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The watchman and southron. (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, January 27, 1917, Image 3

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President Wilson in His Address to Senate
Points out Path of Duty and Service
to Humanity for America.
PfopoMS That United States Join Great League to Enforce
Peace to Prevent Wars in Future?This Country, Say s
President, Must Have Hand in Terms Decided on at End
of Present War to See That Justice is Meted out to All
Nations and That Governed are Not Forced to Live in
Subjection.
Washington, Jan. 22.?Whether tbc
United States shall enter a world
pescs league, and, as many contend,
thereby abandon its traditional policy
of isolation and no entangling al?
liances, was laid squarely before con- i
grass altd the country today by Pres- |
ident Wilson in a personal addraso
to the sanats.
For the first time in more than a
hundred y*ers a president of the
United States appeared in tho senate
chamber to discuss the nation's for?
eign gelations after the manner of
Washington. Adams and Madison. The
effect was to leave congress, all olh
clal quarters and the foreign diplo?
mats aasased snd bewildered. Im
mediately there arose a sharp di\ .. ion
of opinion over the propriety as woll
mm the'' "eu beta nee of th* president'*
proposal
"Startling." "staggering," "astound?
ing," "the noblest utterance that has!
fallen from human Hps since the Dec?
laration of Independence," were
among the expressions of senators.
The president himself after his ad
"I have asld what everybody has
been longing for. but has thought im?
possible. Now it appears to be pos?
sible."
The chief points of the president's
address were:
That a lasting peace In Europe can
not be a peace of victory for either
olds.
That peace must be forwarded by n
definite concert of power to assure
the world that no catastrophe of war
shall overwhelm It again.
That In such a concert of power
the United States can not withhold
its participation to guarantee peace
and Justice through the world.
And before a peace Is made the
United States go vert.m en t shou'd
frankly formulste the conditions upon
which It would feel Justified In ask?
ing the American people for their
formal and solemn adherence.
The president. In bis address, said:
"Gentlemen of the Senate: On the
llth of December, lost, I addressed
an Identical note to the government?,
of ths nations at war requesting them
to stats, more definitely than they
had been stated by either group of
belligerents, the terms upon which
they would deem It possible to make
pescs. I spoke on behalf of human?
ity snd of ths rights of all neutral
nations like our own, many of whose
most vital Interests the war puts In
constant Jeopardy. The central pow?
ers united In a reply which stated
merely that they were ready to meet
their antagonists In conference to dis?
cuss terms of peace. The entente
powers have replied much more dcM
nltsly snd have stated. In general
terms. Indeed, but with sufficient
dsflnlteness to imply details, the ar?
rangements, guarantees and acts of
reparation which they deem to bo
the Indlspensabls conditions of a
satisfactory settlement. We are thr.t
much nearer a deflnlto discussion of
peace which shall end the present
war. We sre that much nearer the
discussion of the International con?
cert which must thereafter hold th? I
world at peace. In every dlscussio
of ths peace that must end this win
it Is taken for (ranted that, that peac*
must be followed by some deflnit
concert of power which will make it
virtually Impossible that any such I
catastrophe should overwhelm ttj
again. Bvery lover of mankind, even
sans snd thoughtful man, must takr
that for grsnted.
"I have sought this opportunity t
address you because I thought I owe I
It to you, ss the counsel associate
with me in th* final determination
of our international obligations, to
disclose to you without reservo tie
thought and purpose that have been
taking form In my mind In isejejfd
to ths duty of our government .1
those dsys to come when It will be
necessary to lay afresh and spoil
new plan the foundations of pear
smong tbe nstlons.
"It Is inconceivable that the 000?
pie of the Fnlted States should Otajf
no psrt In that ?reat enterprise. T ?
take part In such I service will both
opportunity for which they be?
sought to prepare themselves by ?'
very principles and purposes of tfcol
polity snd the approved pfftOtlOOfl
their government ever since the dr
when thsy sst up a new nation Ii
ths high *nd honorable hope tbn
might In all that It was and did I OV
mankind the way to liberty. Tie |
can not in honor withhold the ser?
vice to which they are now about to
i be challenged. They do not wish tc
! withhold it. But they owe it to them
I selves and to the other nations of
i the world to stato the conditions un
der which they feel free to render it
"That service is nothing less thar.
this: To add their authority and
thoir power to the authority and forct.
of other nations to guarantee peac
I and Justice throughout the world
j Such a settlement can not now be Ion.,
postponed. It is right that before II
comes this government should frank
ly formulate the conditions upon
which It would feel justified in ask
ing: our people to approve its fornu
and sol01 on adherence to a league fo
peace. I am bere to attempt to etat?
those conditions.
