I 1 2 GOODWIN'S WEEKLY.
IC. C. GOODWIN, Editor
. T. GOODWIN, Manager
LYNN S. GILLHAM Business Manager
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY.
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Entered at the Postofllco at Salt Lake City.
1 Utah. U. S. A., as second-class matter.
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Telephones: Bell, 301; Ind.. 3C .
, 221-232-233 Commercial Club Bldg., Salt Lake City
I jig Hod melancholy. How Mark fired his best jokes
Hj I ' at the sorrowful man, and was obliged at the
j I ' " close of the lecture to confess that he had failed;
Hjj that the old man sat there as though he did not
f hear a word, and then the young man confessed
U that it was probably true, for his father had been
H Wt '" deaf as a po3t for fifteen years.
( jdl There are men with good ears who are soul-
H i doaf, and the mass of those who listened to the
. gill ,M eloquent Indiana senator on Monday night were
m 111 I of that class. Joseph had spoken. A wireless
m jPj fiom the Infinite had come to him, and after that
B I! how small was the clatter of the Indiana senator!
Hi )eI "When from afar the senator reads the returns
B f ft f i om Utah, in his own modest way he will prob-
H ijjM f j ably turn to his friends and exclaim: "And I
1" ' A I ) made only one speech in Utah," and all his life
? ' he may possibly hug the belief to his soul that
'I T in 1908 he carried Utah by a single speech. It
III , i would be almost a pity to undeceive him.
1(1 ! And should Senator Smoot be re-elected and
jl another contest be sprung upon him, how cheap-
f ly would Senator Beveridge bear his testimony
''J that he ne"cr addressed a more Intelligent audl-
1 ' ence-thon the one that listened to him in Salt
V(t La-ke City; never one that more quickly respond-
B .'J i d to the truths of Republicanism. And even
B 1 1 J 'I then he would not realize what a roaring farce
B ,':l he was chief performer in when he made his
B ! j J I speech in Salt Lake City.
B u; 1 1 How Senator Sutherland must have enjoyed
B vl the farce, and likewise the church dignitaries
B 2' who were in attendance; the same ones who
B , i heard the pronunciamento in conference. It is to
B i laugh when we think of it all. If the ghost of
B ni Shakespeare was back on earth he would change
B H his former wording and make Puck say, "What a
B 'II fo1 tnG lord's anointed can make of an Indiana
B rl l senator."
Ij: The Apathetic Campaign
12, "" HE national presidential campaign is draw-
j h J ing to a clo&e and the result is just as un-
i 4 certain as ever. The reason remains the
I - same for the apathy is still upon the country.
Neither party, either in its platform or in the ex-
' , f pressions of its candidates, meets the desires in
i ' the hearts of the people. The Prohibitionists are
.' j chasing an abstraction. Could they get all they
, 4 ask, what evidence is there that they could han-
die the affairs of this great Republic in any wise
I ' i manner? Debs' narrow vision ignores every
practical fact. He stands on a foundation which
rests upon a false assumption of facts, which
i " have no foundation in justice, and whicji lead
straight up to chaos for society.
, Watson would turn the mighty Republic back
a to the primitive days, when the people In the
M simplest manner lived and had not yet taken on
! any of the attributes of a great world-power with
' a world-power's lesponsibilities.
Mr. Bryan has evidently modeled his life on
Mil the life of Jefferson, and would run the Republic
Ifjj ship would exchange the locomotive for the an-
m j cient stage coach and the turbine driven steain-
'wj r ship for a fore-and-aft schooner,
Mr. Taft seems to think that with a few re
pairs, suggested by Mr. Roosevelt, the Republic
needs nothing else, and will run itself. Not one
of them has uttered a word to convince the peo
ple that he has the vision to take in the country
as It is and to outline its wants and hold in line
its tremendous forces.
With a well-nigh helpless currency system,
there has been no thought advanced toward plac
ing it upon a basis that promises at once security
and at the same time to give it a controlling
power to at all times meet the country's needs.
At present the whole national banking system is
dependent upon a national debt, which levies a
perpetual assessment upon all the property of
the country, and offers a perpetual incentive to
bankers never to permit that debt to be paid.
Then, while the volume of a country's money
is the measure of the value of its property, our
statesmen stand listlessly by through term after
term of congress and see our people pay to for
eign ship owneis year after year, more money In
fares and freights than all our gold and silver
mines can possibly produce. And our uli.p yards
are silent.
In the same way they see our corporations
send away to foreign lands In Interest money
$300,000,000 which could all be avoided were our
government to guarantee the debts and at the
same time, for security, insist upon a lien on the
property on which the bonds are issued and a
voice in their directory to make sure of honest
management.
