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View of the Russian Toiler A Close-Up TJEW in this country are r so well equipped to dis cuss the Russian situation, Bolshevism, what it means to Russia and to America, as is this writer, Count lira Tolstoy, son of the famous Russian novelist and liberal. What he takes up here for discussion should he digested carefully by all who read the article. Bolshevism, says Count Tolstoy, originated as a protest against the slaugh ter of Russians in war. What it has developed to be is interestingly related. TO PREVENT Bolshevism ill America it is im portant to know bow this disease spread in Rus sia, what elements of the population were in fected and why the industrial population was so easily impressed while the peasantry remained immune and peaceful. The spirit of Bolshevism in Russia is nothing new. It has been manifested by the Russian people man) times in the history of my country. Frequently there have been uprisings of my people, so serious on two occasions that twice the throne was menaced. There were rev. -It- of tenka Basin during the reign of Alexey M ichaish vith and of Pougatheff during the reign of Catherine the Great. The self-restraint, so strong in the Anglo-Saxon, is undeveloped in the Slavs, especially among uneducated masses. Bolshevism is but a new word applied to an ancient phenomenon. New excuses have been found for the low instinct! of hatred, envy and greed. Were the country in normal condition. Bolshevism would never have triumphed, but could have been easily suppressed. Only a country suffering from terrifying evils of war could succumb to Bolshevism. The revolution broke out in Russia after she had already lost, in killed, prisoners and crippled, more than all the other Alius together. The internal life of the country was wholly demoralized and Bolshevism took root as a protest against the endless and senseless slaughter of the Russian soldiers. At the beginning of the revolution the most ardent adherents of Bolshevism were the soldiers who were demoralized by the horrors of the war. but after the de mobilization of the Czar's army. Bolshevism was chiefly supported by the industrial labor class of the cities. In order that my readers may have a clear under standing of the mode of life and the extreme poverty of the Russian workman, let me compare his life with that of the American worker. Most of the industrial workers of Russia originally belonged to the peasantry. If the peasant has not enough land, or if he has a father or a brother to take care of his household in the country, or if his land is 10 poor that he tan not live on it. or if he wishes to aoid the monotony of country life, he leaves his vil lage, his wife and children and goes to the city. Dif ferent provinces of Russia supply a different percentage of city workers. Territories which are extremely Sterile s nd almost all of their male population to the cities. The industrial workers of the large cities, especially of Moscow and Petrograd, are to a large extent of the class of the peasantry. One of the characteristic fea tures of the Russian industrial workers is that they live alone in the city while their families live in the country, sometimes many hundred miles away. Ac cordingly the Russian industrial worker sees his fam ily only two or three times a year, and sometimes even less than that. He usually visits his home on Christmas, during Kaster Week and sometimes during the mowing of grass. This makes him a homeless proletarian. Frequently his wife has to do the rough work in the fields and at home, while he acquires the vices of the city and his family suffers hunger and need. Having left his native village for the purpose of supporting his family, he soon forgets his home and frequently Ipendi all the money he gets for his own life and pleasure Thus he loses his connection with his coun try home and loses all the good qualities of the peasant. Being uneducated and often illiterate, he acquires only a superficial culture, being, at the same time, deprived of any moral support and of the religious traditions, whkh are 10 strong among the peasantry. But the average American worker is not deprived of the comfort of family life. ' fore the war 50 cents a day was considered a good price for an average factory worker in Russia. Often it was even lower than that. This was due chiefl) to the imperfect machinery, which could not compete with that used in European and American By COUNT 11. Y A TOLSTOY factories. According the productivity ot the RttS !un worker in the Srtorfcl was 30 per Cent lower than that of his western brother! . , The Socialist! blanie capital tor all the hanl- ihipi of the masses. The) believe that the income ol the employers is so great that if the workers secure this income themselves their material situation will De greatly improved. They do not realize that the average yearly net income derived from Russian industry was only six per cent. If the labor class rids ttsell ot capitalists, and takes all the net income m addition to its wages, it would mean an increase ot wages not e ceeding 20 per cent. t j . The povert) Of the Russian workers leads to other psychological results, the gravity of which cannot DC underestimated. The difference in the mode t life t the privileged classes in comparison with that of the labor classes in Russia is enormous. In America the worker and Ins employer eat the same white bread, the same eggs and butter, the same meat ; they travel in tin same trains: they wear the same coats, the same DOOtS and shirts and" live in decent houses. On Sundays the worker is clad in a good suit of clothes and may en joy life just as much as his employer. ' But the Russian worker i deprived Of all these things. He eats black bread because it is one cent a pound cheaper than the white. He never eats eggl and butter and gets meat only on holidays He wears the same old clothing and hoot the whole year, week days and Sundays. He is deprived of all the com forts of life and of all its opportunities. His only pleasure is a bottle of vodka, which often changes him to a brute. Such are the material conditions of his life. His civil conditions before the revolution were even worse. The Russian worker was a man deprived of all political rights. 