"The present war must first be end
ed; but we owe it to candor and to ?
just regard for the opinion of man?
kind to say that so far as our purtici
pation in guarantees of future peac
Is concerned, it makes a great deal o
difference in what way and upon whut
terms it is ended. The treaties an:
agreements which bring it to an end
must embody terms which will create
a peace that is worth guaranteeing
and preserving, a peace that will wir
the approval of mankind, not merely
a peace that will serve the several in
tereets and immediate alms of th
nations engaged. We shall have r,
voice In determlnling what UtOJ
terms shall be, but we shall, I fee
sure, have a voice In determining
whether they shall be made lastlr..
or not by the guarantees of a unl
versal covenant; and our Judgmen'
upon what Is fundamental and essen
tlal as a condition precedent to per
manency should be spoken now, no
afterwards, when it may be too late
"No covenant of cooperative peac
that does not include the peoples oJ
the new world can suffice to keet
the future safe against war; and ye
there is only one sort of peace tha
the people of America could join In
guaranteeing. The elements of tlv.
peace must be elmcnts that engae?
the confidence and satisfy the prin
ciples of the American governments
elements consistent with their politi
cal faith and the practical convic?
tions which the peoples of Amerlc
have once for all embraced and un
dertaken to defend.
"I do not mean to say that an?
American government would throv
any obstacles In the way of any term
of peace the governments now a
war might agree upon, or seek to up
set them when made, whatever the>
might be. I only take it for granted
that mere terms of peace between tV
belligerents will not satisfy even th
belligerents themselves. Mere agree
ments may not make peace secur?.
It will be absolutely necessary tha*
a force be created as a guarantor oi
the permanency of the settlement so
much greater than the force of an
nation now engaged or any allianc
hitherto formed or projected that n<
nation, or probable combination o
nations, could face or withstand it
If the peace presently to he made 1
to endure, it must he a peace mad'
secure by the organized major fore
of mankind.
"The terms of the immcdiat
peace agreed upon will do.crniin
?vhether It is a peace for which sue!
a guarantee run bo secured. Th
question upon which the whole fu
ture pence and policy of the \v??rl'
depends Is this: Is the present \v:i
a rtruggle for a just and secure peuc<
or only for a new balance of p rwor
If it be only a struggle for a nc
balance of power who Will guarante
who can guarantee, tho stable equii
brlnm of the new arrangement .' (>n
a tranquil Europe can be a Stab'
Kuropc. There must he, not a ba1
ance of power, but a communltv <
power, not organized rivalries, bll
an organized common peace.
"Fortunately we have received \ si
'?xpllelt assurances on this point. Th
statesmen of both of the groups ?
nations now nrrayed against one a>
other have said in terms that COUl
not be misinterpreted, that it waa P
part of the puiposo they had in rein
to crush their antagonists. But tl
Implications of these assurances me?
not be equally clear to all, m: y no
tlie eame on both sides of th** v
ter. I think it will bo servlceal I? i
I attempt to set forth what we Ui
deretnnd them to be.
' They imply first Of all that it nu>M
be a peace without victory. It is not
pleasant to say this. I beg that I
may be permitted to put my own in?
terpretation upon it and that it may'
be understood that no other interpre?
tation was in my thought. I am seek?
ing only to face realities and to face
them without soft concealments.
Victory would mean peace forced
lipon the loser, a victor's terms im-1
posed upon the vanquished. It would
be accepted in humiliation under
duress at an intolerable sacrifice and
would leave a sting, a resentment, a.
bitter memory upon which terms of
peace would rest, not permanently,
but only as upon quicksand. Only a
peace between equals can last. Only
a peace the very principle of which
is equality and common participation
in a common benefit. The right s:ate
of mind, the right feeling between
nations, is as necessary for a lasting
peace as is the just settlement of
vexed questions of territory or of
racial and national allegiance.
