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The Newberry herald and news. (Newberry, S.C.) 1884-1903, December 03, 1902, EXTRA, Image 4

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Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn93067777/1902-12-03/ed-1/seq-4/

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PR~DEN'8MESSAGEI
To the Senate and House of Representa
tives:
We still continue in a period of un
boLaded pro. perity. This prosperity is
not the creature of law, but undoubtedly
the laws under which we work have been
instrumental in creating the conditions
which made it possible, and by unwise leg
islation it would be easy enough to destroy
it. There will undoubtedly be periods of
depression. The wave will recede, but the
tide will advance. This nation is seated
on a continent flanked by two great
oceans. It is composed of men the de
scendants of pioneers or, in a sense, pio
neers themselves-of men winnowed out
from among the nations of the old world
by the energy, boldness and love of ad
venture found in their own eager hearts.
Such a nation so placed 'will surely wrest
success from fortune.
As a people we have played a large part
in the world, and we are bent upon mak
ing our future even larger than the past.
In particular the events of the last four
years have definitely decided that for -ae
or for weal our place must be great amoag
the nations. We may either fail greatly
or succeed greatly, but we cannot avoid
the endeavor from which either great
failure or great success must come. Even
if we would we cannot play a small part.
if we should try, all that would follow
would be that we should play a large part
ignobly and shamefully.
But our people, the sons of the men of
the civil war, the sons of the men who
had iron in their blood, rejoice in the
present and face the future high of heart
and resolute of will. Ours is not the
creed of the weakling and the coward;
ours is the gospel of hope and of tri
umphant endeavor. We ' do not shrink
from the struggle before us. There are
many problems for us to face at the out
let of the twentieth century-grave prob
lems abroad and still graver at home-but
we know that we can solve them, and
solve them well, provided only that we
bring to the solution the qualities of head
and heart which were shown by the men
who in the days of Washington founded
this government and in the days of Lin
coln preserved it.
No country has ever occupie( a higher
plane of material well being than ours at
the present moment. This well being is
due to no sudden or accidental causes, but
to the play of the economic forces in this
country for over a century; to our laws,
our sustained and continuous policies;
above all, -to the high individual average
of our citizenship. Great fortunes have
been won by those who have taken the
lead in this phenomenal industrial devel
opment, and most of these fortunes have
been won not by doing evil, but as an in
cident to action which has benefited the
community as a whole. Never before has
material well being been so widely dif
fused among our people. Great fortunes
have been accumulated, and yet in the
aggregate these fortunes are small in
deed when compared to the wealth of the
people as a whole., The plain people are
better off than they have ever been be
fore. The insurance companies, which
are practically mutual benefit societies
especially helpful to men of moderate
means-represent accumulations of capi
tal which are among the largest in this
country. There are more deposits in the
savings banks, more -owners of farms,
more well paid wageworkers in this coun
try now than ever before ,in our history.
Of course when the conditions have fa
vored the growth of so much that was
good they have also favored somewhat
the growth of what was eviL. It is 'emi
nently necessary that we should endeavor
to cut out this evil, but let us keep a due
sense- of proportion; let us not in fixing
our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the
greater good. The evils are real, ax:d
some of them are menacing, but they at
the outgrowth not of misery or decadence,
but of prosperity, of the progress of our
-gigantic industrial development. This in
dustrial development must not be checked.
but -side by side with it should go .such
progressive regulation as will diminish
the evils. We should fail in our duty If
we did not try to remedy the evils, but we
shall succeed only if we proceed patient
ly, with practical common sense as well
as resolution., separating the good from
the bad and holding on to the former
while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.
In my message to the present congress
-at its first session 1 discussed at length
the question of the regulation of those
* big corporations commonly doing an in
terstate business, often with some tenden
cy to monopoly, which are popularly
known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphaisized, in my opinion,
the desirability of the steps I then pro
posed. A fundamental requisite of social
efficiency is a high standard of individual
energy and excellence, but this Is -in no
wise Inconsistent with power to act In
-- combination f(or alms which cannot so
well be achieved by the individual acting
alone. A fundamental base of civilization
Is the inviolability of property; but this is
in nowise inconsistent with the right of
society to regulate the exercise of the
artificial powers which it confers upon the
owners of. property under the name of cor
porate franchises in such a way as to
- prevent the misuse of these powers. Cor
porations, and especially combinations of
corporations, should be managed under
public regulation. Experience has shown
that und,er our system of government the
necesSary supervision cannot be obtained
by state action, It must therefore be
achieved by national action. Our aim is
not to do away with corporations. On the
contrary, these big aggregations are an
Inevitable development of modern indus
-trialism, and the effort to destroy them
would be futile unless accomplished In
ways that would work the utmost mis
chief to the entire body politic. We can
do nothing of good in the way of regulat
ing and supervising these corpgrations
until we fix clearly in our minds that we
are not attacking the corporations, but
- endeavoring to do away with any evil In
them. We are not hostile to them. We
are merely determined that they shall be
. so handled as to subserve the public good.
We draw the line against misconduct, not
against wealth. The capitalist who, alone
or In conjunction with his fellows, per
forms some great industrial feat by which
he wins money is a weildoer, not a wrong
doer, provided only he works in proper
and legitimate lines. We wish to favor
such a man when he does well. We wish
to supervise and control his actions only
to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity
can do no harm to the honest corporation.
and we need not be overtender about
sparing the dishonest corporation.
In curbing and regulating the combina
tions of capital which are or may become
injurious to the public we must be care
ful not to stop the great enterprises which
have legitimately reduced the cost- of pro
duction, not to abandon the place which
our country has won in the leadership of
the international Industrial world, not to
strike down wealth with the result of
closing factories and mines, of turning
the wageworker Idle in the streets and
leaving the farmer without a market for
what he grows. Insistence upon the im
possible meahs delay In achieving the pos
sible exactly as. on the other hand, the
stubborn defense alike of what is good
and what is bad In the existing system.
the resolute effort to obstruct any at
tempt at betterment, betrays blindness to
the historic truth that, wise evolution is
the sure safeguard against revolution.
No more important subject can come
before the congress than this of the regu
lation of interstate business. This country
cannot affor-d to sit supine on the plea
that under our peculiar system of govern
ment we are helpless in the presence of
the new conditions and unable to grapple
with them or to cut out whatever of evil
has arisen in connection with them. The
power of the congress to regulate inter
state commerce is an absolute and un
qualified grant and without limitations
other than those prescribed by the consti
tution The congress has constitutional
authority to make all laws necessary and
proper for executing this power, and 1 am
satisfied that this power has not been ex
hausted by any legislation now on the
statute books. It is evident, therefore,
that eviis restrictive of commercial free
dom and entailing restraint upon national
commerce fall within the regulative pow
er of the congress and that a wise and
reasonable law weald be a necessary and
p roper exercise of congressional authority
tot the end that such evils should be erad
icated.
