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THE WEALTH MAKERS. February 14, 1895 4 WEALTH MAKERS. Hw Bart at TEE ALLIANCE-INDEPENDENT. Coaaattdatloa W ta Evuun AnUute tad Nb. Indtptndnt. rClUIHIS BTXRY THURSDAY IT & Wtaltk K&koi Ptbliahiif Otmpuj, T'ft If t T hmr. Erttraska 9mm How abb Omioa, . Editor J. a. Htatt. .Busiasas Maaaes jv. z p. a "II any bu mart Ml lor m to rls, Tbb sssk I sot to climb. Anotbtr! pals I boos aot for my good. A golden ehala, A rob of nonor, la too good a prlat To tempi my haaty hand to dn a mr"i- Unto a follow maa. Tnl Ufa hath wo Bo indent, wrought by mas' satanle tot; tad who that hath a bart wonld dan prions; Or add a Borrow to a atrlckm tool That ( a naallaa; balm to make It wholsT lty bosom owas to brotherhood ol man." Pnbllahera' Announcement. Ta (BbnerlpUoa prlo ol Tbb Wealtb Mas Baa Is tl.Wi par ysar, la ad van. Aawata la solldtlna; sobaerlptlons sboald b Try sarMol that all name ar eorrsctly ipxlltd Bad proper postofflc glvsa. Blank lor mora subscriptions, return uvlops, tie., can be bad oa application to this office. Always sign your nam. No matter how often to writ a do not nwtlect this Important mat ir. Ersry week we reoelr letters wltb Incom plete addresses or without iR-natnre and It la sometimes difficult to locate them. Cbansb or addbcss. Subscribers wishing to eh unite their postoffic address must always kIts their former a wall a tbelr present add rex when shang will b promptly mad. STATEMENT CIRCULATION J. 8. Hyatt, Badness llanaoer of Ths wealth Makers Publishing Company, being duly sworn, says that the actual number of loll and complete copies of Tbb Wbaltb Makbbs printed during the sis months end ing October 11, 1MH, was 211,200. Weekly average, 8.123. Bwora to before m and subscribed la my j "AI-J preseao uus utn any 01 uccoDer, lsw. ISBAJ.J K. i. HDBXETT, Notary Public. ADVERTISING RATES. l.It per lack. I eente per Agate Ha. U IIbs to the Inch. Liberal discount oa larg apao or Id ax time contract. Address all adrsrtlslng eommoaleatloBs to WEALTH MAKERS PUBLISHING CO., J. 8. Hi att. Baa. Mgr. Send Us Two (lew Names With $ft, and your own subscription will be ex tended One Year Free of Cost. Tbb United Stutes Bakers' Trust stands between those who pray for daily bread and ths Almighty, and says to both, "We are running the bread busi ness, and unless our price is paid for it. it is no use to pray." ON the question in the senate of voting gold bonds, which Cleveland in his mes sage urged, two-thirds of the affirmative votes werefromllepublicans, three-quarters of the negative votes were from Dem ocrats. The Populists were of course unanimously against the bonds. A bill has passed the Kansas senate to reduce stock yard charges about 50 pee cent. A committee of investigation appointed by the house is soon to report and no further action will be taken until the committee which is visiting the stock yards at Kansas City is heard from. The People's party central committee of Chicago held a meeting Feb. 5, which was largely attended. Resolutions were passed declaring for a middle of the road policy and opposing fusion, and a resolution was added requiring that each delegate taking a seat in the ap proaching convention must subscribe to the middle of the road policy. The Pops are a wild and woolly set ol anarchists no doubt, but where is the governor of any state who has displayed more quiet, gentlemanly dignity, coupled with calm, conservative decision, than have been shown by Nebraska's Populist governor during his first six weeks of executive responsibility? Governor Hol- como is a credit to ieDraska as wen as to the Populists who elected him. It is seldom that a meeting of the city council of Lincoln occurs without giving occasion for our Populist mayor to veto seme scheme of our Republican council. The recent attempt of the council to give Messrs. Green & Van l)uyn 1 13,000 as a commission for selling some refunding bonds of the city is in keeping with other schemes of the gang. It is fortunate that a people's mayor stands guard over the people's interests in Lincoln. If we had an inheritance tax in the United States such as they enforce in Eng. land it would slice down the big fortunes. The estate of John Walter, the late pro prietor of the London Times, an estate of $1,800,000, had to pay over $100, 000 inheritance tax. Jay Gould's heirs at the same rate would have been com pelled to pay about $8,000,000. Let as keep up with Great Britain in reducing I tit cower of commercial kinirs. THE WEALTH AQAI58T 00MM0H WEALTB We have just finished reading Henry D. Lloyd's new book, Wealth Against Coin inon wealth, and found it more interest ing than fiction, morestartliug than any tragedy. It is the story of the rise oi commercial kings among us, their early conspiracies and conquests, their way to Dower, the absorption of the natural stores and control of transportation, their enormons tribute drawn from all the people, their successful attempts tc ruin all rivals and obtain privileges which