"The equality of nations uoon
which peace must be founded if it is
to last must be an equality of rights;
the guarantees exchanged n.u.-it
neither recognize nor imply a differ?
ence between big nations and small,
between those that are powerful ind
those that are weak. Right must bj
based upon the common strength, not
upon the individual strength, of the
nations upon whose concert peace
will depend. Equality of territory or
of resources there of course can not
be; nor any other sort of equality not
gained in the ordinary peaceful and
legitimate development of the peo?
ples themselves. But no one MMS
or expects anything more than an
equality of rights. Mankind is look?
ing now for freedom of life, not for
equipoise of power.
"And there in a deeper thing in?
volved than even equality of right
among organized nations. No peace
can last, or ought to laat, which does
not recognize and accept the prin?
ciple that governments derive ail their
just powers from the consent of the
governed, and that no right any?
where exists to hand peoples about
from sovereignty to sovereignty as If
they were property. I take it for
cranted, for instance, if I may ven
ure upon a single example, that
tatesmcn everywhere are agreed that
there should be a united, independent
and autonomous Poland and tha't
heneeforth inviolable security of life,
>f worship and of industrial and so?
cial development should be guaran?
teed to all people who have lived
hitherto under the power of govern?
ments devoted to a faith and .pur?
pose hostile to their own.
*'X speak of this, not because of
leal principle which has always been
held very dear by those who have
sought to build up liberty in America
but for the same reason that I have
spoken of the other conditions oi
peace which seem to me clearly in?
dispensable?because I wish frankly
to uncover realities. Any peace which
does not recognize and accept this
principle will inevitably be upset. It
will not rest upon the affections 01
the convictions of mankind. The fer
ment of spirit of whole populations
wil fight subtly and constantly
against it, and all the world will sym?
pathize. The world can be at peace
only if its life is stable, and there
can be no stabilty where the will if
in rebellion, where there is not tran
anility of spirit and a sense of jus
tlce, of freedom and of right.
"So for as practicable every great
people, now struggling towards a ful'
development of its resources and ol
its powers should bo assured a direc<
outlet to the great highways of "??
sea. Where this can not be don y
the cession of territory, it can no
doubt be done by the neutralizatior
>f direct rights of way under the
general guarantee which will assure
the peace itself. With the right
comity of arrangement no nation need
be shut away from free access to
he open paths of the world's com?
merce.
"And the paths of the sea mus
ilike In law and in fact be free. The
freedom of the seas is the sin qua
non of peace, equality and coopera?
tion. No doubt a somewhat radica
reconsideration of many of the rule
of international practice hithcrb
nought to We established may b
necessary in order to make the sea
indeed free and common in prac
tloally all circumstances for the U??
of mankind, but the motive for such
changes is convincing and compell?
ing. There can be no trust or in
'imacy between the peoples of tlv
world without them. The free, con
?tant, unthreatcned intercourse of na?
tions is an essential part of the pro
cess of peace and of development. 1
need not be difficult to define or to
weeure the freedom of the seas if the
governments of the world slncerel:
desire to come to an agreement con?
cerning it.
"It is a problem ClOOOly eonnoete?
with the limitation of naval arma?
ments and the cooperation of the na?
vies of the world In keeping the sem
it oner free and safe. And the ques
ion of limiting naval armament
ipens the Wider and perhaps nio>?
Umcull question of the limitation of
exalt an abstract polit
armies and of all programmes of mil?
itary preparation.