1 believe that monopolies, unjust dis
criminations. which prevent or cripple
competition, fraudulent overcapitalizationi
- and other evils in trust organizations and
practices which injuriously affect inter
state trade can b>e prevented under the
power of the congre-ss to "regulate comn
merce with foreign nations and among
the several states'' through regulations
and requirements c.perating directly upon
such commerce. the instrumentalities
gonsiaerata .v tue 'e-i.gress with a view
to the pas of a law reasonable in its
provisions and effective in its operations,
upon which tb- questions can be finally
adjudicated that now raise doubts as to
the necessity of constituti-nal amend
ment. If it prove impssible to accom
piish the purposes above set forth by such
a law, then assuredly we should not
skrink from amending the constitution so
as to secure beyond peradventure the
power sought.
The congress has not heretofore made
any appropriation: for the bt'tter enforce
nient of the antitrust law as it now
stands. Very much has been done by the
.lepartment of justice in securing the en
forcement of this law, but much more
i 1 ould be done if congress would make a
special appropriation for this purpose, to
be expended under the direction of the
attorney general.
One proposition advocated has been the
reduction of the tariff as a means of
reaching the evils of the trusts which fall
within the category I have described.
Not merely would this be wholly ineffec
tive. but the diversion of our efforts in
such a direction would mean the aban
donment of all intelligent attempt to do
away with these evils. Many of the lar
gest corporations, many of those which
should certainly be included in any proper
scheme of regulation, would not be af
fected in the slightest degree by a change
in the tariff, save as such change inter
fered with the general prosperity of the
country. The only relation of the tariff
to big corporations as a whole is that the
tariff makes manufactures profitable, and
the tariff remedy proposed would be in
effect simply to make manufactures un
profitable. To remove the tariff as a
punitive measure directed against trusts
would inevitably result in ruii to the
-weaker competitors who are struggling
against them. Our aim should be not by
unwise tariff changes to give foreign prod
ucts the advantage over domestic prod
ucts, but by proper regulation to give do
mestic competition a fair chance, and
this end cannot be reached by any tariff
changes which would affect unfavorably
all domestic competitors, good and bad
alike. The question of regulation of the
trusts stands apart from the question of
tariff revision.
Stability of economic policy must al
ways be the prime economic need of this
country. This stability should not be fos
silization. The country has acquiesoed
in the wisdom of the protective tariff
principle. It is exceedingly undesirable
that this system should be destroyed or
tthat there should be violent and radical
changes therein. Our past experience
shows that great prosperity in this coun
try has always come under a protective tar
1ff and that the country cannot prosper
under fitful tariff changes at short inter
vals. Moreover, if the tariff laws as a
whole work well and if business has pros
pered under them and is prospering, it is
better to endure for a time slight incon
veniences and inequalities in some sched
ules than to upset business by too quick
and too radical changes. It is most ear
nestly to be wished that we could treat
the tariff from the standpoint solely of
our business needs. It is, perhaps, too
much to hope that partisanship may be
entirely excluded from consideration )f
the subject, but at least it can be made
secondary to the business interests of the
country-that is. to the interests of our
people as a whole. Unquestionably these
ba-mness interests will best be served if
together with fixity of principle as re
gards the tariff we combine a system
which will permit us from time to time to
make the necessary reapplication of the
principle to the shifting national needs.
We must take scrupulous care that the
reapplication shall be made in such a way
that it will not amount to a dislocation of
our system, the mere threat of which, not
to speak of the performance. would pro
duce par.lysis in the business energies
of the -community. The first considera
tion In making these changes would, of
course. be to preserve the principle which
underlies our whole tariff system-that is,
the principle of putting American busi
ness interests at least on a full equality
with Inter ests abroad and of always al
lowing a sufficient rate of duty to more
than cover the difference between the
labor cost here and abroad. -ihe well be
ing of the wageworker, like the well be
ing .of the tiller of the soil, should be
treated as an essential in shaping our
whole economic policy. There must never
be any change which will jeopardize the
standard of comfort, the standard of
wages, of the Amerlin wageworker.
One way In which the readjustment
sought can be reached is by reciprocity
treaties. It is greatly to be desired that
such treaties may be adopted. They can
be used to widen our markets and to give
a greater field for the activities of our
producers on the one hand, and on the
other hand to secure in practical shape
the lowering of duties when they are no
longer needed for protection among our
own people or when the minimum of dam
age done may be disregarded for the sake
of the maximum of good accomplished.
If it prove impossible to ratify the pend
ing treaties and if there seem to be no
warrant for the endeavor to execute oth
ers or to amend the p ending treaties so
that they can be ratified, then the same
end-to secure reciprocity-should be met
by direct legislation.
. Wherever the .tariff conditions are such
that a needed change cannot with advan
tage be made by the application of the
reciprocity idea, then it can be made out
right by a lowering of duties on a given
product. If possible, such change should
be made only after the fullest considera
tion by practical experts, who should ap
pr'oach the subject from a business stand
point, having in view both the particular
interests affected and the commercial well
being of the people as a whole. The ma
chinery for providing such careful inves
igation can readily be supplied. The ex
ecutive department has already at Its
disposal methods of collecting facts at~
figures. and if the congress desires addi
tional consideration to that which will be
given the subject by its own committees,
then a commission of business experts can
be appointed whose duty it should be to
recommend action by the congress after
a deliberate and scientific examination of
the various schedules as they are affected
by the changed and changing conditions.
The unhurried and unbiased report of this
commission would show what changes
should be made in the various schedules
and how far these changes could go with
out also changing the great prosperity
-which this country is now enjoying or
upsetting its fixed economic policy.
The cases in which the tariff can pro
duce a mv,nopoly are so few as to consti
tute an Inconsiderable factor in the ques
tion; but, of course, if in any case It be
found that a given rate of duty does p;o
mote a monopoly which works ill, no pro
tectionist would object to such reduction
of the duty as would equalize competition.
In my judgment, the tariff on anthracite
coal should be removed and anthracite
put actually, where it now Is nominally,
on the free list. This would have no effect
at all save In crises; but in crises it might
be of service to the people.