put an end to competition, leaving them power to decree prices of goods and labor, a power which increases by what it feeds on and bus no limitation of in crease until all workers the world around shall be reduced to complete destitute dependence, and shall have re ceived upon their backs the heaviest bur dens of productive toil and self denial they can stagger and live under. Mr. Lloyd has devoted years of must diligent, faithful, expensive research to the gathering of the facts which he hat put together in this great book. They have been found in the reports of state and congressional committees, in reports of the Inter State Commerce Commission jn the voluminous records of the courts; and part of his evidence of the means and workings of the monster monopolies have been obtained direct from the lips of living witnesses who have been ruined by their power, or have, from inside sources, had intimate knowledge of their schemes and doings. The concentration of wealth is absorb ing and destroying the commonwealth. The growth of monopolies has been the cause of, and has kept exactly equal to, the spread of poverty. The corpora tions, syndicates and trusts raise prices and curtail production becuuse there is too much oil, coal, lumber, iron and flour, to sustain the prices to provide the profit they lust after. At the same time the people who produce all wealth suffer from cold and hunger, and never have all their legitimate wants supplied. Mr. Lloyd gives the full history of the rise and growth of the Standard Oil Trust, "the parent of the trust system," that seeing it we may have a cloar concep tion of the whole family of trusts, whose features and workings are the same. The home of the Oil Trust is Cleveland. Its conqnest of the oil business was made possible by what Mr. Lloyd calls "the smokeless rebate," a secret agreement with the railroads by which the trust secured not only very much lower rates on its own shipments of oil, but also all the excess in freight charges which its rivals paid. It was a secret weapon that struck down all rivals, a noiseless, invis ible force of universal sweep and world wide range which the private ownership of public highways put into the control of men of unlimited greed. The rail roads in this favoritism, by their special rutes and rebates, have also built up the coal combines, the dressed beef and pork trusts, and other great monopolies that draw tribute from all the, people. Mr. Lloyd vividly describes the effects of "the smokeless rebate" in the oil regions, the panics it caused in oil speculations and among oil property holders, the bank violence almost of civil war in Pennsyl vania. Many, ruined, committed suicide. Hundreds were forced into bankruptcy and insane asylums. But while every one else was failing half a dozen men whom the railroads were favoring were rising to thrones of wealth and power unparallelled. It was wading through slaughter to a throne. It was the financial destruction of many to enrich a few. The first of the six (John D. Rockefeller) started a little oil refinery in Cleveland in 1862. Prior to that he had been a book-keeper and then a partner in a very small country-produce store. He conceived the scheme of getting "the smokeless rebate" at work, and first associated with him his brother and an English mechanic who was bought out by them later. In two or three years another partner was added who began life as a clerk in a country store and had been in the salt and lum ber business in the west. A young man who had been in the oil regions only eleven years (two of the years as an errand boy), a lawyer, a railroad man, a cotton broker, a farm laborer who had become a refiner, were at different times admitted into the circle of the ruling coterie. By their first contract with the rail roads handling oil the managers agreed to, (1) double freight rates, (2) not to charge the Oil Trust the increase, (3) to give them the increase from all competi tors, (4) to make any other changes of rates necessary to guarantee their success in business, (5) to destroy- their competi tors by high freight rates, (6) to spy out the details of their competitors' business. Understand, these rates, in some cases more than doubled, were to be ostensibly charged to all shippers, but the oil com bination, then called the South Improve ment Investment Company, was to have it paid back as a rebate, and the extra charge by increase of rates paid by others was not kept by the railroads, but was paid over to the ruling oil coterie. The result was all that reason could have forseen would result One refiner after another was ruined and his plant was bought in by the new oil kings at their own terms (an eighth to half what it was worth or wonld have been worth could he have secured as good freight rates as any other refiner), and with his own money which "the smokeless rebate" had secretly transferred from his own account to the pockets of hie favored The Oil Kings as they rose to power were discovered and fought