"Difficult and delicate as these
questions are, they must be faced
With the utmost candor and decided
in a spirit of real accommodation, If
peace is to come with healing in its
wings, and come to stay. Peace can
Jtot be had without concession and
Jnucriflee. There can oe no sense of
Fsafety and equality among the na?
tions if great preponderating arma?
ments are henceforth to continue and
pheye and there to he built up and
j maintained. The statesmen of the
I world must plan for peace and na?
tions must adjust and accommodate
their policy to it as they have planned
Ijfpr war and made ready for pitiless
j ^contest and rivalry. The question of
I armaments, whether on land or sea,
j is the most immediately and intensely
practical question connected with the
I future fortunes of nations and of
mankind.
j . "1 have spoken upon these groat
J matters without reserve and with the
J utmost explicitness because it has
J seemed to me to be necessary if the
world's yearning desire for peace was
J anywhere to And free voice and utter
j ance. Perhaps I am the only person
In high authority amongst all the pep
1 pies of the, world who is at liberty to
speak and hold nothing back. I an;
speaking as an individual, and yet I
j am speaking also, of course, as the
responsible head of a great govern
I ment, and I feel confident that I ha-ve
j said what the* people of the United
j States would wish me to say.
j May I not add that I hope and b,c
1 lleve that I am in effect speaking tor
j liberals and friends of humanity in
every nation and of every programme
of liberty? I would fain believe that
I am speaking for the silent mass of
mankind everywhere who has yet
had no place or opportunity* to speak
their real hearts out concerning the
i death and ruin they see to have come
j already upon the persons and the
j homes they hold most dear.
""And in holding out the expectation
that the people and government of
United States will Join the othor
{civilized nations of the world in guar?
anteeing the permanence of peace
Hpon such terms as I have named 1
speak with the greater boldness and
confidence because it is clear to every
Lman who can think that there is in
this promise no breach in either ou?
traditions or our policy as a nation,
J but a fulfillment rather, of all that
V W| have professed or striven for.
J . 'T am proposing, as it were, thai
1 the nations should with one accord
j adopt the doctrine of President Mon?
roe as the doctrine of the world:
That no nation should seek to extend
its policy over any other nation or
people, but that eveiy people should
be left free to determine its own
j policy, its own way of development
I unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid,
the little along with the great and
powerful.
4T am proposing that all nations
henceforth avoid entangling alliances
I which would draw them into compe
I titlons of power, catch them in a net
I of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and
I disturb their own affairs with influ
I ences Intruded from without. There i?
I no entangling alliance In a concert
I of power. When all unite to act in
I the same sense and with the same
I purpose, all act in the common in
I terest and are free to live their own
j lives under a common protection,
j "I am proposing government by th'
I consent of the governed; that freedom
I of the seas which In international
conference after conference, repie
tcntatives have urged with the
j eloquence of those who are the
j convinced discples of liberty; and
that moderation of armaments which
makes of armies and navies a power
Cor order merely, not an instrument
of aggression or of selfish violence
I "These are American principles
American policies. We can stand foi
no others. And they are al3o thc
I principles and policies of forward
J looking men and women everywhere
I of every modern nation, of every en
I '.ightened community. They are the
I principles of mankind and must pre?
vail."
I COTTON GINNERS* REPORT.
Crop in Sight to January 10, 11,117.
118.
Washington, Jan. 23.?Cotton gin?
ned prior to January 16th amounted
to 11,147,118 bales, the census bu
reau announced today. In this num
ber 1S9,000 were round and 115,4?!"
i
bales soa island are included.
The glnnings by States were:
South Carolina, 936,700.
Georgia, 1,825,629.
Alabama, 543,987.
Announce Engage nent.
Bishopville, Jan. 20.?Mr. and Mrs
W. L. Parrott announce the engage?
ment of their daughter Inez, to Jesse
Olin Rlkard, the marriage to bf
solemnized in the spring.
' 'U!
Jacksonville, Jan. 23.?Thomas C
McCoy, a former distiller, was today
sentenced to two years' Imprisonment
onthe charge of conspiring to defraud
the United States out of revenue
taxes.
MORE PBOHIBmON, MOBEBOOZE
TiLLMAN GBT8 STARTLING FIG?
URES FROM MODEL LICENSE
LEAGUE PRESIDENT.
Asks Osuorne About it ami Commis?
sioner of Internal Revenue Tells the
Senator Figures are Correct.
Washington, Jan. 21.?Senator Till
man has been having some corre
I spondence recently on the subject cf
prohibition, which has brought, to light
some statistics which startled him.