Interest rates are a potent factor in
business activity, and in order that these
rates may be equalized to meet the var
ing needs of the seasons and of widely
separated communities, and to prevent the
recurrence of financial stringencies which
injuriously affect legitimate business, it
Is necessary that there should be an ele
ment of elasticity in our monetary sys
tem. Banks are the natural servants of
commerce, and upon them should be
placed., as far as practicable, the burden
of furnishing and maintaining a circula
tion adequate to supply the needs of our
diversified industries and of our domestic
and foreign commerce, and the issue of
this should be so regulated that a suffi
cient supply should be always available
for the business interests of the country.
It would be both unwise and unneces
sary at this time to attempt to recon
struct our financial system, which has
been the growth of a century, but, some
additional legislation is, I think, desirable.
The mere outline of any plan sufficiently
comprehensive to meet these requirements
would transgress the appropriate limits
of this coynmunication. It is suggested,
however, that all future legislation on the
subject should be with the view of en
couraging the use of such instrumentali
ties as will automatically supply every
leitimate demand of productive indus
tries and of commerce, not only in the
amount, but in the character of circula
tion. and of making all kinds of money
interchangeable and, at the will of the
holder, convertible into the established
gold standard.
I again call your attention to the need
of passing a proper Immigration law, cov
ering the points outlined in my message
to you at the first session of the present
congress. Substantially such a bill has
already pasised the house.
1ow to secure fatir treatment alike for
labor and for capital, how to hold in
ceek the unsc'rupulous man. whether em
plye-r or employee, without weakening
individual initiativ e, wit hout hampering
and eramingii the industrial development
of the coun try, is a problem fraught with
great dixhculties and one which it is of
the hiighest importance' to solve on lines
of sanity anpd xar.igidc~ common sense as
wel as of d -.tion1 a the right. This is
an era of t d . tion andj comibination.
Exa(tly asbuia--ess mn~ find1 they must
oftn wvork through (orpuratxi ns, and as
it is a constiu ii ndeny of t hese corpora
tions to ara aarxr. -o it is often neces
Euary tur lud'rin;.; xi to work~ inx federax
taxns. 1l a:S ha v 1' l oome imlportanlt
factors .X modern indust riam life. Both
kids of n 2 rationi. .pitalistic and labor,
cun mucli good. and as a necessary
corollary t hay au bot der~'~m evil. Opposi
tion to -ach~ kirnd o oaniza tion should
m.c th.e frmof orpnis xin whatever is
bad in the conduct of any given corpra -
.tion or union, not of attacks upon cor
porations as such nor upon unions as
such, for some of the most farreaching
beneticen: work for our people has been
accomplished through both corporations
ahd unions. 1:aci i must refrain from ar
bitrary or tyrannous interference with
the r:.hts d uthers. Organized capital
and o,azizc-d labor alike should remem
bfr that in ::- long run the interest of
each naut be brought into harmony with
th? interest of the general public, and the
coluet of each must conform to the
fundamental rules of obedience to the
iar. of individual freedom and of justice
anu tair deaiing toward all. Each should
remember that in addition to power it
must strive :fter the realization of
healthy. lofty and generous ideals. Every
employer, every wageworker, must be
guaranteed his liberty and his right to do
as he likes with his property or his labor
so long as he does not infringe upon the
rights of othes. It is of the highest im
portance that employer and employee
alike should endeavor to appreciate each
the viewpoint of the other and the sure
disaster that will come upon both in the
long run if either grows to take as habit
ual an attitude of sour hostility and dis
trust toward the other. Few people de
serve better of the country than those rep
resentatives both of capital and labor
and there are many such-who work con
tinually to bring about a good understand
ing of this kind, based upon wisdom and
upon broad and kindly sympathy between
employers and employed. Above all, we
need to remember that any kind of class
animosity in the political world is, if pos
sible, even more wicked, even more de
structive to national welfare, than sec
tional, race or religious animosity. We
can get good government only upon condi
tion that we keep true to the principles
upon which this nation was founded and
judge each man not as a part of a class,'
but upon his individual merits. All that
we have a right to ask of any man, rich
or poor, whatever his greed, his occupa
tion, his birthplace or his residence, is
that he shall act well and honorably by
his neighbor and by his country. We are
neither for the rich man as such nor for
the poor man as such; we are for the ub
right man, rich or po^r. So far as the
constitutional powers of the national gov
ernment touch these matters of general
and vital moment to the nation, they
should be exercised in conformity with
the principles above set forth.
It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of
commerce ma- be created, with a seat in
the cabinet. fhe rapid multiplication of
questions affecting labor and capital, the
growth and complexity of the organiza
tions through which both labor and capi
tal now find expression, the steady tend
ency toward the employment of capital in
huge corporations and the wonderful
strides of this country toward leadership
in the international business world justify
an urgent demand for the creation of
such a position. Substantially all the
leading commercial bodies in this country
have united in requesting its creation. It
is desirable that some such measure as
that which has already passed the senate
be enacted into law. The creation of such
a department would in itself be an ad
vance toward dealing with and exercising
supervision over the whole subject of the
great corporations doing an interstate
business, and with this end in view the
congress should endow the department
with large powers, which could be in
creased as experience might show the
need.
I hope soon to submit to the senate a
reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On May 20
last the United States kept its promise to
the island by formally vacating Cuban soil
and turning Cuba over to those whom her
own people had chosen as the first officials
of the new republic.
Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever af
fects her for good or for ill affects us also.
So much have our people felt this that in
the Platt amendment we definitely took
the ground that Cuba must hereafter have
closer political relations with us than with
any other power. Thus in a sense Cuba
has become a part of our international
political system. This makes It necessary
that in return she should be given some of
the benefits of becoming part of our eco
nomic system. it is. from our own stand
point, a shortsighted and mischievous pol
icy to tail to recognize this need. More
over, it is un-worthy of a mighty and gen
erous nation, itself the greatest and most
successful republic in history, to refuse to
stretch out a helping hand to a young and
weak sister republic just entering upon
its career of In dependence. We should al
ways fearlessly insist upon our rights.in
the face of the strong. and we should with
ungrudging hand do our generous duty
by the weak. I tirge the adoption of reci
procity with Cuba not only because it is
eminently for our own interests to control
the Cuban market and by every means to
foster our supremacy in the tropical lands
and waters south of us. but also because
we of the giant republic of the north
should make all our sister nations of the
American continent feel that whenever
they will permit it we desire to show our
selves disinterestedly and effectively their
friend.
