Goodwin's weekly : a thinking paper for thinking people. [volume], September 27, 1913, Image 1

About Goodwin's weekly : a thinking paper for thinking people. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1902-1919

Image provided by: University of Utah, Marriott Library

                
MiBmaHmmmttmmmmmmmmmmimtmu -.. .. . . .. rrir pn-r.,, LMJ1i PBH
But there is something bigger than newspapersdaily or any other; and Governor Spry has that iH
It is the love, trust and confidence of half a million peoplt -and nothing can take it away from him H
V bv bV b bbb IF saV h bba H bbh H h l &$ "H itf IH bba bh H 1
VOL. XXII. Twelfth Year SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, SEPTEMBER .7, 1913 6 Cents the Cou.y JNo. 24 I
PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDf
SUBSCRIPTION PRICE:
Including- postage In the United States, Canada, and
Mexico, ?2.00 per year. 91.25 ror six months. Sub
scriptions to all rorcign countries within the Postal
Union, 93. 50 per year.
Singlo copies, 5 cents.
Payment should be made by Check, Money Order or
Registered Letter, payable to Goodwin's Wookly.
Address all communications to Goodwin's Wookly.
Entered at the Postomce at Salt Lake City, Utah,
U. S. A., as second-class matter.
P. 0. DOX 1253.
Telephone, Wasatch 2007.
513 Felt Dulldlng, Salt Lake City, Utah.
Tho Goodwin's Wookly Publishing Oompany.
LeROY ARMSTRONG .... Editor
SUTHERLAND ON THE TARIFF.
Not in any period of tho past has the United
States Senate listened to so nearly perfect an
example of satire as that delivered by Senator
George Sutherland on the Democratic tariff bill.
The speech was brief, occupying perhaps half
an hour in delivery, but no labored argument
presented before that body in a year, on any
subject, so stripped pretense from the position
of opponents, so clearly revealed the ugly truth
of proposed legislation, or so won applause even
from tho phalanx of the flayed.
Here is an extract from Senator Sutherland's
speech. Considering the subject "A Tariff for
Rovenuo Only," he said:
"Southern rice and New Jersey catgut and
Virginia peanuts, constituting a charming trinity
of diversified loveliness, rest in safety and
luxurious ease under the protecting ajgis of its
flexible shelter, while western wool and Minne
sota wheat and North Dakota tow, homely and
commonplace, possessing neither the pale beauty
Of tho llrst, tho melodious possibilities of the
second whether living or dead nor tho succu
lent charm of the third, are coldly rolegated to
tho exposed and inhospitable frontiers of the
I freo list.
1
Tho line of cleavage between those who are
sincerely for protection as a definite and de
fensible policy of general application, and those
I somewhat rare individuals who are sincerely
I against any form or degree of protection, as
I constituting a perversion of tho powers of Gov-
' ornmont and as being a robbery of tho mass of
tho people for tho benefit of the special interests
is clear and well marked. In theory tho ortho- .
dox Democrat regards it as a lino of sharp sep-
I aration, upon the one sido of which lies tho level
1 flold of equal rights to all and upon tho other
tho artificial inequalities of special privilege. In
practice, however, wo aro often called upon to
mourn tho said inconsistency which is presented
by a very largo number of Democrats, who per
sist in treating it as a zone of uncertain and
fluctuating extent, becoming wider or narrower
in response to the elastic demands of local ex
, pedioncy. When any Democrat of this some
what extensive class, therefore, proceeds to put
his theory of free trade into practical operation
his major and minor premises become hopeless
ly confused. In his major premise ho asserts
tho unqualified wickedness of any degree of
protection. Thus runs his theoretical general
ization to which, by such sacred things as ho is
familiar with, ho swears undoviating and un
dying adherence. In application, nevertheless,
ho introduces into his minor premise a qualifi
cation which, quite unconsciously of course, he
fails to disclose, an ingenious and fallacious
method of deceiving tho unwary and confiding,
which tho logicians call tho undistributed mid
dle, or muddle, I have forgotten which. Upon
tlie things his constituents buy his tongue and
life hand aro in perfect accord but are freo
traders. When it comes to the things his con
stituents produce his tongue is a tree trader,
but his hand is a protectionist. And so we And
that what he says upon the stump and what he
writes into the law frequently exhibit to bor