Assertions made by President T. M
Gilmore, of the National Model Li?
cense League, that the official figures
showed a larger per capita consump?
tion of liquor in this country today
than twenty years ago so strained the
South Carolina senator's credulity that
he wrote to Con.missioner of Internal
Revenue W. H. Osborn, who before
taking his present office was in charge
of the Keeley Institute at Greens?
boro, N. C. Commissioner Osborn ad?
mitted that the G ilmore statement was
correct.
The letters given out by Senator
Tillman are as follows.
Hon. Benjamin R. Tillman,^M. C.,
National Model License League,
Louisville, Ky.
Washington, D C:
Dear Senator Tillman?I thank you
very much for your letter of the 4 th.
It is a great compliment for on? of
your age and dlutinction to write me
at such length, and I appreciate it.
The National Model License League
never tries to avcid a fact nor a logi?
cal conclusion. There Is a startling
fact, however, that seems to me to
overshadow this 'vhole so-called pro?
hibition movement.
It is this: That our per capita con?
sumption, according to the records of
the Internal Revenue Department, of
whiskey and beer twenty years ago,
when only two States?Kansas and
Maine?were uncer prohibition, was
15 gallons per annum, while today,
with over half of the country under
prohibiton, the per capta consump?
tion of whiskey and beer is over 20
gallons per annum.
We were using in those days a bil?
lion gallons of beer, and today over
two billion gallons per annum; we
were using in thore days eighty odd
million gallons of whiskey; today we
are using over one hundred and forty
million gallons of whiskey per an?
num.
If prohibition doos not prohibit the
use of liquor, then we have no pro?
hibition. If prohibition encourages the
excessive use of liquor, then s* % 1. vs
should not be encouraged. Coincident
with the progress nf prohthrtron
see a steady increaro in the per capita
consumption of liquor.
The so-called proh ibition States per?
mit the shipment of liquor from other
States, for personal use, and there
can be no question that under such
laws the consumption is increased.
Georgia today, with her limitation
law, is receiving a much larger per
capita of whiskey than the per capita
consumption of the country in gen?
eral.
I do not believe in vested rights,
but I do believe that where men arc
encouraged by a go\ernment, and by
custom, and by the general patronage
of the people, to engage in an enter?
prise, that they should be compensat?
ed for losses sustained if later on the
people decide to destroy such an en
?erprise.
I If the people of the country should
decide, influenced by agitation, to pro?
hibit the manufacture and sale of to?
bacco. I think the men in that busi?
ness should be compensated.
You speak of our retiring from the
business. We cannot retire, because we
cannot dispose of our properties while
this so-called prohibition movement is
rampant.
I own Bonfort's Circular in New
York. I have been connected with it
for over thirty years. I have given my
life to its development. Four years
ago it was valued at $400,000. It would
be impossible for me today to find a
buyer for it for $50,000.
If the Hobson resolution is adopted
by congress, Bonfort's Circular will
be destroyed and I jvill be ruined
financially. But if the Hobson resolu
tiqn is adopted by congress and then
ratified by the States it will not put
a stop to the manufacture, nor the use,
of alcoholic beverages, and it is not
so intended.
Thanking you again for your letter,
I beg to remain,
Very truly yours,
T. M. Gilmore,
President National Model License
League.
Treasury Department,
Washington, Jan. 13, 1917.
Office of Commissioner of Internal
Revenue.
Hon. B. R. Tillman. United States
Senate, Washington, D. C:
My Dear Senator: I wish to ac?
knowledge the receipt Of your letter
?f the 10th instant, inclosing a com?
munication addressed to you by T. M
Gilmore, president of the Xntional
Model License League, In reward to
the effects of prohibition, and it la
noted that you ask to be advised if
the statements made by the letter of
Mr. Gilmowe are facts, and you further
request that a comparative statement
be furnished of the per capita con?
sumption of intoxicating beverages
now and twenty years ago. You also
would like to have a statement of the
per capita consumption in Georgia
now as compared with that of any pe?
riod when the open bar flourished.
In reply, I have the honor to advise
you that the statements of Mr. Gil
more as to the fact that the per capita
consumption of whiskey and beer
twenty years ago was 15 gallons per
annum, while today the per capita
consumption of whiskey and beer is
over 20 gallons per annum, is approx?
imately correct.