1 once had the patience to enumerate all the different officials to which the Russian peasant was subordinated, beginning by the starosiQ (chief of the village) and ending with tin governor. I counted 17. Tin- Russian worker has all the obligations but absolutely no privileges In America every citizen has the right to vote. He has at hast the illusion that the officials whom he obeys are elected by himself. Any man born in this country may be elected President of the United State s. Every man feels free and knows that he has the same opportunities as anyone else The first thing that strikes a Russian in America is the gre at freedom and as. w ith whnh one may be addressed by any simple worker. He feels that he is a gentleman and stretches to you his callous hand as to an equal. The conductor on the Pullman car sits in the same parLor where you are and reads the same newspaper, in Russia the conductor never dares take a seat with you. The American worker is Mr. John Smith; the Russian is simply John, Ivan, or even the diminutive, Vonnka, if you please to call him so. It is evident, therefore, that when this same I'annka came into power, he thought tirst of his own individual welfare. He was not socially educated. Liberty for him meant license: equality meant depriving others of what they had. for his own sake, and fraternity meant the fraternity of a narrow group of proletarians. Xa- turallv the labor class was not anxious to increase its productiveness They never thought that had anything to do with their material welfare. the busied themselves at once with the distribute- 0j te wealth already accumulated. Hut as this we., h was comparative!) small, the country was soon ,llce('j to want. Such are the characteristic features of tin i :M;il industrial worker that make him unprepared a- r unfit tor the leadership of the revolution. He nisi d jnt0 it with all the fanaticism of his Slavonic nature, broke all the chains that bound him ; but when tin me to build up a new state came, his former servitr niade him unable to create anything etVicient or sta! Russian peasants eagerly joined the revolution, but when it came to Bolshevism, they soon discovi i that their interests were Opposed to those of the working class. But the idea ot (quality was carried or. by the peasantry in the same way as by the city workers. 4c cording!) tiny divided all the land among thi lelves. Being absolutely deprived of education, the) had less understanding of socialization than the city pi turiat. In their simple conception, to socialize meant t divide, and thus tin divided everything they could. They divided the land, the buildings, the cattle and the fac tories. Housx s were demolished and costly machinei were broken tO piecei in order to give every member of the village a certain number of bricks, of timber, of iron and of copper. But when asked to divide their bread with the population of the cities; when asked to socialize then- crops, the peasantry revolted, and now is ret using to b ln ve in the benefits of Bolshevism, which deprived him of the commodities of lite which his family enjoys, such as tea, sugar, boots, agricultural implements, and even the product of his own labor. Such is the attitude toward P.olshcvism of the rural and urban working classes of Russia. I think that the Russian middle class does not differ from that in other countries. All of the middle class favored tin- revolution; but only a few are Bolsheviks. These are mostly Jews, Letts, Finns and others who availed themselves ol the opportunity offered to play a leading part in the political life of Russia, opportuni ties of whnh tiny were before deprived. Among the adherents of Bolshevism the intellectuals are still more scarce. The intellectuals of Russia always fought against tin' despotism of the Czar; they supplied the country with leaders of the radical movement; they created the liberal literature of Russia; they were first to awake the spirit of democracy all over the country; they worked in the Duma for the revolution and they were the first to join the revolution in March. 1917, but they aNo were the tirst to denounce Bolshevism and to fight it wherever and whenever they could. Resuming, 1 may say that a Bolshevik rei iution such as happened in Russia is impossible in America. The industrial worker in this country is too b urgeois to destroy the industry upon which he lives, li leekl to nationalize industry along evolutionary methods. Ill realizes the value ot the factories and will t de stroy them. Strikes are not a manifestation of Bolshevist- they are inevitable in every civilized country. The improve ment in the condition of the life of the worker is the best weapon against the horrors of Bolshevism Not slavery, but co-operation of capital with labor will save the world from disorder and despair. Where the Constitution of the United States is Kep HEBvpvB i H ' ftHkBbH aELEaMaK a. ? ' Jif tSrM Vjj B 3ft raaBPafaaWa'aaBB Hf V bH v aaaaH lBH$rffS S I v IBII BMBU Mil m I? aV M " ; M IKIif'flB I B rtvII Kill 1 ' H bsssbssSsk war as aav hh aAflji bbi he ? aaai aWsJrf BrV WWmI MffWll III 1 H HREJiPi Jr3nH Jot 1 'II I THE original documents of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States are specially preserved in the archives of the State Department of Washington, and are never re vealed to the light except upon occasions of special significance. They represent the official acts, duly (C) Harris 4 Ewlni described, signed am' ealed, o n which this govern ment stands. Our I rm of government, the pou r re posed in the govt tnent. the guaranties o the American forms of iberty, are all found upon a few pages of ban d written parchment. The work of . tually preparing the Con itution was done in Philadelphia, in Independence Hall and occupied four in nths. The sessions began, under the leadership of Geofl Washington, on May 14, 1787, and concluded on Sep tember 17 of the same year. It was not until the year 1790 that all the Thirteen States accepted the ' nsti t u t i o n. An interesting comparison might there fore be drawn between that piece of work and the labor of drafting the constitu tion of the League JJ X at ions, which OCCttpt BOOM eight months of ac tual work all told. H the same length of time elap se, before the constitution of the League is general ) accepted, it will bring' us t ,p, Mijom ine year i?- " . I he photograph shows Secretary of State Unsing --the grey haired gentleman in the cutaway coat- Mter he had delivered an address on American" t the bureau chiefs of his department. The paJ being shown is the last page of the Constitution hicn contains the majority of the signatures.