A convention with Great Britain has
been concluded,- which will be at once laid
before the senate for ratification, provid
ing for reciprocal trade arrangements be
tween the United States and Newfound
land on substantially the lines of the con
vention formerly negotiated by the secre
tary of state, Mr. Blaine. I believe recip
rocal trade relations will be greatly to the
advantage of both countries.
As civilization grows warfare becomes
less and less the normal condition of for
eign relations. The last century has
seen a marked diminution of wars be
tween civilized powers. Wars with un
civilized powers are largely mere matters
of international police duty, essential for
the welfare of the world. Wherever pos
sible arbitration or some similar method
should be employed in lieu of war to settle
difficulties between civilized nations, al
though as yet the world has not pro
gressed sufficiently to render it possible
or necessarily desirable to invoke arbitra
tion in every case. The formation of the
international tribunal which sits at The
Hague is an event of good omen from
which great consequences for the welfare
of all mankind may flow. It is far better
where possible to invoke such a perma
nent tribunal than to create special arbi
trators for a given purpose.
It is a matter of sincere congratulation
to our country that the United States and
Mexico should have been the first to use
the good offices of The Hague court. This
was done last summer with most satis
factory results in the case of a claim at
isstue between us and our sister republic.
It is earnestly to be hoped that this first
case will serve as a precedent for others,
in which not only the United States but
foreign nations may take advantage of
the machinery already in existence at
The Hague.
I commend to the favorable considera
tion of the congress the Hawaiian fire
claims, which were the subject of careful
investigation during the last session.
The congress has wisely provided that
we shall build at once an isthmian canal,
if possible at Panama. The attorney gen
eral reports that we can undoubtedly ac
quire good title from the French Panama
canal company. Negotiations are now
pending with Colombia to secure her as
sent to our building the canal. This canal
will be one of the greatest engineering
feats of the twentieth century, a greater
engineering feat than has yet been ac
complished during the history of mankind.
The work should be carried out as a con
inuing policy without regard to change
of administrntion, and it should be begun
under circumstances which will make it
a matter otf pride for all administrations
to continue the policy.
The canal will be of great 'benefit to
America and of importance to all the
world. it will be of advantage to us In
dustrially and also as improving our mil
itary p)osition. It will be of advantage to
the countries of tropical America. It is
earnestly to b)e hop)ed that all of these
countries will do as some of them have
already done with signal success and will
invite to their shores commerce and im
prove their material conditions by recog
nizing that stahility and order are the
prerequisites of successful development.
No independent nation in America need
have the slightesi. Lear of aggression from
the Un:ited States. It behooves each one
to maintain order within its own borders
and to discharge its just obligations to
foregners. When this is done, they can
rest assurtd m:i t, be they strong or weak,
they have nothing to dr'ead from outside
Intrferece. \More and more the increas
ing interdlepenuece and complexity of
internta ional po lit ical anmd economic rela
tios ret:der it incumtbent on all civilized
andi or<iciy po;wers to insist on the proper
policing of the wor:d.
bJurinig the fall of 1901 a communication
was addresse'd to the secretary of state
asking whethecr permission would be
grant'd by the president to a corporation
to lay a cable fromi a point on thle Cali
foria coast to the Philippine Islands by
way of Hawaii. A statement of condi
tis or terms upon which such corpora
tion would undertake to lay and operate
a cable was volunteered.
Inasmuch as the congress was shortly to
convene and Pacilic cable legislation had
been the subject of consideration by the
:ongress for several years, it seemed to
e wise to defer action upon the applica
tion until the congress had first an oppor
tunity to act. The congress adjourned
without taking any action, leaving the
matter in exactly the same condition In
which it stood when the congress con
vened.
Meanwhile it appears that the Commer
cIal Pacific Cable company had promptly
roceeded with pr lparaJ tions for laying its
cable. It also made pplication to the
I Dresident for acer.:: 'ii of sound
la gs tar-i by the United States steamship
Nero foi: the purpose of discovering a
practica.Le route for a transpacific cable,
the company urging that with access to
these scundings it could complete its cable
much sooner than f it were required to
take soundings upon its own account.
Pending consideration of this subject it
appeared important and desirable to at
tach certain conditions to the permission
to examine and use the soundings If it
should be granted.
In consequence of this solicitation of the
cable company certain conditions were
formulated, upon which the president was
willing to allow access to these sound
ings and to consent to the landing and
laying of the cable, subject to any altera
tions or additions thereto imposed by the
congress. This was deemed proper, espe
cially as it was clear that a cable con
nection of some kind with China, a for
eign country, was a part of the company's
plan. This course was, moreover, in ac
cordance with a line of precedents, includ
ing President Grant's action in the case
of the first French cable, explained to the
congress in his annual message of De
cember, 1875, and the instance occurring
in 1879 of the second French cable from
Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch to
Cape Cod.
These conditions prescribed, among oth
er things, a maximum rate for commer
cial messages and that the company
should construct a line from the Philip
pine Islands to China, there being at pres
ent, as is well known, a British line from
Manila to Hongkong.
The representatives of the cable compa
ny kept these conditions long under con
sideration, continuing in the meantime to
prepare for laying the cable. They have
however, at length acceded to them, and
an all American line between our Pacific
coast and the Chinese empire by way of
Honolulu and the Philippine Islands is
thus provided for and is expected within
a few months to be ready for business.
Among the conditions is one reserving
the power of the congress to modify or re
peal any or all of them. A copy of the
conditions is herewith transmitted.
Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say
that the prosperity of the island and the
wisdom with which it has been governed
have been such as to make it serve as an
example of all that is best in insular ad
ministration.
On July 4 last, on the one hundred and
twenty sixth anniversary of the declara
tion of our ihdependence. peace and am
nesty were promulgated in the Philippine
Islands. Some trouble has since from
time to time threatened with the Moham
medan Moros, but with the late insurrec
tionary Filipinos the war has entirely
ceased. Civil government has now been
introduced. Not only does each Filipino
enjoy such rights to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness as he has never be
fore known during the recorded history of
the islands, but the people, taken as a
whole, now enjoy a measure of self gov
ernment greater than that granted to any
other orientals by any foreign power and
greater than that enjoyed by any other
orientals under their own governments
save the Japanese alone. We have not
gone too far in granting these rights of
liberty and self government, but we have
certainly gone to the limit that in the in
terests of the Philippine people themselves
it was wise or just to go. To hurry mat
ters, to go faster that we are now going,
would entail caianity on the people of
the islands. No policy ever entered into
by the American people has vindicated it
self in more signal manner than the poli
cy of holding the Philippines. The tri
umph of our arms, above all the triumph
of our laws and principles, has come soon
er than we had any right to expect. Too
much praise cannot be given to the army
for what it has done in the Philippines,
both in warfare and from an administra
tive standpoint, in preparing the way for
civil government, and similar credit be
longs to the civil authorities for the way
in which they have planted the seeds of
self government in the ground thus made
ready for them. The courage, the un
flinching endurance, th.e high soldierly effi
ciency and the general kind heartedness
and humanity of our troops have been
strikingly manifested. There now remain
only some 15,000 troops in the islands. All
told, over 100,000 have been sent there. Of
course there have been Individual in
stances of wrongdoing among them. They
warred under fearful difficulties -of cli
mate and surroundings, and under the
strain of the terrible provocations which
they continually received from their foes
occasional instances of cruel retaliation
occurred. Every effo.-t has been made to
prevent such crueltic s, and finally these
efforts have been comnpletely successful.