Twenty years ago there were tax
paid 34,4 23,094 barrels of fermented
liquors of not more than 31 gallons
to the barrel and 69,979,362 taxable
gallons of distilled spirits. The proba?
bilities are that over 140,000,000 gal?
lons of distilled spirits will be tax
paid in this fiscal year and 63,000,000
barrels of fermented liquors.
Compared with prior fiscal years,
the estimated tax payments for this
fiscal year of distilled spirits show,
generally speaking, a decided increase.
In my opinion there are two principal
causes for this increase. One is that
due to a strict enforcement of the in?
ternal revenue laws the government
is now receiving- practically all of the
lax that is due, whereas a few
years ago much of the tax was
evaded as shown by investigations re?
cently completed by me. The other
reason is that due to general prosper?
ous conditions throughout the coun?
try more whiskey is being used, par*
ticularly in those States where pro?
hibition laws are not in effect. In my
opinion, there is not consumed in the
States that have State-wide prohibi?
tion laws as much whiskey as was
consumed when the State laws did not
prohibit the sale of distilled spirits.
In regard to the consumption of al?
coholic liquors in Georgia, or other
States, you are advised that this in?
formation is not disclosed by reports
made to this office. The Internal rev?
enue tax is paid in the case of
fpirits, at the distillery or bonded
warehouse, and, in the case of beer,
at the brewery prior to its removal,
after which the same become subject
to general trade conditions, including
interstate shipment, and of which no
further report is required to be made
to this office.
There is enclosed a statement show*
lng the annual tax-paid withdrawals
for consumption of distilled spirits
arid fermented liquors In the TJnMsd
States during the fiscal years ?st7 to
1906, inclusive; also the pel capita
consumption of each in the United
S .itaedtirTng the same .period, except*
trig the fiscal year 1916, as to per capt
notHtitt?lable at this time. The figures
token from the Statistical Abstract of
the United States for the fiscal year
1915. The report for fiscal year 191|
Is not yet in print. Sincerely yours.
vaxue: property at $2,500.
A verdict for $2,500 was awarded
by the jury yesterday to Mrs. Dawes
in the condemnation proceedings
brought by the Atlantic Coast Line
Railroad company against Mrs. Mary
A. Dawes for possession of property
opposite the A. C. L. station. This
property is wanted by the railroad in
order that they may extend tracks at
this place.
The proceedings took up most ail of
Monday, the verdict of the Jury being
returned late in the afternoon. Those
on the jury were Messrs. W. B. Burns,
foreman; S. O'Quinn, A. C. Thomp?
son, W. R. Wells, J. A. McKnight, R.
K. Wilder, E. E. Aycock, C. C. Beck,
A D. Harby, S. A. Harvin, S. W. Raf
tleld, T. H. Clarke.
The witnesses for the railroad were
Messrs. Geo. D. Shore, D. R. McCal
lum, Bartow Walsh, R. B. Belser, J.
R. Clack; for Mrs. Dawes E. K. Friar,
Neill O'Donnell, W. F. Shaw and Mrs.
Mary A. Dawes. The values set by
these witnesses on the property wished
condemned by the railroad varied
greatly, some of the witnesses deem?
ing it practically a confiscation of the
entire property, as there would be no
direct approach to it, In their Judge?
ment, while others did not think that
it would hurt the value of the other
property owned by Mrs. Dawes.
Neither ride had given any notice
of appeal up to this morning, so it
noems that both sides must be fairly
well satisfied.
London, Jan. 23.?The known cas?
ualty list from Friday night muni?
tion factory explosion Includes sixty
nine killed, seventy-two seriously In?
jured and three hundred and twenty
eight slightly hurt, it is officially an?
nounced.
Ottawa, Jan. 23.?Canada has re?
cruited an army of 4 34,539 men for
the war, 120,000 in excess of the
force Great Britain asked the Do?
minion to contribute at the beginning
of the conflict, Sir Robert Borden,
premier, informed parliament yester?
day. Of this 175,000 already have
seen active service, he announced,
with casualties of 70,000.
which information is
capita consumption were
W. H. Osborn,
Commissioner,

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