Then in prosperous years a horde of immi
grants come from abroad equal to one-eightieth
part of our entire population, and though two
thirds of these know nothing of our language
and have no conception of the nature of our free
institutions, in from three to five years the vote
of each one counts for just as much as the vote
of " . Bryan or Mr. Taft. And this horde is
tossed in upon us and no provision is made to
open new fields where their labor would be ef
fective, and so hundreds of thousands of them
stop and foster in our great cities.
And while combined capital is making labor
profitable for millions of workers, the tendency
of the party leaders Is to assume that combined
wealth can have behind it only sinister motives,
and so it has been assailed until even the direct
beneficiaries of it, as they draw their pay, with
draw every emotion of gratitude and generous
appreciation, and nurse in their souls a belief
that, in some way, they are being robbed and
misused. And so the Rpnublic drifts and no can
didate and no platform rings out clear and gives
an idea that either the needs or the majesty of
the country is comprehended, or that there is
one master spirit who seems able to mount the
bridge and set and hold the great ship of state
safely on her course.
Hence, from every state the word comes that
never before did such apathy prevail in a presi
dential campaign. The trouble is that no party
and no man fills the want in the souls of the
people.
A Theme for a Drama
PROF. COOLRIDGE has written a book on the
great drama, "Our Country." He claims
with the opening, "It Is a study of the part
which the United States plays in the great drama
of world policies, a part which cannot help being
important. The book is really a comparison of
our own country and Its government with the
countries of the old world." And it may well be
called a drama, for since the beginning of time
no country has ever piesented so magnificent a
drama to the world as the history of our own
country. Starting a mere fringe on the seashore,
expanding, widening, until it absorbs a continent,
and all in a little more than a hundred years, a
stretch of land 3,000 miles long and 1,200 miles
wide that was but a wilderness filled with sav
age men and savage beasts, and which is now
dedicated to liberty, to peace, to plenty; with all
its space filled with temples to religion, to free
dom, to Industry, to education, to justice; expand
ing from 3,000,000 of people to 90,000,000 of peo
ple, all alert, all impressed with thought that
each one has equal opportunities with every other
one, all speaking one tongue, all inspired by one
hope, Irresistible in power, unequalled in enter-
prise, all exultant in mine and field and factory;
not a cloud on its horizon, with products so varied
that it is an empire in itself and needs no help
from all the world; boys emerging from rude cra
dles in log cabins, in forty years attaining the
highest place that a free people can bestow
surely the author chose a wonderful theme, and
if he has the power to portray it so it can be
seen from his book, as Shakespeare made his
characters be seen, it will be an enchanting book,
to be sure.
The wonder is that in such a land anyone is
discontented; the wonder is that in such a land
anyone would overthrow such a government; the
wonder Is there are knaves or fanatics to plan to
supersede this government with one such as Sol
omon gave to Israel, which was so exacting that
when he died the people besought his successor to
do away with some of the burdens under which
they struggled. One would think the examples
of the men who, from nothing, had mads their
tilumphs in this land would be enough, and cause i
any poor man or any poor child to say with such '
opportunities nothing else was needed.
The fields give up their harvests, the mines
give up their wealth, more men are toiling at
better wages between our seas than ever filled
any land before; there is not one thing that any
man need fear so long as he does right under our
laws. There is no friction in the laws; evory
opportunity is held open and men may achieve
all that they aspire to if they have but the
energy and the brain and the heart to work out
their destiny.
Around such a government there should be
such a love of the people as would make it im
pregnable. The fathers planned it to be so, and
they left as its protection a free ballot to its
people, believing that every wrong could be cure-l
by that ballot, believing that every right could be
maintained; and with such an inheritance that
all people are not content and exultant Is a re
proach, and that under such a government any
man would assume that ho had a divine riqht to
instruct people how to use that ballot which the
fathers gave, that man is an enemy of his country
and ought to be so held in the estimation of the
people.
Victor Hugo's Religion
SINCE Victor Hugo died twenty posthumous
volumes of his works have appeared, and it
is said the Hugo family still possess a pile
of unfinished manuscripts, several of which will
be given to the world as soon as they can be
prepared for the pres3. Gustav Simon, who is the
sole executor of Victor Hugo since Paul Maui Ice
died, thinks that Hugo began planning Les Mis
erables as far back as 1829, but it was not until
1845 that he actually began to write his great ro
mance. .He devoted three yeais to the work
then, and, being interrupted by the revolution of
1848, put aside the manuscript for soveral years.
April 26, I860, he resumed it and commenced
reading it.
This reading of his manuscript lasted until the
21st of May, that is, more than three weeks, and
he was plunged into a state of profound medi
tation. He ceased to occupy himself any more
with Jean Valjean, with Fantine, with Cossette,
but with the hardships and the sufferings of all
humanity. He came gradually to contemplate