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The Ford InternatSonnl Weekly
THE DBARBOHN INDEPENDENT Publish h THE DEARBORN PUBLISHING CO. Dearborn, Michigan HENRY FORD. President. C. J. FORD, Vice President. E. B. FORD. Secretiry-Treasrer E. G. PIPP. Editor. Twentieth Year. Number 6. December 6, 1919. The price of subscnpUon in the t nited States and ,ts r,n,se I One Dollar a year; n Canada. One Dollar i nd Fifty Cento: and in other countries. Two Dollars. Mngie Copy, Five Cents. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at Dearborn. Michigan, under the Act of March 3, 187V. Principles and Resolutions NO M TTKR what is said concerning the failure of the United States Senate to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, one must not exaggerate the real issue iu Washington. The issue was not the treaty, but the attitude of the United States toward it. It was not the League of Nations, but the degree of our immedi ate participation in the League. Even a cursory reading of the day's news must indicate that the thought of the peoples is advancing toward the accomplishment of a League of Nations. The thought of men and women has been ripening and maturing, in and out of America, during these months in which the Senate has deliberated. There has been sharp disagreement on certain clauses of the Treaty of Versailles, yet there has been a growing harmony on the great ideal of a League of Nations, and interna tional conciliation. The United States Senate did not have power to enact or formulate principles of international action. All that it could have done was to ratify principles al ready established in the conscience of humanity. The majority of the Senate gave chief attention to national rather than to international considerations, but the principles of international action still stand. The days have not gone by in vain, in the world outside. Each nation may have its local criticism of the Versailles Treaty. Kach nation may express its own isolated opinion on isolated clauses. But without Waiting inr the decision oi separate governments, the general movement oi humanity has been advanced steadily. And the time must come when the League will be set forth in such terms as will demand the as sent of the American treaty-making body. We have arrived at a side-track, not at a terminus. been told just what Auk,- mean, 1 viewed through the eye, ot one who,- has been to make hun I representative of Bnt h tutions. a type ot the ancient Kuropean "'ta u, J we could kn.w u hat North America , W and tame, means to Edward Windsor, Prince ot Walet, COM know what H BUt( probably mean to the world. when the world knows us better. Then we might haw a clearer consciousness ot our own mission and 001 on relation to the other land. But until some Great Interpreter arises, we must proceed as destiny directs, now and then illumined by partial sidelights from abroad, but guided generally by our own light and hope, Revelry by Night The Strength of Millions THE United States will have no standing army, ai militarism knows such an army. Secretary Bakei has suggested a total force of 56.000 men. while the House Committee on Military Affairs proposes a max imum of only 300.000 men. Neither force is an army, for within the past few years we have counted men in millions and ammunition by thousands of tons. But the United States still has the army which has made it a victor or a sharer in victory in all its wars. We still have the peaceful people, lovers of the land and the home. We still have the determined sense of righteousness which has marked every great public movement. We have no crushing weight of uniforms and gold braid on the toiling Strength of the people, but we still have the right to call the Peaceful Citien to his duty. Perhaps some lovers of show and tinsel would have liked to see the republic keep afoot a few millions of soldiers. But doubtless it is more impressive to see the whole armed force of this republic drop back from sidit like a disappearing gun-carriage in a sea-fortitua-tion. The hostile fleet does not see that gun behind the gray walls, but the admiral and all his sailors know that it is there: It is sufficient for Europe to know that the Minute Men of the Revolution are still here, augmented in numbers, of imperishable spirit. Militarist nations will respect us as much, and if we maintained a vast host they would not so much respect as suspect. And now that we have established our strength among the warring nations, we have all our strength to give to the perpetuation of peace. We have enough soldiers to mount guard from Maine to Manila, enough marines and sailors for seven seas or seventy. And therefore America can take up with undivided Strength her great world campaign of peace, without misunder standing, without accusation of hypocrisy. It is a great campaign, summoning us to the conquest of mili tarism everywhere by the mighty success of mere citizenship. What Is North America? PRINCE EDWARD of Wales has visited the United States and Canada. Though he has not made the extended and detailed tour which was first proposed, he has seen the wild loveliness of the Ca nadian North, and has viewed New York harbor from the peak of the Wooiworth Building. He has met the distinguished men who have won for the Dominion of Canada a place among the nations, and has gone to and fro among the accumulated monuments of liberty in the city of Washington. Now that so remarkable a world-figure has made so striking a tour, now that the two English-speaking democracies of the West have shown him royal honors, and he has demonstrated his genuine democracy, a cer tain curiosity must linger in our hearts. What Amer icans and Canadians think of British royalty they have said, in editorials and in sermons and in public ad dresses. Every remark made by the heir of George Y has been courteous and tactful. But what does North Ameriea really mean to this young man? If we could really obtain an answer to this ques tion, it might prove illuminating and helpful. WTe do not know, exactly, what America is. Americans, Specially those who have not traveled, cannot con ceive of lands like those of Europe, packed together, close neighbors, estimating and judging one another We are far from that stage, curtained from their close i w by Atlantic mists. We know that America is not England. We have t- en told this