Every effort has also been made to de
tect and punish the wrongdoers. After
making all allowance for these misdeeds
it remains true that f ew. indeed have been
the instances in which war has been
waged by a civilized power against semi
civilized or barbarous3 forces where there
has been so little wrongdoing by the vic
tors as in the Philippine Islands. On the
other hand, the amount of difficult, impor
tant and beneficent w~ork which has been
done is well nigh incalculable.
Taking the work of the army and the
civil authorities toge-her, it may be ques
tioned whether anywhere else in modern
times the world has seen a better exam
ple of real constructive statesmanship
than our people have given in the Philip
pine Islands. High :graise should also be
given those Filipinos - in the aggregate
very numerous-who. have accepted the
new conditions and joined with our repre
sentatives to work with hearty good will
foA the welfare of the Islands.
The army has been reduced to the mini
mum allowed by law. It is very small for
the size of tne nation and most certainly
should be kept at the highest point of effi
ciency. The senior officers are given scant
chance under ordinary conditions to ex
ercise commands commensurate with their
rank under circumstances which would fit
them to do their duty in time of actual
war. A system of maneuvering our army
In bodies of some little size has been be
gun and should be steadily continued.
Without such maneuvers it is folly to ex
pect that in the event of hostilities with
any serious foe even a small army corps
could he handled to advantage. Both our
officers and enlisted men are such that
we can take hearty pride in them. No
better material can be found. But the
must b)e thoroughly trained, both as indi
viduals and in the miass. The marksman
ship of the men must receive special at
tention. In the circumstances of modern
warfare the man must act far more on
his own individual responsibility than
ver before, and the high individual effi
rienev of the unit is of the utmost im
portance. Formerly this unit was the
regiment. It is now not the regiment, not
even the troop or company; it is the indi
vidual soldier. Every effort must be made
to develop every workmanlike and sol
dierly quality -in both the ofacer and the
enlisted man.
I urgently call your attention to the
need of passing a bill providi::g for a gen
ual staff and for the reorganization of
the supply depa rtment.s on the lines of the
bill proposed by the secretary of war last
year. When the young officers enter the
army from West Point, they probably
stand above their compeers in any other
military service. Every effort should be
made by training, by reward of merit, by
scrutiny into their careers and capacity,
to keep them of the same high relative
excellence throughout their careers.
The measure providing for the reorgan
ization of the militia system and for se
curing the highest efficiency in the nation
al guard, which has already passed the
house, should receive prompt attention
and action. It is of great importance that
the relation of the national guard to the
rilitia and volunteer forces of the United
States should be delined and that in place
of our present obsolete laws a practical
and efficient systemi should be adopted.
Provision should be made to enable the
secretary of war to keep cavalry and ar
tillery horses worn out in long perform
nce of duty. Such horses t'etch but a
trifle when sold, and rather than turn
them out to) the misery awaiting them
when thus disposed of it would be better
to employ them at light work around the
posts ar.d when necessary to put them
painlessiy to death.
For the first time in our history naval
raeuvers on a large scale are being held
under the immediate command of the ad
miral of the navy. Constantly increasing
ttention is being paid to the gunnery of
the navy, but it is yet far from what it
should be. I earnestly urge that the in
rease asked for by the se.cretary of the
navy in the appropriation for improving
the marksmanship be granted. In battle
the only shots that count are the shots
that hit. It is necessary to p)rovide ample
unds for p)ractice with the great guns in
time of peace. These funds must provide
not only for the'purchase of projectiles.
but for allowances for prizes to encour
ge the gun crews, ard especially the gun
ointers, and for perfecting an intelligent
system under which alone it Is possible to
get good practice.
There should be no halt in the work of
building up the navy, providing every
year additional fighting craft. We are a
very rich country. vast in extent of terri
tory and great i population, a country,
roreover, which has an army diminutive
indeed when comnpa red with that of any
other first class p)ower. WVe have deliber
tely made our own certain foreign poli
cies which demand the possession of a
frst class navy. TIhe isthmlan canal will
greatly increase the eflciency of our navy
f the navy is of sufficient size, but if we
have an inadequate navy then the build
ing of the canal wvould be merely giving a
ostage to any power of superior strength.
I'he Monroe doctrine should be trea ted as
the cardinal feature of American foreign
policy, but it would be worse than Idle
o assert it unless we intended to back it
it aari h~ hankm tin nnlv by a
tnoroughly good r. y. A g,oad iavy 1
not a provocative of war. It is the surest l
guaranty of peace.
Each indivi.ual unit :sf our navy should
be the most emci nt of its hind as regards
both material and ncrsnn" l that is to be
found in the w'rl.l. : :.11 y ur special
attention to the n,u1 of provibing for the
manning of the iSirp Sri its trouble
threatens us if we iot d t-tter than
we are now doing st-t:' securing the
services of a s . f the high
est type of s: iYrm. : f s -in.chanics.
The veteran se^:n,u ot o wirships are
of as high a t,, . ,n i" :,'uii in any
navy which rhlos t;; . s of the world.
They are unstrg: d i:tc' in reso
lution, in r-aiiat"-s. i' t .-r.wh knowl
edge of their prof. i i Ty do"strve ev
ery consideration t;::t n :wn them.
But there art nlit th -h ft thm. It is
no more possible to im':-. Vi. a er.-w than
it is possible to imi+r.. n w:rship. To
build the fl:.st ship. with tlh.- deadliest
battery, and to stnrd it t with a raw
crew, no mat(t#r how br4"n th- were in
dividually. would to t, i:r disaster if a
foe of average capocty w, r." t"n,tintered.
Neither ships nor men can be improvised
when war has begun.
