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The Ford International Weekly THE DEARBORN IN DEPEND ENT Publtsktd h THE DKARBORN PUBLISHING CO. Dearborn, Michigan HENRY FORD. President. C, J. FORD, N ice President. ft, FORD, Secretary Treasurer. K G. PI PP. Editor. Twentieth War, Number 21, March 20, 1 920. The price ml icrtption in the United States and its possessions ii 0 Dollar year; in Canada. One Dollar and Fifty Cents; and in other countries. Two Dollars. Single Copy, Five Cents. , Entered aa Second-Claw Matter at the Peg Office at Dearborn, Michigan, under the Act of March I, 1879. Mr. Asquith's Treaty THE return of Herbert Henry Asquith to the Brit ish Parliament and the tense crisis over the Adri atic dispute coincide queerly enough, since Asquith was the man who shaped the famous Treaty of London the first of the notorious secret treaties. SO abhorred by Americans. An additional note of interest is found in the cir cumstance that Mr. Asquith was the first European statesman of rank to sketch an idea for a League of Nations; and that he did so immediately preceding the negotiation of the secret treaty with Italy. The story of events is as follows: Toward the close of 1914 Mr. Asquith. then prime minister, spoke at Dublin and in the course of his speech declared old political terms had ceased to be useful, and that a league of peoples probably would seem the insurance the world would seek in the future. It was the first touch of idealism to come out of Europe following the British decision to make war for the invasion of Belgium. Italy was the ally of Austria and Germany in the Triple Alliance: but, in 1902, Italy had concluded a crtt treaty with Erance for the partition of Northern Africa and. long before the war, had resolved to make no big effort to back up her nominal allies as against France. When the Great War came. Austria (and Germany) made strenuous efforts to line Italy up, or at least to keep her neutral. Austria went 'so far as to offer to Italy the districts of the old Austrian Em pire which were, beyond dispute, Italian. Germany sent Von Buelow, who made even more extravagant offers which, however, were not warmly backed up by Austria-Hungary, who was to pay them. But. with thee offers in hand, Italy went to the Allies to see whether they cared to outbid them. So Italy came to Mr. Asquith, Sir Edward (now tint) Grey being absent through illness at the time, and the result was a secret treaty ; that treaty has been the stumblingblock of the Peace Conference for more than a year ; it nearly sent President Wilson away from Paris in anger; it has kept Europe in a turmoil ; and more recently it produced a sharp crisis betw en the Allied powers on the one side and the United States on the other, when President Wilson jumped to the support of the Jugo-Slavs against an Allied agreement which favored Italy. The Treaty of London was the price Mr. Asquith paid for Italian co-operation in the war; and through Italian co-operation. H r it ish endeavors were extended to the conquest of Mesopotamia, East Africa. Palestine, as well as strengthening the hold on Egypt and Persia. The price included a slice of Serbia Dalmatia (with a three per cent Italian population). None exceeds the Serbs in loyalty to the Allied cause and in the sufferings they endured for that loyalty; it included the South Tyrol, with its German population. It included most of Albania, some of Turk y, and something in Africa; it included the strategic and mercantile control of the driatic Sea. The price is the more remarkable the closer it is studied. Take the case of Albania alone. In 1912 the European powers met under the leadership of Sir Ed ward Grey in London and erected Albania as a per petually independent and neutral state, pledging each and all of the Powers to respect its freedom. Yet the Secret Treaty of London (with no indiscreet reference, however, to a "scrap of paper") took Albania's only good port. Yalmia. and gave it to Italy; gave Italy a protectorate over a large central area; reserved the ; -rthern part as compensation to be offered to Serbia, and the southern portion as a reward to Greece. Mr. Atquith, during his campaign for election to Parliament, took occasion to defend this treaty as a very valuable and proper method, entirely justified on everv ground. The world finds .t hard to agree t u a destruction of one document is I good basis toi in construction of another; and funis it even harder to ft mil that a policy of "parcelling out" BftUoUf property even though like Albania, they be only the niall change" of diplomatic bargaining, is m hue with the spirit of the times, the letter of the League ot Nations, or even the purport of Mr sMuith's own memorable and idealistic utterances in Dublin in 1914. There is vet another phase of this Treaty's effect which is worth considering. The revelations ot I mice Sixtus. Of Bourbon, have shown clearly that Austria Wftl ready and anxious to quit, With reasonable sacnlues. earlv in 1917; the emperor himself held the same view The obstacle of Austria's quitting was not Germany, but Italy; Austria was not dismembered and Italy could not collect her full price unless she was Therefore the war must go on until Austria was further wrecked, and Italy able to collect. How the end of the war might have been hastened by the withdrawal of Aus tria in the spring or summer of 1917. and how many lives might have been spared, is left to the reader to conjecture. As things stand today, quite apart from the ag gravated Adriatic issue, which it is almost impossible to settle now without leaving the seeds for another war, both Austria and Hungary have been reduced not merely to national fragments, but to incapacitated frag ments, which is a far different and very much more serious thing. France, denuded of Alsace and Lor raine, was still Erance, a national entity, able to carry forward a national business. Austria and Hungary both are so shorn that, punishment aside, they create a double embarrassment on the world. There they are. a definite number of human be ings, many of them in no way directly responsible for their plight, without food and with little else except disease, and no present means of helping themselves. The world knows it cannot stand aside and say, "Very well," and with a shrug of the shoulders, "if they can not live, let them die." Such a conception of human relations would outrage even the bitterest foe of the afflicted countries. It merely illustrates how punishment can be car ried to the point where the punisher suffers as much as anyone else ; and the punisher, in this case, is wring ing its hands today in an effort to undo something it in sisted on doing; the reduction of the Dual Monarchy not only to military impotence, but to economic im potence as well. Yet if it had not been for Italy's persistence in 1917, Austria-Hungary in all likelihood would have made peace, would have yielded much and