many time, in kindly tones, or admiring words, or in accents of criticism. But we have never A, rcport fro Germany mention the radiant glow 0 that -liincs by night and day in the BOM retort dtkl f the long-beleaguered empire. Wieshaden whose tumultuous celebration of victory in lhc FnMO r, Man war of 1171 was the cause of v, to to Mane I'mm hkirtseff. is once more claiming the tfcfc oi "the m-mest town on earth." On a lit evening whW a hall was given in the great dan. room 0 one oi the sanatoriums, the sum of $1J Q im spent for dowers. "Everything is as before the war. only mcrn " ...x. Wiesbaden to the world Everything may look as before the war, in W . fedefl of Paris, in London or New York. But glittering crowds that swirl acrotl the floor of Kurhaus are not the crowds of before the war. I know what those crowds did not know, of danger to human lite and human liberty. They know what r crowds did not know, ot the insecurity of wealth ,. d power, the swift curtailment that may COOK to ga itself. The young folks danced in 1871 after Prv had won. they dance in 1919 after Prussia has lost but these are not the same. They tlirted under ga 1871. they ogle under electric light in 1919, and VOWS are given in the twilights of the Garten, but the y folk face a transformed world. W iesbaden may give a grand ball to all the world, h it it is like the grand ball at Brussels on the evi oi Waterloo. Out in the darkness the plans of the world's great movements go on. Out in the world of thought and work the forces muster and the plans of advance are matured. Now and then some officer is spared from his duty to how and smile a moment under the chande liers, but the dancing of men or of midges is no key to the world's life. They danee in Wiesbaden, but the war is over. Tiny danee. but the kings are in exile, the people rule, the old order changes. They have danced thus, before Napoleon arose, and while Na poleon reigned, and after Napoleon fell before Bis Riareh was born, when Bismarck was demoted, and after he was dead. The ball given is the same that would have been given if Kaiser Wilhelm had con quered Wiesbaden dancing, imagines all is as before the war. but when the bright dawn breaks she Imowi it is a new day. As We Look to Brazilians PRESIDENT EPITACIO PESSOA of Brazil has taken with him to Rio de Janeiro one lesson from the United States. He has opened a fight to establish American prohibition in the great southern republic. The prohibition forces in the Brazilian congr sv have armed themselves with American equipment. The effects of alcoholism on the home and the family, in the destruction of life and the nurture of crime, are sh wn to a ready public. The results of prohibition in cities, states and farming regions of the United States are ividly portrayed. The triumphant re-indorsc -incuts of prohibition by American and Canadian voters, when the dry system has been tried and comes up for an Other vote, are cited in the press and from the platform. Was prohibition desirable for the United States? Brazilian statesmen, far from the fever of any Ameri can argument, know well that it was. And has it worked? And will it work? Brazilian statesmen can look with calm ( yes at our increasing bank deposits and our decreasing prison registers, for their answer. Ev ery item of news from the United States is a new argument for prohibition. It should help us all to realize our blessed condi tion, when we see how we are envied by other na tions. We would have felt flattered, perhaps, if Pn dent Pessoa had determined to fill all the cities of Brazil with American skyscrapers, or American ele vated roads or subways. It might have moved us if he had tried to transport our educational system to the Sooth, But at the very time that some want to de bate on whether or not prohibition is a success, and some timid souls arc worrying over they know not what, President Pessoa has shown us that at the mo ment the greatest, the most important, the most im pressive fact in all the United States is that same nation-wide prohibition I Our Safeguards ANOTHER uncanny plot oi destruction by murder ous anarchists has been exposed by the police au thorities. Some group of morbid destructionists had laid plots to send bombs to faithful public nun through out the country. The) would wrap the infernal chines like C hristmas presents, and thus murder n who have taken a stand for the defense of the people against these destructive anarchists. The news of this plot was fully printed in the IM - papers, yet it occasioned no great discussion. It m calmness of the people, rather than the plot of the plotters, that seems to call for eminent. The fact is that Americans have come to expect plots to meet exposure. We know that there are I dangerous men in the country, a few in every I community. We might expect that such men, if I t operated in old Russia, might succeed in destroying such men as Von Plehvc or Grand Duke Sergius. In any country where injustice rules in the exercist t authority, we look for outbreaks, for plots and nuny of these will never be exposed to the authorities. .v I of the older Russian plots, which resulted in assas S tion, were known to hundreds of men, not one of s warned the doomed victim. Put in America a murder plot is still a murder I Wc may at times have criticisms of a government of ficial, but we know regular and just ways ot pressing our criticism and our desire of change. There fore to every American eye murder is murder. There fore every American is a police officer to expose plot ters of assassination. We have clever officers wti official acts are supported by their conviction that Amer ican institutions are worth defending. Their clever ness is augmented by the devotion of the main body of the people to their own liberties. When a nation is oppn Seed, as i tru. days of RobSB Hood, the swnpathy of the people might be with Robin Hood, who pilfered from the rich, and protected the poor. In a free nation, the sympathy of the people is with the law and not with the wilful and perverse law breaker. And the people are right. Possibly in some dark lands the mad Nihilist nay really think he is rep resenting a principle with his bomb and his knife. In the I nited States the man with a bomb and a knife is a mere thug, and is universally recognized as such. People who are never on time render worthless the promptness 0f others.