We need a thousand additional officers J
In. order to properly man the ships now
provided for and under coistruction. The (
classes at the naval scho>l at Annapolis
should be greatly enlarged. At the same 1
time that we thus add the officers where
we need them, we should facilitate the re- I
tirement of those at the head of the list
whose usefulness has become impaired. (
Promotion must be fostered if the service
is to be kept efficient.
The lamentable scarcity of officers and
the large number of recruits and of un
skilled men necessarily put aboard the
new vessels as they have been commis- 1
sioned has thrown upon our officers, and
especially on the lieutenants and junior
grades, unusual labor and fatigue and has
gravely strained their powers of endur
ance. Nor is there sign of any immediate
letup in this strain. It must continue for (
some time longer until more officers are
graduated from Annapolis and until the
recruits become- trained and skillful in
their duties. In these difficulties incident
upon the development of our war fleet the
conduct of all our officers hias been cred
itable to the service, and the lieutenants
and junior grades in particular have dis
played an ability and a steadfast cheer
fulness which entitle them to the ungrudging
thanks of all who realize the disheartening trials
and fatigues to which they are of necessity sub
jected.
There is not a cloud on the horizon at present.
There seems not the slightest chance of trouble
with a foreign power. We most earnestly hope
that this state of things may continue, and the
way to insure its continuance is to provide for a
thoroughly efficient navy. The refusal to main
tain such a navy would invite trouble, and if
trouble came would insure disaster. Fatuous self
complacency or vanity or shortsightedness in re- (
fusing to prepare for danger is both foolish and
wicked in such a nation as ours, and past experi
ence has shown that such fatuity in refusing to
recognize or prepare for any crisis in advance is
usually succeeded by a mad panic of hysterical
fear once the crisis has actually arrived.
The striking increase in the revenues of the
postoffice department shows clearly the prosperity
of our people and the increasing activity of the
business of the country.
The receipts of the postoffice department for
the fiscal year ending June 30 last amounted to
$121,848,047.26, an increase of $10,216,853.87 over
the preceding year, the largest increase known in
the history of the postal service. The magnitude
of this increase will best appear from the fact
that the entire postal receipts for the year 1860
amounted to but $8,518,067.
Rural free delivery service is no longer in the
experimental stage. It has become a fixed policy.
The results following its introduction have fully
justified the congress in the large appropriations
made for its establishment and extension. The
average yearly increase in postoflce receipts in
the rural districts of the country is about 2 per
cent. We are now able, by actual results, to
show that where rural free delivery service has
been established to such an extent as to enable
us to make comparisons the yearly increase has
been upward of 10 per cent.
On Nov. 1, 1902, 11,650 rural free delivery
routes had been established and were in operation,
covering about one-third of the territory of the
United States available for rural free delivery
service. There are now awaiting the action of
the department petitions and appications for the
establishment of 10,748 additional routes. This
shows conclusively the want which the establish
ment of the service has met and the need of fur
ther extending it as rapidly as possible. It is
justified both by the financial results and.by the
practical benefits to our rural population; it
brings the men who live on the soil into close
relations with the active business world; it keeps
the farmer in daily touch with the markets; it is
a potential educational force; it enhances the
value of farm property, makes farm life far
pleasanter and less isolated, and will do much to
check the undesirable current from country to
city.
It is to be hoped that the congress will make
liberal appropriations for the continuance of the
service alredy established and for its further ex
tension.
Few subjects of more importance have been
taken up by the congress in recent years than
the Inauguration of the system of nationally aided
irrigation for the arid regions of the far west.
A good beginning t!aerein has been made. Now
that this policy of national irrigation has been
adopted the need of thorough and scientific forest
protection will grow more rapidly than ever
throughout the public land states.
Legislation should be provided for tbe protec
tion of the garae and the wild creatures gener
ally on the forest resnerves. The senseless slaugh
ter of game, which can by judicious protection be
permanently preserved on our national reserves
for the people as a whole. rhould be stopped at
once. It is, for instance, ai serious count against
our national good sense to permit the present
practice of butchering off such a stately and
beautiful creature as the elk for it4 antlers or
tusks.
So far as they are available for agriculture and
to whatever extent they may be reclaimed under
the national irrigation law, the remaining public
lands should be held rigidly for the homebuilder,
the settler who lives on his land, and for no one
else. In their actual use the desert land law,
the timber and stone law and the commutation
clause of the homestead law have been so per
verted from the intention with which they were
enacted as to permit the acquisition of large
areas of the public domain for othe~r than actual
settlers and the consequent prevention of settle
ment. Moreover, the approaching exhaustion .of
the public ranges has of late le to much dis
cussion as to the best manner of using these pub
tic lands in the west which are suitable chiefly or
only for grazing. The sound and steady develop
ment of the west depends upon the building up
of homes therein. Much of our -prosperity as a
nation_has been due to the operation of the home
stead law. On the other hand, we should recog
nize the fact that in the grazing region the man
ho corresponds t.o the homesteader may be un
able to settle permanently if only allowed to use
the same amount of pasture land that his brother,
te homesteader, is allowed to use of arable land.
Cmne hundred and sixty acres of fairly rich and
y'ell watered soil or a much smaller amount of
irrigated land may keep a family in plenty, where
as no one could get a living from 160 acres of
dry pasture land capable of supporting at the
cutside only one head of cattle to every ten acres.
In the past great tracts of the public domain 1
have been fenced in by persons having no title i
hereto, in direct dedlance of the law forblding
the maintenance or construction of any such .un
iwul inclosure of public land. For various
reasons there has baen little interference with
uc-h inel,sures in the past, but ample notice has1
now been given the trei.[asse rs, anid all the re-1
ources at the command of the government will
hereafter be used to put a stop to such trespassing.
In view of the capitral impor' mne of these mat
ters I comimend them to the earnest consideration
of the con.rress, alnd if thc- congress finds difBi-1
ult. in dealing with: theni from lack of thorough I
m nowledge of tne subjer I rec-ommend that pro- 1
vision be made for a commission of exptrts .spe
hially to inivestigate and report uponi the com
plicated questions involved.
I esecially urge upon the con.gress the need o&
wise legislation for Alaska. It is not to our
redit as a nation that Alaska, which has been 1
urs for thirty-five years, should still have as po
a system of laws as is the case. No country has I
more valuable possession in mineral wealth, ini I
fiheries, furs, forests and also in land availabl 1
or certain kinds of farming and stock growing.
