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The Ford. International Weekly THE 1DEA1R1S0RM INDEPENDENT Published h THE DEARBORN PUBLISHING CO. Dearborn, Michigan HENRY FORD. President. C J. FORD. Vice President. E. B. FORD, SecreUry-Tretrer. Twentieth Year. Number 34, June 19, 1020. The price of subscription in the United States and its possessions is One Dollar a year; in Canada. Onr Dollar and Fifty Cents; and in other countries. Two Dollars. Single Copy, Five Cents. Entered as Second-Class Matter at the Post Office at Dearborn, Michigan, under the Act of March 3, 1879. Why Non-Partisanism Fails GEORGE ADE once said that the first independent voters in the United States were Republicans who had not been fed. Whatever its origin, the independent vote in America has grown to tremendous power, and the efforts of every politician are bent on giving it the direction he wishes. Of late years, there has been an effort to organize this vote, or at least sections of the vote, into various non-partisan associations which will either obtain the nomination of certain sets of candidates, or pledge nominees to certain acts or programs. This has been the result, largely, of the feeling that the United States is irrevocably committed to the two-party system, and that any good must come through the dealing with the existing parties. This worked out as a fact with prohibition, but has not and is not likely to work in all cases. Its danger is a basic corruption of politics in certain interests, pledges to catch votes, and general weakness of the men elected. It is also begging the question. The failure of new parties in the United States can largely be traced to their ambition. All want to elect a president the first year, when their job is to elect Congressmen. If Congress were pervaded by a num ber of small party groups, standing for real issues, giv ing legislation real scrutiny, a moribund legislature might be regenerated. Non-partisanism has been, on the whole, a failure. The two-party system has not stood up well because the parties have gradually drifted together and now stand for nothing essentially different. Not one new party, but several new parties, Farmers, Labor, and what not, with a dozen, or two dozen, members each in Congress would force every party that kept the field really to stand up and be something more than a net to catch offices. The Two-Hundredth Submission A FEW weeks ago there appeared in one of the magazines a story which had been submitted to the editors just two hundred times. One hun dred and ninety-nine times it had been rejected, but just because the author had faith that it was a good story and would ultimately sell, he sent it out again. On the two-hundredth submission, it sold, and after deducting some fifty dollars which had been expended in postage, during the eight years the story had been going the rounds, the net revenue to the author more than paid for his persistency. As an example of the reward of keeping at it, this would seem to be almost without parallel. We have known writers who, if their work did not sell after being submitted half a dozen times, would relegate the manuscripts to the morgue. That they did not have faith in their work and their ability to sell it goes without saying. It is faith in your work, and the ever lastingly keeping at it, which wins in the end. A prominent author once said "Success in literature is merely a matter of postage." Success in any line of endeavor is merely a matter of keeping at it. If the men who compassed the walls of Jericho had grown tired after marching around the city six times, they would never have accomplished its overthrow. Hut they kept on, and marched around once more, and the walls fell and they entered the city. There are a great many people who grow faint hearted if the thing they are most interested in having come to pass is not accomplished immediately. They throw up their hands and say "What's the use of try ing?" They are the sort of people who deserve to fail. It is only those who strive to the end, who merit success. Fifty years ago the advocates of national prohibi tion were in the great minority. They were laughed at People said : "It might be a good thing, but it will never come to pass." But the others thought differently. They had faith and the quality for keeping at it, and the Eighteenth Amendment is a monument to their efforts. Today the prospect seems dark for universal peace. The air is not filled with rumors of peace, but with rumors of war. The world, having not yet recovered from one conflict, appears to be preparing itself for the next. Armies are still marching in Europe. Swords are not being "beaten into plowshares," but whetted on the grindstone for future service. In the industrial world, everything is chaos. Threats, attempts at co ercion, the settling of disputes by force, by both labor and capital, are the order of the day. There are, however, many who do not yet despair. They do not believe that strife will always be found to be the best method of settling disputes. They believe that there is a better way of winning the other fellow over to your point of view than by the use of your fists. In that day, perhaps remote,, but some time in the future, argument and persuasion will take the place of the cannon, the rifle, and the anarchist's bomb. If they keep up their faith in the thing they arc striving to accomplish, and do not falter in their efforts, they will win in the end. If any grow tired, and begin to lose hope, let that man or woman think of the author whose story was rejected one hundred and ninety-nine times, but sold on the two-hundredth submission. Japanese Wisdom AMERICANS get very curious reading from dis patches from Tokio which tell of strong opposition to the Anglo-Japanese treaty because it might involve Japan in a war with the United States if Great Britain and this country should come in conflict. The feeling in America, without much information as to the de tails of this treaty, has always been the reverse that Great Britain might be called on to fight America in Japan's behalf. Apparently, under the treaty, this is impossible and the other event possible only by a technical reading of