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The Ford International Weekly
THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT THE DEARBORN PUBLISHING CO. Dearborn, Michigan HENRY FORD. Preaident. C. J. FORD, Vice Preaident. E. B. FORD. Secretary-Treaanrer. E. G. PIPP. Editor Twentieth Year, Number 17. February 21, W2Q The price of subscription in the United States and its possessions is One Dollar a year; in Canada. One Dollar and Fifty Cents; and in other countries. Two Dollars. Single Copy. Five Cents. Entered as Second Class Matter at the Post Office at Dearborn. Michigan, under the Act of March 3. 1879. Who Does It and Why? THIS bit of very interesting information comes in the mail, and is one paragraph taken from a four page letter sent out by the Leonard Wood National Campaign Committee. It reads : "The Lowden campaign managers are pretty busy in Chicago. Governor Lowden. who is a lawyer and who for a considerable time was an official of the Pullman Palace Car Company founded by his father-in-law. is in the hands of his friends and these hands are daily at work in the operation of remolding the lawyer so that he shall appear one day like a farmer and the next day like a business man." Very clever. If you are prejudiced against wealth in politics, Lowden is the son-in-law. and presumably heir to some of the Pullman millions. If you have rattled around in the upper berth of a Pullman sleeper or have unpleasant recollections of the stuffy air in a lower, why, the Wood committee would have you carry those prejudices against Lowden. At that, it is worth knowing. The more informa tion we can get on candidates the better fitted are we to judge them. From this we get something of a notion as to the source of the money that pays for the Lowden literature that floods the mails. But there are other things worth knowing. Who pays for the Wood literature, and why? We are getting heaps of it. and it is the expensive kind, sent out on excellent paper, tons and tons of it. Why not have a campaign of frankness? Why not tell before election that which may have to be disclosed after election ? Leonard Wood wants t be President of the United States, a laudable ambition. There are men who want him in the office, their perfect right. Leonard Wood has been an army officer for many years, with some limited experience in civil affairs. He may or may not be the best candidate for the Presi dency; that become a matter of comparison. And to make the proper comparison we must know who are his backers and why ; who are paying for the bales of literature and why ; who paid for the letters that took a side slap at Lowden and why. Reports are that a number of New York millionaires brought Wood to that city, sized him up, and forth with a campaign, a very expensive campaign, was begun. Frankness as to this is very desirable. In fact the public has a right to know, and should insist on know ing, who is enough interested in any man's campaign to put money in it. Lincoln, a Play and England IT TOOK an Englishman, John Drinkwater, to write a great American play, portraying the character of the Great Emancipator. When one sees the play. Abraham Lincoln, as written by the very clever English man, it is not difficult to understand why it should be so favorably received by the English themselves at this time; for in it there is something that touches the Englishman's heart in a way to bring very sympathetic approval. Overlooking the few historical inaccuracies in the production one is charmed by the clever interpretation of Abraham Lincoln as Americans knew him and loved to think of him. Every act and expression of the martyred President as shown in the play is one of broad sympathy for the oppressed, of tolerance for those opposed to him, of an eagerness to be ot service and to please, and withal a determination to stand firm for the RIGHT as he saw the RIGHT. nd the one outstanding thought as portrayed on the stage and as it was in Lincoln's life was the pres ervation of the Union. In the first scene Lincoln is shown looking reverently at a map of the WHOLE of the United States; when a delegation asks him to ac cept the nomination for the Presidency, the Union comes first in his thoughts When the men from the South would cajole him into merely recognizing the "right" of the South to secede, "not that it is likely to be a fact." as they epre it. Lincoln stands sorrow fullv but like adamant against even a semblance of a recognition of a right to secede; when Mrs. Blow speaks lightly of the losses of the men of the South, Lincoln rebukes her, feeling that they were still his countrymen and must be held a part of the Union. The abolition of slavery is shown to be an afterthought when compared with the fight for holding this land as one nation. From the rising of the curtain in the first act to the tragedy in the theater box, Lincoln's life is shown to be consecrated to the one great object of preserving a nation portrayed skilfully, dramatically, truthfully. And it cannot be wondered, with one of their own nations threatening and trying to secede, that the Eng lishmen love to see a play so opposed to secession and so devoted to union. With the history of England's treatment of Ireland so against England, as nearly every good Englishman will admit, and withal with the national security of the United Kingdom so dependent on keeping Ireland in the union as every Englishman, good or bad. feels, it is comforting to the Englishman to see a play, be the plot ever so remote and the conditions ever so different, that is based on the one central thought of maintaining a Union of States. If England would see the other great lesson in the play, as no doubt many Englishmen have seen it, there might result a benefit both for England and Ireland. Lincoln was strong because he was just. In the bigness of his heart, prayerfully, he had thought out the great problem and was swayed, not by selfishness, but by the great desire to do that which was exactly right, that which was best for all the people, for the preservation of a government by the people in which all the people should have equal voice. H George Washington EKOES, like works of fiction, have their day with few exceptions find their last c Great Britain Tries "Regulation" GREAT BRITAIN is coming to the consideration of the liquor question by the usual stages. It is very significant of the important status which the ques tion has attained that King George thought it worthy of mention in his Speech from the Throne. He an nounced to the Lords and Parliament that a bill would be laid before them "for