It is a territory of great size and varied re
sources, wecll littedl to support a large permanent
population. Alaska ne&s a gopd land law and
such provisions for honrymeads famnd pfre-empltions
s will encourage peirmanent isettleiment. We I
should shape leg:.slation with a view not to the
exploiting and abandloning of the territry, but
to the building up of homes therein. T he land
laws should be liberal in type-, so as to fold out -
induceents to the act ual settler whl. m we most r
desire to see take p4-session of the country. The
forests of Alaska should be p.rotectedi, andl, as a
secondary but still important mastter, the game I
also, and at the same time it is imperative that
the settlers should be allowed to cut timber, un- a
r prop)er regulit i ins, for their own use. Laws I
should be enacLed to protect the Alaskan salmon
fisheries against the greed which wvould destroy
them. They should be preserved as a permnanent
industry anfd food supply. Their inanagem nt .
and control should be turned over to the comm:is- I
ion of fish and tihheries, Alaska should havy a s
deegaLe in the congress. It would be well if a I
ongresional cfmittee could vi::it Alaska aIf.
Investigate its needs oii the ground. I
In dealing with the Indians our aimr should be (
their ultimate absorption into the body of cur
people, but in many cases hsasrto ut 1
and should be very slow. In portionis of the .n
ian Territory the roixture of blood has goneO on h
at the same time vith progress it. wealth and L
eucation, so that there are plenty of iment with t
varying degrees of purity of Indian blood who r
are absolutely indistinguishable in wuint if social, K
political and eco onmic ability froiYi their white a
associates. There are other tribes whlichi have as y
yet made no percep)tibfle advance toiward such 1:
Kluality. To try to force such tribes too fast is e
to prevent their going forward at all. .\ioreover, a
ah rbslv ne i-eIlf~ui oiiiis
Wher tribe ive maerwde l diffrent aditnce "
ivere on fetile hasrmng soln sorable dvnc and 1
ive onetle ladming soilr it isuoscbh toi t!!e I
haewwie mmesettnds.i sTverare ouha sthetie 1
-aewiher hitelr.The acusntdsrae. Othe thes 11
vhe riec lancured s th nfot desiradble. tohue p
trdrae In ands t he pastorlthder t aiduce a
he ra lnivsan toa prmtoa the thatl n giu
urag ies rahrtan to permit them ito soltein. vil
es rte Inan sofoe taednt isolati -
GREATEST EVENT IN
HISTORY OF THE RACE
(Concluded from Second Page)
)uted for all purposes of the so
:iety $r 19,088.32.
The Woman's Home Mission So
:iety of the Methodist Episcopal
church, South, first known as the
WVoman's Department of Church
Extension and four years later as
:he Parsonage and Home Mission
society, and now as the Woman's
Eome Mission Society, became an
)rganized force of the Church under
he action of the General Conference
n 1886. Miss Lucinda B. Helm,
)f Elizabethtown, Ky., was the
eader in this enterprise. For
:welve years she gave her whole
nind and heart for the development
nd usefulness of this Society, and
hen she fell on sleep. The present
>fficers are: Miss Belle H. Bennett,
;sident; Mrs. R. W. McDonald,
eneral secretary; and Mrs. W. H.
Kirkland, general treasurer. The
im of this society is declared to be
'To enlist and organize Christian
omen and children in securing
omes for itenerant preachers; in
)roviding religious instruction for
:he neglected and destitute; and
)therwise aiding the cause of
'hrist." At the end of the first six
rears of the organization it was an
iounced that more parsonages h,
>een built than in the first fifty
years of American Methodism.
Eight years later the annual report
)f the Society showed that during
:he thirteen years of its history, one
any ln,id., r_s.. ration do a special and peculiar
work of ,reat importance; but, excellent though
these are, an i,nmense amount of additional work
must be done on the .reservations themselves
an.ong the old, and, above all, among the young
Indians.
The first and most important step toward the
absorption of the Indian is to teach him to earn
his living, yet it is not necessarily to be assumed
that in each community all Indians must become
either tillers of the soil or stock raisers. Their
industries may properly be diversified, and those
who show special desire or adaptabi.ity for indus
trial or even commercial pursuits should be en
couraged so far as practicable to follow out each
his own bent.
Every effort should be ma:!e to develop the In
dian along the lines of natural aptitude and to
encourage the existing native industries peculiar
to certain tribes, such .as the various kinds of
basket weaving, canoe building, smith work and
blanket work. Above all, the Indian boys and
girls should be given confident command of col
loquial English and should ordinarily be prepared
for a vigorous struggle with the conditions under
which their people live rather than for immedi
ate absorption into some more highly developed
community.
The officials who represent the government in
dealing with the Indians work under hard condi
tions and also under conditions which render It
easy to do wrong and very difficult to detect
wrong. Consequently they should be amply paid
on the one hand, and on the other hand a par
tieularly high standard of conduct should be de
manded from them, and where misconduct can be
proved the punishment should be exemplary.
In no department of governmental work In re
cent years has there been greater success than
!n that of giving scientific aid to the farming
population, thereby showing them how most effi
iently to help -themselves. There is no need of
insisting upon its importance, for the wdfare of
the farmer is fundamentally necessary to the
welfare of the republic as a whole. in addition
to such work as quarantine against animal and
vegetable plagues, and warring against thema when
here introduced, much effBeient help has been ren
dered to the farmer by the introduction of new
lants specially fitted for cultivation under the
petar conditions existing In different portions
>f the country. New cereals have been established
in the semia'rid west. For instance, the practi
cability of producing the best types of nmacaroni
wheats in regions of an annual rainfall of only
ten inches or thereabout has been conclusively
demonstrated. Through the introduction of new
rices in Louisiana and Texas the production of
rice in this country hias been made to about equal
the home demand. In the southwest the possibil
[ty of regrassing overstocked range lands has been
demonstrated; in the north many new forage
rops have been introduced, while in the east it
has been shown that some of our choicest fruits
can be stored and shipped in such a way as to
nd a profitable market abroad.
1 again recommend to the favorable considera
ion of the congress the plans of the Smithsonian
institution for making the museum under its
:harge worthy of the nation and for preserving
it the national capital not only records of the
vanishing races of men, but of the animals of this
continent which, like the buffalo, will roon be
come extinct unless specimens from wih h their
representatives may be renewed are sot tht in
their native regions and maintained there in
safety.
