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SHALL THEY STARVE?
This is a much more practical question than many people realize. It is hard for most of us in this country to comprehend the state ment that there is danger of people starving by the millions anywhere. God has blessed this country with such abundant crops as it has never known before. And for that reason it is hard to get people to understand the neces sity for saving food. Put along side of our abundance the state ment of our Government, that, unless we save food during the coining year, as we have never done before, millions of our allies will starve. This statement is made after the most careful investigation in this country and in all other parts of the world. Here is the situation: We will take France, England and Italy. In some of the other coun tries conditions are just as bad. In normal times these countries imported from forty to sixty per cent of their food supplies. They had the world to draw from. Today they are de pendent almost entirely upon America for what they have to import. These countries will need to import far more than they have ever done before. Millions of their men are in the trenches. Other millions are engaged in making war supplies. A very large proportion of these men were drawn from the farms, and are now consumers, instead of being producers. Our soldiers must be fed. This country will soon have not less than two million men under arms. These men must be fed. Our fathers and mothers in the early sixties knew that the soldiers had to be fed, and to their utmost they fed them, though at home they lived on starva tion rations. The armies of our allies must be fed. Re member, those brave men are fighting our bat tles. We have made this war our war. We have made the cause of the allies our cause. But thus far we have done none of the fighting and it will be months before we can possibly have any great number of men in the trenches. The fighting is going on and it must continue. The brave soldiers of the allies are now fighting our battle. Every consideration demands that we do all that we possibly can for their well being and to make them efficient. Hungry sol diers cannot win wars. Soldiers must be fed. And then the people at home in these coun tries must be fed. This is necessary for several reasons. The soldiers at the front will be very much affected by the condition of their people at home. How could it be possible for a man to be a brave soldier, when he knew that his loved ones were starving at home? The making of war supplies in the factories is just as important as the using of them on the field. Men and women who are starving cannot make munitions. The people of this country cannot be willing to enjoy their abundance and let the mothers, wives and children of the soldiers who are fighting our battles starve for the lack of the food that we can send them. Our allies at home must be fed. If our people could once realize the absolute necessity of supplying the necessities of our allies, not only for their own sakes, but because they are fighting on their land, that we may not have to fight on ours, we believe that there are few people in this country, who would not be willing to share with them whatever they have. Many families in the South during the Civil War sent a half or more of all their food supplies to the army, and had many meatless and wheatless days at home. We believe the sons and daughters of those loyal people are today just as loyal to a just cause as they were. If the Government were to ask that such sacrifices should be made, and could show the need for them, they would very generally be made. But the fact is that such sacrifices are not asked and are not necessary. No one is asked to go hungry. There is an abundance of food in this country to supply all of our people and still leave all that we shall be able to send to our allies. All that is asked is that certain kinds of food shall be saved and 'others used in their place. What we need to save is wheat, beef, pork, dairy products and sugar. These things are of the highest food values and can easily be ship ped. Let us save every ounce possible. If we have raised them, sell them. If we have not raised them, do not buy them. At least limit to the utmost the amount of them that we use. There are a plenty of other things we can put in place of them. A man said the other day, when talking on this subject: "No, I am not going to deny myself these things. I can afford to buy them and I am going to buy them as long as I can afford to do so." It is not a question as to whether we can afford these things or not. It is a question whether we shall eat them, when we might eat other things, and send these to the allies, when we cannot send other things. We shall not stop now to show why these things are specially needed, but ask our readers to take the statement of our Government, backed by the governments of our allies, that unless we send to Europe all of these things that we can possibly save, there will be mil lions who will starve during the next year. Our young men are sacrificing everything that they may fight for what we all believe to be a righteous cause. Shall it be said of us who stay at home, that we are not willing to limit the number of articles of food to be found od our abundantly supplied tables? Let our slogan be: "Save food and win the war." WHAT THE WORLD OWES TO LUTHER. To realize what the world owes to Luther it will be necessary to get as clear an idea as possible of the condition of the world at the time he began his great work. Papal infalibility had not been officially de clared by the Church of Rome, but it was re ally held by the Church. As all interpretation of Scripture must yield to the pope's interpre tation there was practically no study of the Bible. The right of private judgment was denied and all matters of opinion must be left to the decision of the pope. The reading and study of the Bible was not only not encouraged, but it was practically withheld from the people. The pope and the clergy of that day were probably more corrupt and showed less relig ion in their lives and teaching, than any other men who ever filled those positions. So any teaching that they might give in regard to the Scriptures could not be expected to be very helpful to the people . The pope claimed the right to forgive sins, when the sinner made proper payment for the forgiveness. Not only did he claim the right to forgive sins already committed, but also to forgive sins before they were com mitted. It was not necessary for the sins to be confessed to the pope, nor specifically con fessed to any one. The pope appointed agents all over the Church to supply this forgiveness, the only condition being the payment of money. This could be secured for the sinners of the person making the purchase or for some one else, eveii for the souls in hell or in pur gatory. Tetzel, the pope's agent said: "Aa soon as the money elinks in the chest, the soul will be released from hell." Possibly the worst feature of the indulgences was that they could be bought by one who was contemplating the commission of some sin. When he had bought the indulgence, the Church taught, he could do what would oth erwise be sinful without incurring any guilt, it can easily be seen how demoralizing such teaching would be. The pope claimed absolute authority of all governors and government. According to the doctrine of the Church no king or emperor could sit on his throne, nor any civil officer hold office without the consent of the pope. This was illustrated in the case of llenry IV of Germany, who stood bareheaded and thinly clad through three bitterly cold days at the gate of the Castle of Canossa pleading silently for Pope Gregory Vll to restore his crown of which he had been deprived by the pope. These are but specimens of the conditions under which Luther found the world and the Church were living. The result of Luther's work was that men began to realize that conditions were wrong. There sprang up in the hearts of many the desire for religious liberty. Notwithstanding the "many martyr fires that have been kindled this desire has never since been burned out of the hearts of multitudes of people in every age. Luther changed the conception of the Church. It had really taken the place of Christ, and Luther showed that it had no power or authority, except as it received them from Christ. Sehleiermaeher, the great theologian, thus defines the difference between Luther's theory and that of Rome: "According to the Ro mish conception the soul can only come to Christ through the Church, whereas, accord ing to the Protestant doctrine, the soul is led through Christ to the Church." A great cliangc took place in public worship. It was conducted by the priest in Latin and the people had very little part in it and un derstood very little of what was done or said. Luther gave the Church services to the people in their own language. Luther made preaching an important part of worship, and it has ever been considered in Protestant circles as one of the best ways, prob ably the very best, for teaching the people the doctrines of the Scriptures. Much of the liberty, both civil and religious, which the world enjoys and which it is appre ciating more and more, is largely due to the great work that Luther did four hundred years ago. THE ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCI? DURING THIS WAR. There may be a serious question as to the attitude of the Church to the war which we have entered upon. The sphere of the State and of the Church are clearly distinct. Yet the ideals of the State may be the same as the ideals of the Church. Both are divine institutions. And the Christian owes obedience to one as to the other. The Government of the United States has entered upon this war. Its motives are clear enough. It is not to hurt or kill any German citizen or any number of them. The Government of the United States is not en gaged in wholesale murder. It would put an end to strife without a casualty if possible. It has no personal hatred against a nation that has misused our friendly offices, and plotted v v