row a form of expression from tho charming
vocabulary of the distinguished Senator from
Nbvada an unfortunate disinclination to coordi- .
nate. I do not mean to say that this typo of
Democrat is insincere. That would not be
amiable, and the law of amiability is one which,
no gentleman can afford to trifle with. I only'
mean to suggest that ho regards tho golden rule
as a more or less tentative proposition; that his
conduct is not calculated to add any appreciable
luster to the jewol of consistency. The occa
sional Prohibitionist who preaches tho gospel of
teetotalism for tho salvation of tho masses, but
keeps a bottle for private consumption against
tho treacherous demands of a capricious appe
tite, would welcome this sort of a Democrat as a
gonial and sympathetic companion an own
brother, so to speak to be unhesitatingly in
trusted with a duplicate key to the private lock
er. Tho out-and-out freo trader, who really
thinks free trade, and conscientiously does what
lie thinks, is at least consistent in his folly. Ho
takos tho medicine ho prescribes for others. He
practices the equality which ho preaches, oven
ithough it bo the equality of common ruin. But
the Democrat who is for free trade on wool
because his constiuonts buy wool, and for pro
tection on rice because his constituents sell rice,
stands for the comfortable sort of equality which
tho wolf proposed to the lamb, namely, that the
latter should furnish all tho meat and the form
er all tho appetite.'
Keen and convincing as it is, tho address
closes with an even moro morciloss punishment
of tho majority. Tho tyranny of tho caucus,
silencing conscience ana overriding opinion, is
painted in I ho colors of that poril of which it is
a harbingor, and the appeal to tho nation is
mado with a dignity which fittingly closes the
,; really remarkable speoch.
The inoidont should bocomo historic. The
conditions certainly are so. Fow men can safely
attompt satire. But on the lips of men entirely
oapable, that weapon is as torriblo as a sword.
SENATOR SMOOT'S DILEMMA.
With the best intentions in the world
Senator Smoot has attempted to servo tho inter
ests of Utah in tho r tter of mining claims on
school land, and finds that some sufferers would
rather continue in pain than get relief at his fl
hands. fl
That is the plain explanation of the fevered H
attack on the senator's bill. fl
Hero is one ovil condition, an abuse, that has M
continued since tho slate's admission to the M
Union. Senator Smoot proposes a remedy, has-
ing his effort on an unusually accurate knowl- H
edg6, and after consulting with many other in- M
formed men in tho state. It may need somo jH
minor changes,' but its principle is right. 1
There was no call for a fevered attack on M
the bill, and there was and is no warrant for M
the assumption that any citizen would bo de- fl
prived of his rights in the event that tho At- fl
torney General and the Land Board of Utah
might adjudicate his case. fl
Thoro has been a rank and long-existing M
abuse of community rights. Those essaying the M
task of correction gain nothing by petty person- H
al hostility, and would prove a hotter citizen- M
ship by omulating Senator Smoot's example, and H
good naturedly giving credit for sincerity to H
every advocate. M
A just and equitable solution of the puzzle H
is all that is desired. And that should. best be H
Obtained by tho employment of tho methods of H
friendly discussion and by courtesy commonly H
employed by gentlemen. 1
ONE HUNDRED SALOONS NO MORE.
What is without all remedy should bo with- H
out regard. What's done, is done. Shakespeare. H
The city commission having decided that H
thoro shall be no more than 0110 saloon to one H
thousand population in Salt Lake, it is useless H
to debate tho wisdom or unwisdom of tho edict. H
"What's done, is done." It happens there now fl
aro somewhat more than tho fixed number, but H
the commission will not strip licensee from tho B
half dozen sagacious follows who got in boforo B
the gate was closed, providing they do not fall B
under the displeasure of my othor old friend, fl
Chief of Police Grant. If they do, the number fl
will adjust itself; and no new licenses will issue fl
until tho population shall provide an additional B
thousand. fl
The 'theory, as I understand it, is that ad" fl
ditional saloons will bo in districts away from I
Main street, and not associated with any of tho
clubs devoting themselves to tho boosting of
Utah, or otherwise illustrating in tho persons of
their membership the delights of residing in I
Salt Lake. The new rule will not affect tho I