The District of Columbia Is the only part of
yur territory in which the national governnr.ent
exercises local or municipal functions and y aere
.n consequence the government bas a free hand
in reference to certain types of social an * eco
iomic legislation which must be essentially local
>r municipal in their character. The gor ernment
di>uld see to it, for instance, that the iygienic
and sanitary legislation affecting Washi: gton is
>f a high character. The evils of slum dwz'lings,
vhether in the shape of crowded and conr,esied
enement house districts or of the back alley
vpe, should never be prmitted to ~ow uzp in
ashington. The city sould be a model in every
espect for all the cities of the country. The
~haritable and correctional systems of the %)l
ret should receive consideration at the hands of
he congress to the end that they may embo&y
he results of the most advanced thought in the e
lelds. Moreover, while Washingon is not a greas
ndustrial city, there is some industrialism here,
mnd our labor legislation, while it would not be
mportant in Itself, might be made a model for
.he rest of the nation. We should pass, for in
tance, a wise employer's liability act for the Dis
rict of Columbia, and we need such an act in
>ur navy yards. Railroad companies in the Dis
rict ought to be required by law to block their
togs.
The safety appliance law, for the better pro
ection of the lives and limbs of railway em
loyees, which was passed in 1893, went into full
ffet on Aug. 1, 1901. It has resulted in avert
ng thousands of casualties. Experience shows,
owever, thle necessity of additional legislation
.o perfect this law. A bill to provide for this
assed the senate at the last session. it is to be
oped that some such measure may now be en
eted into law.
There is a growing tendency to provide for the
ublication of masses of documents for wLich
here isi no public demand and for the printing of
hich there is no real necessity. Large numbers
if volumes are turned out by the government
irinting presses for which there is no justification.
othing should be printed by any of the depart
nents unless it contains something of permanent
alue, and the congress could with advantage cut
town very materially on all the printing which
t has now become customary to provide. The
xcessive cost of government printing is a strong
rgument against the position of those who are
nelined on abstract grounds to advocate the gav
rnmets doing any work which can with pro
riety be left in private hands.
Cratfying progress has been made during the
'ear in the extension of the merit system of mak
ig appointments in the government service. It
hould be extended by law to the District of Co
umbia. It is much to be desired that our con
ular syvstem be established by law on a basis
roviding for appointment and promotion only in
oin.squenlc of proved fitness.
Thoughi a wvise prov'ision of the congress at its
t4 sesion the White House. which had become
isfigi.red by incongruous additions and changes.
as now been restored to what it was planned to
e by Washington. In making the restorations
ie utmost care has been exercised to come as
ear as possible to the early plans and to supple.
ient these plans by a careful study of such
uildings as that of the University of Virgi nia,
hiich was huilt by Jefferson. The White Hos
the property of the nation, and so far as is
>matible with living therein it should be kept
sit originally was, for the same reasons that
'e keep .\ount Vernon as i originally was. The
:atly simplicity of its a itecture is an ex
ression of the character of the period in which
was built and is in accord with the purposes
was designed to serve. It is a good thing to
reserve such buildings as historic monuments (
hich keep alive our sense of continuity with the
ation's past.
The reports of the several executive depart
ents are subm'itted to the co ess with this I
,muaton. THEODR VELT.
thousand and thirty-iour parson
ages, or more than one-half of the
whole number built by the entire
Church, had been aided by the
Woman's Home lMission Society.
The aggregate statistics of the So
ciety from 1886 to 1902 are:
Number of members, 29,034.
Receipts for local and connection
al work, $725,945.66.
Number of parsonages built and
aided, 1,265.
Money donated to parsonages,
$117,284.23.
Money loaned to parsonages,
$37,100.00.
Value of supplies furnished
preachers' families not noted above
$44,921 o6.
Number of boarding schools re
ported, 4.
Number of night schools sup
ported, 5.
Number of missionaries and
teachers employed, 47.
Rescue homes and doors of hope,
2.
Value of property owned by the
society, $69,000 00.
The Woman's Home Mission So
ciety of the South Carolina Confer
ence was organized in 1893. For
five years it made but little prog
ress. It was reorganized November,
1898. Mrs. W. W. Duncan was
chosen president; Mrs. W. L. Wait
was chosen corresponding secretary,
and Mrs. W. A. Rogers, treasurer.
In 1899 Miss Belle Bennett and
Mrs. W. D. Kirkland met the Con
ference officers in executive meet
ing. From that time the work has
gone steadily forward with increas
ing strength and usefulness.
The General Conference of 1902
provided for deaconesses. The
priniples and work involved in the
office have long obtained in the
church in more or less degree even
from Apostolic times. It has ob
tained in our church in a limited
degree without the name and para
phernalia of office. Our Church
polity is the result of accretion.
While it accords with the truest
philosophy, it has not been thought
out as such; but it has been devel
oped as needs and experience have
dictated. The Church legislators
did not reason from cause to effect
but from effect to cause. When
they saw the good effects of cert.ain
innovations they adopted them The
conservatism of our branch of the
Church has made us slow to see the
needs and to assay the experience
of the ,office of deaconess. But it
has come at last, and we hope the
action of the late General Confer
ence is but the harbinger of the
greater usefulness of our women in
church work. We will let Miss
Mary Helm, the editor of "Our
Homes," say what a deaconess is..
"What is adeaconess? (r) Sheis:
a consecrated Christian woman..
(2) She is so circumstanced that
she can give her whole time to the
service of God. (3) -She is a trained
worker. (4) She is authorized and
appointed by the church. (5) She
asks for no salary, only that her ne
essities be- provided for when she
has no means of support. (6) She
is at liberty to retire from the work
at any time she may desire (v)
She wears an ordinary, simply made
dress of uniform color with those
in the same office with some dis
tinctive mark of that oEce, possi
bly white strings to her bonnet.
(8) She lives in a deaconess' home
where there are sufficient nupbers
f deaconesses in. one community
for the sake of economy, con
enience and companionship. (9)
s a pastor's assistant, she becomes
leader for wvomen of that congre
ation in church work. They learn
from her how to work more effec
ively and they are led into lines of
ervice they have not entered upon.
(o) She may be connected as a
eaconess with her own home
hurch, live in her father's house
nd be supported by him, if he so
esires, just as in the past, only
that she will do better work.''
These statements and statistics.
but inadequately show the great.
work our sisters are doing. During
:e last half century, the church
has accomplished more by the aid
f their self-sacrificing efforts than
n a thousand years before. Chris
ian women now are taking their
>1aces in the evangelizing and
2nritianizing the world which has
ong waited for their coming. "Let
vonman appreciate her opportunity,
or it is the golden age of her reign,
mnd she holds a sceptre that sways
mipires. Let her prove herself to
e ordained of God to fulfill a holy
nission~"

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