the peace-time regulation of the sale and supply of alcoholic liquor." How stringent that regulation may be was indicated by the King's previous words. "Experience during the war showed the clearly injurious effects upon national efficiency of the excessive consumption of strong drink, and the amelioration, in both health and efficiency, which fol lowed appropriate measures of regulation and control." The L'nited States spent a very long time in the zone of "regulation." It began away back in the 70's when citizens attempted to regulate the liquor business to the extent of forbidding saloon-men to sell alcoholic drinks to children. The saloon-men fought for their "rights" in this respect and it was at that time that the people began to see what was the spirit of the trade. From that time forward every effort at regulation was strongly fought, and after the regulation was legally enacted it was never accepted in good faith by the saloons the people never for a moment had the liquor interests' co-operation in "improving the condi tions of the business." Until, of course until the liquor men themselves saw prohibition inevitably looming over them, and then they became the most zealous evangelists of regulation that the country ever saw. But it was too late for them. The people had decided that the only effective regula tion was to knock the business out. So it will be interesting to observe what luck Britain has with her "regulation." With her it will have a better chance than it had with us, because our prohibi tion avalanche has served to warn English brewing and distilling interests that there is something worse for them than regulation. This may make them more amenable than were American liquor interests. But likely not. There is something so stupidly obtuse about that business that it never could see its own interests. and nd in th. - - r t L! forget fulness oi iormer worsnippers. every World crisis is an occasion for revising our list of immortals The Great War relegated many of them to the 'vion. great shelves of obscurity; thence they shall fin.i (bli Great warriors of a former time were nt when the war was ended, great thinkers w fou . out with all their limitations and mistakes. But in the United States the names of W , Kington and Lincoln still stand. No other name h. dimmed their luster. No other set of ideas has tl tnejrs into second place. No other characters hat risen to claim their touch upon the imagination of oui people Washington doubt les has been second to . coin in the place he has filled in the minds of the p 0f tne United States this last half century, sim; because Lincoln was more largely human and at the mc time Washington's equal in political sagacity. Gen: . Wash ington cannot be said to have touched the in. tarnation nor often warmed the hearts of the people It js very significant that the very incidents by which his name is fastened in the memory of our school children are apocryphal. We read his state papers and appraise his political acts and scan his private character with vast approval, because there in the beginning 0f our history was an aristocrat who proved true to the prin ciples of Independence, even though it may not be said that he had any profound convictions toward democracy. George Washington was what nowadays would be considered a "silk stocking." By taste and character he was the born comrade of the French marquis, Lafay ette. Like at least two of our later President he be lieved in being kind to the common people, but in his mind he never identified himself with them One of our recent Presidents never quite lost sight, except in his speeches and public acts, of the fact that he was born a "gentleman." and he preferred to do business through those who were likewise born. We have a very definite aristocracy in the L'nited State. not only the vulgar aristocracy of money, but that other ar istocracy which had sufficient money and leisure several generations ago to bring up children and grandchildren in the attitude, if not of disdain, at least of aloofness from the common run of men. It is by no means a common belief in this country, except among the masses of the people themselves, that the people are wise or fit to govern. Our representative form of goverUKfll very frequently turns out to be a device by which the people are governed in accordance with the id M which others entertain of therr best interests. George Washington was faithful and efficient to the vision of liberty that he had, but his was not the mod ern vision of liberty, and his place today u lid likely be found among the class which we call reactionary. Safe, conservative, fairly resourceful, of i "inmand ing character, a gentleman who compelled r sped quite as much by his position in the world of wealth as by his dignity of person, George Washington represents a type by which the opposite type must be modified if the balance of our institutions is to be pre ' And yet, without any of these accessories, Abrah I I Lincoln represents the truest type of American that tvpe which can be sound and wise and at the same tim I mmon as the common run of men. George Washington's abiding service to tl e country has been the mature counsel he left us, ba- upon his first-hand knowledge of European politics The two great restraining hands laid upon the Rcpub. are, one of them Washington's, who warned us again s1 Kuropew alliance, and the other Monroe's, who u ned Eu ropean monarchism from hedging us rou d on the American continent. The two restraints CO! cte each other. Washington made us a Republic; no doubt Monroe has kept us as unsullied a Republic is we are. These services were political mainly. They looked inward to the status and security of our form of gov ernment. Since that time we have done a k'reat deal of looking outward. Lincoln looked outside the con stitutionally recognized class of humanity to another class, the Black Man, and emancipated him The pres ent President has looked still farther abroad and would bring peace to the world. We still need Washington to warn us against cur tailing our freedom by alliance with those who are not of our spirit; we still need Lincoln to warn us that political liberty is not enough, economic liberty must come also; and we need Wilson's doctrine that not even our favored and peaceable Republic is safe if the seeds of the scourge of war have opportunity to germinate anywhere in the world. If you get only half way up the mountain, voU get a better view than if you remained in the valley Man is a old as his heart is, woman is as old as her art is, love is as old as your arteries.