the instrument. The important point is that a strong pro-American party insists on revision to obviate even this remote possibility. They hold that Japan's interests demand permanent peace with the United States, and in this they are clearly correct. Despite all commercial opportunities in the two Americas, Japan's major field is to her west, on the Asiatic mainland. War with the United States, even with a victory which Japan naturally believes it could gain, would terribly cripple her. Facing a hostile continent to exploit, her tttetnf drained by the enormous expenses of modern war, crippled in her American relations, even a victorious Japan would find herself in bitter straits. A defeated Japan would disappear as a first-class nation. The Yachting Classic SIX years late, but still as good as new, the latest of the Shamrocks makes ready to contest for The America's Cup, postponed from 1914 because of the war. The battered mug for which the race is sailed is the trophy of the aquatic classic of the world. Contemplating the race, one understands better what it takes to be a classic. In the first place, the cup, for which millions have been spent, is not of sufficient in trinsic value to buy a sail for any of the cup contenders, not even the smallest of the many sails The yachts themselves are useful for this race only, and then useless forevermore. Even their junk valu i3 low, though doubtless that of the Shamrock, Vanitie, and Resolute has appreciated litlce they were built by reason of the increasing cost of material. When the race is over, nothing is proved except that after time has been corrected, one yacht has beaten the other. The yacht that first crosS d the finish ljnc may have been the loser, but time tells Many people will have been seasick and many will be hungry, and go home to read in the paper which yacht was the vic tor, and then not know which was which. Millions more will read and thrill as they read. These are the things that make it a classic. Its All Settled Now IN UPHOLDING the Eighteenth Amendment and the Volstead Prohibition Enforcement Act, the Su 1 t erne Court did only what was expected. Wets had hoped otherwise, and certainly the curious wording 0f the amendment had left it open to attack. Other points that of the referendum, and the intrinsic unconstitu tionality of the amendment, the court merely brushed ;i side. The decision was expected, because in a general way the Supreme Court registers the will of the people. It docs so slowly, the tone of its decisions scarcely changes over a decade, but since the Dred Scott decision which overthrew the Missouri Compromise and was one of the steps to the Civil War, it is hard to recall that the court has done anything socially revolutionary. Its decision, while it ends one line of attack, does not absolutely end the possibilities of effort on the part of the wets. It does, however, end flank attacks. Fu ture battles must be fought by frontal assaults on the political front. Probably the next effort of the wets will be to raise the percentage of alcohol in near-beer to that now in vogue in Canada, two and one-half per cent. This will be bitterly fought, of course, and it requires no second sight to predict that when the battle ends, the United States will be dry as the Desert of Sahara, at noon, midsummer's day. The Peril of a National Police IN A recent interview, Joseph M. Quigley, president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police, predicted a Federal police for the United States, to supersede the present local police in the detection and prevention of crime. This new force, he said, would come into being in the next five years. This new force would naturally be much more ef ficient than the present scattered and loosely co ordinated bodies, but even apart from constitutional provisions which probably would prevent it from sup planting the local forces, might be a very bad thing. In European countries, national police have tended to become oppressive, to become political as well as criminal police. Abuses are hard to remedy, especially when they are local and the authorities far away. Local police are responsive to local conditions and to local pressure. This is a weakness, but it is also one of the safeguards of liberty. The permanent bureaucracy of a national police can afford to laugh at the protests of citizens. Only the most tremendous upheaval can unseat the bureaucrat. England is now fighting the nationalization of its local police, the centralization of control of police forces. It is having some experience with the political use of a nationalized police, and has not liked the taste it got. We have not yet had even that taste, but prob ably should like it even less. The National Guard Situation THE rebuilding of the National Guard, shattered by the World War, is a slow and laborious process. In the more energetic states, where funds for recruit ing have been provided, notable beginnings have been made. Bill to bring the organization back to where it was before the war will be a matter of some years. Where the guard once had to contend with the epithet of "tin soldier," wiped out forever on many a bloody field in Europe, it now has a new enemy. Few of the soldiers of the war care to enlist, or such as discovered a fondness for military life have been gobbled up by the regulars. With a few exceptions, the veterans of the war have had enough soldiering, if not for a lifetime, at least for thf present. The enlistments of ex-sokttcri are mostly of men who expect, in the expanding of the guard, to win commissions. A year and a half since the armistice has not been lllfficfc ut to grow a new crop of recruits, lince the war I Wept into the ranks thousands of boys who would Otherwise in the course of a few years have been Na tional Guard material. Elder brothers' stories of the war and of the lot of the enlisted man have dis eotiraged others. 'I he National Guard, or some similar organization, is a practical necessity to the United States, which does not wish a considerable standing army. It is far leM likely to lead to trouble than a large army, and the of ficers who arc fighting universal inertia to rebuild t deserve well of the country.