorker, who speaks to you now.
I still believe that the South is the' sec
tion of otur country from which a presi
dential nominee could be chosen who
could qtuell the voices of all the Demo
cratic factions and heal all breaches.
When the Democratic National Conven
tion sees fit to nominate a Southerner,
I believe that the Northern Democrats
w-ilt sunnort him with their ballots.
Judge Alton B. Parker, in The Stale,
States Steel Corp .
of fact, I am interl A
steel business my f T
have in the worl O T H
steel business exc
with the United E
tion. My people
facturers. We m,
Steel Corporation
istence in a com
industrial fields o (hrW h
have not asked mq ts,
tive tariff on iron L
(In the U. S. Ho of Reprtoviae.
April , 1911.) -.
The protected i rests of this coun
try know well th this. bill will make
a break in the dik that whenever the
protective tariff i removed and the
Northern farmer s ids out alone with
out pretense of pr ection to his prod
ucts that lie can longer be counted
on to stand in the nks of the inonopo
listic interests of t s country. That is
why they are afrai of it. It is not so
much what is in th bill, but they know
that the death kn of the protection
system will hav'd snded-that protec
tion that means th protection of enor
mous profits and e creation, of to
nopolies in this ottntry-when tiCe
farmer understand and abandons the
Republican Party t those alone who,
have fattened upon s hard-earn'd dol- it
lars. They are uisin, my friends, every
effort in the district on that side of the
I louse and in your listrict, my fellow
Democrat and in t district to break
the column. I hav protected interests
in my district, but do not represent
them. I represent tl great mass of my
constituency who wa honest treatment
and fair play.
The appearance of scar Underwood
here last night, in ad cacy of the Dem
ocratic principles he as done so much
to advance, was an eN nt not only highly
gratifying to his p ty associates in
~ouisville, but of exc tional interest to
the community in ge .ral.
It is not often that man returns to
the scenes of his yo h to speak with
such authority, from o commanding a
position, won on his n merit. It has
not been so long as th years ago-he is
not yet 50-since Osca Underwood was
a schoolboy here; lie -omes back now
the recognized and ap auded leader of
his party on the floor of the National
Ilouse of Representati es, the head of
the great committee N ich shapes the
fiscal legislation of the country; a new
chieftain of Democracyl'who has arisen
at a crisis when the o I party seemed.
all but leaderless.
Bravo, Oscar Under :ood I Tt is a
bright day for Democraz when they are
fortunate to find and (tick to acclaim
such a leader.-LouisvilpiCouricr-Jour
nal, reprinted in Ag-I .rad, Birming
ham, Ala., October 15, 1911.
Whoever was floor leader of the De
mocracy was good enough for Mr, Un
derwood during all the long years that
party was in the minority, and day after
(lay, whether that leader was Joseph WV.
Bailey, of Texas, John Sharp Williams,
of Mississippi, or Champ Clark, of Mis
souri, the gentlemian from Alabama was
alwvays at his leader's elbow, ready and
eager to do anything he could to help.
Other statesmen might try to black their
party leader's eye, but Mr. Underwood
was never knowvn to extend ainythiing
but the helping hand.-George E. Miller,
Staff Correspondent, in the Detro it
News, October 24, 1911.
Congressman Underwood, as house
leader of the Democrats and as chair
man of the \Vays anid Means Commit
tee, has measured up to the standard of
true statesmanship. IHe has renderod in
calculable service to the cause of honest
tariff revision, the one great issue in
the pending campaign, and by his splen
did poise and mastery of affairs lhe has
exalted his party's name in the minds of
thiinking Amiericans.-AtIlanta Journal,
Ja'nuary 7, 1912.
If Oscar Underwood, when he wvas
made Chairiian of the Ways and Meanis
Commuittee, had been as well known
throughout the country as Champ Clark
or Judson Harmon or Woodrow Wilson
he would have goiie into the Democratic
convention far in the lead. He was at
that time, however, little known and
this fact may give to the Speaker a part
of the prestige that Mr. Underwood
otherwise would have had.
Mr. Underwood is well known nowv,
however, and will be better known he
fore the convention meets or the States
elect delegates. Taking it for granted
that lie will conduct the tariff fight as
well dulrinig the regular session as dur
ing the extra sessioin, Mr. Underwood
will he much stronger at the end of the
regular session than lie is nowv. If we
juldge by results we musttconclude that
no0 Demiiocratic header has ever had his
forces so well in hand as Mr. Under
woodl had dlurinig the last session.-Thse
Florida Times- Un ion, Jacksonville, Fla.,
October 24, 1911.
"The dlestiny of the American nation,
which I think is the most wmi'lerful in
the whole history of the wvorld, is per
fectly sate in the hands of such nmen
as your Underwood. It is a pity that
we cannot have more of his kind in
Washington. He is one of the niost
eminent men that the South has pro
duced, anid I look with vast satisfaction
upon the plans of his Alabama friends
to give him their unanimous indorse
ment for that high office-the prr
dency.-Prof. Willis L. Moore, (Chi
UT. S. Weather Bureau, in the It;
l'am, Ala., Age-Herald, Oct'

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