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lH Vol. 26 SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH, JULY 31, 1915 . No7 H i4n Independent Paper Published Under :: the Management of J. T. Goodwin :: i . EDITORIALS BY JUDGE C. C. GOODWIN England Bluffing AND now England is sparring for time. She 1 claims that she has done nothing that the United States did not do in our great Civil war ', and desires to submit the matter to judicial adju dication. Mutatis mutandis, the thing being al- j tered alters the case. One would not think Great Britain would like to have what she did in our I Civil war aired just at this time, for her record In that war is not one to point to with pride. And she would not except that since the Great Armada was destroyed she has been the big bully of the i sea and means, if possible, to continue to be. In. our Civil war as fast as the government I could blockade southern ports, it gave notice or that fact and any ship attempting to enter one of them to carry aid and comfort to the Confederacy was of course subject to capture and confisca tion. There was never any question on that point by Great Britain or any other power, because that was the acknowledged rule of all nations. We did not give notice that we had closed say the Gulf of Mexico and that the world's ships could only i attempt to navigate it at their peril. Our differ ences with Great Britain at that time were alto gether different from anything that has happened in the present war. Great Britain abolished African slavery in her dominions in 1832. From that time to 1861 she t posed as the great Christian nation and her writ ers grieved over the fact that the United States maintained African slavery. & ! But when in 1861 the slave owners a ruling , few of them invoked a war to make, as they de- ) clared, human slavery perpetual, and drew eleven of the thirty-seven states out of the Union, the I hope of having free trade with that new govern- "i I ment at once caused the aristocracy, the rich $ J manufacturers, merchants and ship owners of "; Great Britain to lose all their sympathy for the poor slave and began at once to do all they could to help the Confederacy. With indecent haste "- Great Britain and France acknowledged the Con- h federacy as a belligerent. I The compound marine engine, an American in- it vention, was at once utilized and put in swift blockade runners to run between the Bermudas and blockaded southern ports to carry all kinds of goods and war material to the south. That was not objected to by our government. But she began likewise to build privateers to prey upon American ships. She built two of k these, armed them with British guns and supplied them with crews, some of whom belonged to the t reserved naval contingent of Great Britain, the only Americans aboard being the commander and I a few under officers. 1 And when our minister protested against this the Premier Lord Palmerton declared that Great Britain would not change her policies at the beck of any nation. When Commander Wilkes took Mason and Slidell from the British steamer Trent and brought them into port and our government disclaimed the act and offered any reparation de sired, Lord Russel, who was at the time in Eng land what our secretary of state is, received the dispatch in the morning, then went to the House of Commons and made a furious speech of what would be done, in case the United States refused reparation, and even the sanctimonious Gladstone declared that "Mr. Davis had created a nation." When Mr. Lincoln issued his emancipation proclamation, Lord Russell said in the Commons: "It is of a very strange nature; a measure of war of a very questionable kind; an act of ven geance on the slave owner, that does not more than profess to emancipate slaves when the United States authorities cannot make emancipa tion a reality." We do not forget that all this time Queen Vic toria, the Prince consort, John Bright, a few others high in power, fought against any embroil ment with the United States. So did the poor of England, but the government, the aristocracy, the merchants, manufacturers and great newspapers all did their utmost to cause Great Britain to join with Louis Napoleon in armed intervention, and they persisted in this until old Premier Gotschalk of Russia wired Napoleon that such on act on the part of France would be looked upon by Rus sia as an act of war, and a few weeks later the Russian Atlantic fleet swung into New York har bor and Russia's Pacific fleet swung into Sau Francisco harbor, and the little monitor by her ex ploits in Hampton Roads in effect served notice on Great Britain and France that their wooden navies were but as paper ships. Then at lastj when Minister Adams called on Lord Russell anu told him that if a third ship which was nearing completion were to be completed and like the Ala bama to go to some outside obscure port to re ceive her armament, stores and crew, It would be held as an act of war by the government of the United States, did the foxy secretary quit. The above are the essential lucts of 1861-64 in our dealings with Great Britain. What analogy that history has to anything done in the present war can be seen only by some one who is either putting up a bluff or sparring for time. She prolonged our war a full year and a half. One would hardly think she would want what she then did told. A Great Paper THE last note to Germany is superb. It not only meets evasion with perfect candor, mak ing clear that nothing is relaxed from the original demands but, at the same time, the purpose be hind all is tha,t the right will be insisted upon to the end no matter what that insistence may lead to. The temper of the note is fine. It is perfectly friendly but makes clear that the friendliness is not of that kind which forgives a violation of right, or which has any awe of power. r t The conclusion leaves Germany in a position where she must obey the demands of the United States or leave the impression that in the stress H of the war she will fling all legal obligations to the winds to carry through her designs. H When The War Shall Be Over M '"THE great war will close after a while. We H wonder if in the breasts of the rulers of those M countries there is not an unspoken fear of what H will come then. M When those who remain make lists of their ' H dead, of those so maimed that they will be a H perpetual tax upon the strong while their broken H frames last; of the debts which they are mort- H gaged to pay interest on all their lives, what will ' H the summing up of the unspeakable wrongs which H have come to those people be? H One would think that evangels would spring H up in every land to paint the picture of those H wrongs and to demand a new deal. H A deal in which never more could kings ob- H sessed by a love of power, of conquest, of un- H earned loot and lands, of glory reeking with H blood; of fame red with blood and shadowed by JM broken hearts; would be squelched forever. ; What a year ago did the peasant in his shed iH by the Don hold in enmity against the peasant ,H in his shed by the Danube? tH What enmity did the Frenchman with his little three-acre vineyard on the Loire or the Italian 11 on the Po hold against the German peasant "with jH his cows and goats oh the Elbe? 'H What was there in all the contentions that dis- tH tracted the rulers of Europe that a commission H of business men could not have settled justly a H year ago? (H Is it not true that justice was not what was jH sought? And was not the impelling cause behind all, H the belief that what was desired could be won H through possessing more and more effective H means of killing the simple dupes who do the H fighting and dying than the other side possessed? H That is a game as old as the world. It start- M ed in the stone age and the principle then in- M voked was that might made right. H Has that been changed with the rolling cen- M turies? Have increased learning and enlighten- M ment done aught except to teach men the art H of scientific war and create new and more ter- M midable engines of destruction M Has Christianity done aught except to give m zealots new excuses for wholesale murder that M the domains of the Prince of Peace might be en- H tangled? M We hope it has; we hope that when this war is H finally closed, it will inspire evangels in every H land to cry out for a change of the ancient pol- H icy of barbarism and murder and to demand that H a reign of justice shall be ushered in. That under the new adjustment if thrones remain those who sit upon them shall, like the humblest peas- ant, be forced to obey the new dispensation; they H and their counsellors. H When that time comes we hope that our coun- try will come to the fore in demanding it, and in so potential a way that when the new code shall be framed and accepted by the nations,