would have been properly chastened. And if it had not been for the Treaty of London, Italy would not have had the basis for her persistence; and if it had not been for Mr. Asquith's diplomacy, there would have been no Treaty of London. And the Treaty of London, today, in spite of Mr. Asquith's genial view of it, is an offense to nine tenths of the inhabitants of the civilized world. Warnings Rumania's Man THE chancelleries of Europe are ready to agree with remarkable unanimity that out of Rumania has come a great man and a great hope. The man is Dr. Yaida-Voevod, prime minister of Greater Rumania, and the hope is for an industrious, prosperous people who shall be considered among the stable powers of the earth. Dr. Vaida-Voevod is, or was, a Hungarian citizen. Of Rumanian descent, he went to the Hungarian Parlia ment representing Transylvania and fought its battles. He is a patriot, and no opportunist, a man described as an "enlightened, purposeful and sincere personality." In a way he symbolizes his nation's historic achieve ment. Rumania can look back on 19 centuries of some what turbulent history, running all the way from Tra jan's settlement. Through all manner of adventures and invasions a national tradition has been preserved until, in the last fight for independence. Rumania emerges with a population more than three times as large as that contained by her old boundaries. One hundred years ago the Great Powers were no greater than is Rumania now. And to guide the pregnant future of the new state this man is chosen who enunciates as his fundamental truth, that the prosperity of every country depends on the well-being and stability of its neighbors. If that spirit were at large among leaders and peoples there would be no Balkan trouble. Such a spirit of moderation, coupled with firmness, forbearance and energy, will go far to realize Rumania's hope and justify the world's recognition of her claims to a larger place in the concert of nations. FROM all sides come warnings of impending change in the economic conditions of the countn ten whose business it is to read the meaning of the figures ot business have for a long time been sounding notes mi alarm. Others whose part it is to observe ti e rela tion between the mental and moral aspects of our life and the material part, are very insistent that we are bringing ourselves to a place where swift ret t ihution will fall. Travelers from afar are astounded at the changes which have occurred in the life of America one very competent Japanese observer saying that it has every appearance of the decay of Occidental iviliza t ion. More conservative men look for less than ca lamity, though they earnestly predict change, f .j import. And the mass of the people themseK t seem to be waiting for something to break. There ; every where a hazy expectation of some event which they hope will shake things down to their normal basis again. One of the alarming symptoms of the times is the decrease of our exports and the enormous increase of our imports. Ships crossing from America to Europe have cabin and hold space to spare, while ships com ing in are loaded to the limit with pftSSengen and freight. The signs are that our boasted st cks of goods arc not here, or if here, are not moving, No doubt the exchange situation has something to do with that. Groups who control such matters and they are not the governments nor the peoples have made it im possible for European countries to buy our products. If this were resulting in a throw-back of our com modities upon ourselves the effect would be a decrease in prices here. But that effect is not evident. On the contrary, prices here are rising. Even in those lines of business where service has always held at least an equal place with profits, prices are rising by the com pulsions of the situation. All this indicates one of two things, either that we are in the power of a group of world speculators who are operating on an hitherto unknown scale, or we are facing a shortage of the things on which we live. The former is the case to some extent, but the latter case is very evident. Our former plenty has deserted or is deserting us. The things on which we live are becoming harder to get even with our larger amounts of money. There is a difference between a money stringency and a material stringency. A nation that has produced a sufficiency of the things of its livelihood has at least the means of living, regardless of the money situa tion. Put what will it profit any nation to octroi the world's gold, if it lacks lumber for its homes and food for its people? The plain indications of the situation are too plain that is what renders them so ineffective. To this jazz generation which gets so much of its education from the unrealities of the picture film, which mistakes bizarre effects for solid achievement, and which flaunts its self-sufficiency in the face of the moral law, plain indications are not very impressive. This generation looks for magicians when it should be seeking teachers. It has an unwholesome hope for "happening- when it should pin its faith to the copy-book truths which never wear out and which are never out-of-dnte. If changes impend which shall imperil the fc of the people, there is just one thing a sensible nati I can do, namely, store up against the lean years the materials of living. If things are in the country, we can get at them, regardless of any monetary ituati i Bread, if it exists, can be eaten even when money has d,saP" pearcd. But if we are so dissatisfied with p irdy arti ficial arrangements that we will not produce the mean of living for fear a hated class will get contro' of them, the upshot will be that neither ourselves nor that class will have them, and Need, which is no respects classes, will stalk this land so lately the source of the world's supplies. Nature has not gone on strike, but human co-operation with nature is sadly wanting. To state it baldly, men are not working. They are not producing. They imagine in so acting that they are getting even with somebody. They fancy they hau1 the satisfaction of spiting someone, or of crtppWjl some unfriendly system. In reality they are simp) baring a place on the world's economic body where a blow could strike with utmost force. They are la ing themselves open to all the darts of adversity. T are preparing the ground for a crop of distress. Nothing is more pointedly indicated as the Pr dential duty of the day than to produce all that can produced, for then we shall have the products on W ,c. to live whatever happens. When our sole business living, the presence of goods is the greatest weal p. lack of goods will make any time of stress an relieved tragedy. As human beings whose I constant, as heads of families whose responsibilM cannot be evaded, as citizens of a world whose very hangs on co-operation in work, the duty that con ro us is just so simple to produce the things of w we may have need.