in the mark ets and courts, with pipe lines, and by re finers also who had water-way outlets but not till their power by railway favor itism had become so great they could and did buy up courts and legislatures. Tbey hired men to blow np rival refineries re gardless of life that might be destroyed Tbey suborned witnesses aud perjured themselves. They spirited away wit nesses and tried to lead them into de bauchery and ruin. They got control of the oil business by using the railroads, as modern highwaymen, to rob and ruin their rivals for them. They kept abso. lute control of it by fighting pipe lines, forcibly tearing up pipes and by obstruc tion in the courts to use up the means and wear out and so get power to finally buy np pipe line stockholders. They taxed the people by dismantling or limit lug the output of absorbed refineries and holding up prices enough to employ the most brilliant legal talent (solicitors and judges) to wear out their competitors and to save themselves from criminal convictions beyond such as allowed fines to serve as penalties. The court records against the Oil Trust mysteriously disap peared out of thedocument-room taking with them the story of a woman's busi ness whom the Trust destroyed. They succeeded in getting the investigation of the Committee of Commerce of Congress in 1872 suppressed, the testimony be fore the House Committee of Commerce in 1870 was stolen, and testimony on re cord taken by Congress in the Buffalo Explosion Casein 1883 was mutiluted. In the year 1878 "the smokeless re bate" robbed the other refiners and ship pers of $3,093,750, which vast sum was turned over to the Oil Kings, la the in vestigations made by courts and com missions tne rauroaas reiusea to oring their contracts before the public, alleg ing as a reason that "it might incrimi nate us. .The Oil Trust after obtaining control ol tne business shut out a new process which an oil refiner had patented which greatly cheapened and improved the pro duct violently, destroyed his works by its hired agents, because it would necessitate the destruction of the large capital in vested in their machinery and their plants in part if permitted to come into use. They also systematically saved by making a poorer, less perfectly refined oil, using absolute power for selfish ends as men always do. Mr. Lloyd in this great work has given us the history of the rise of commercial despots among us, and the secret sources of their growing power, the unguarded quarter thrown open by granting to private corporations the public high ways, by which the wealth of the people is being absorbed and our independence gradually lost. He shows that "Liberty aud monopoly cannot live together:" that the power of monopoly to extenc and multiply itself is subversive of tin rights of all who come into commercial relations with it. In his closing chaptei the author sums up the situation in part in two paragraphs which we quote be low: We have a people like which none has ever existed before. We have millions capable of conscious c-ooperation. The time must ome in social evolution when the people can organize the free-will to choose salvation which the individual has been cultivating for 1900 years, and can adopt a policy more dignified and moreenective than leaving themselves to be kicked along the path of reform by the recoil of their own vices. We must bring the size of our morality up to the size of our cities, corporations and com binations, or they will be brought down to fit our half grown virtue. Industry and monopoly cannot live to gether. Our modern perfection of ex change and division of labor cannot last without equal perfection or morals and sympathy. Fvery one is living at the mercy of every one else in a way entirely peculiar to our times. Nothing is any oneer made by man; parts of things are made by parts of men, and become whole by the luck of good-humor which so far keeps men from flying asunder. It takes a whole company to make a match. A hundred men will easily produce a hund red million matches, but not one of them could make one match. No farm gets its plough from the cross-road black smith, and no one in the chilled-steel factory knows the whole plough. The life of Boston hangs on a procession ol reciprocities which must move, as steadily and sweetly as the roll of the planets, be tween its bakeries, the Falls of St. An thony, and the valley of the Red River. Never was there a social machinery so delicate. Only on terms of love and justice can men endure contact so close. The style of the book is above praise, and the author's grasp of conditions, forces and individuals and social necessi ties requiring change, make him per haps the great social leader of this gene ration. He has in Wealth Against Com monwealth turned on a great light that must awaken the slumbering love of justice and independence in the American people, and that will alarm the monopo lists as well as the more intelligent of the masses. Wealth Avalnet Commonwealth, by Henry D- Llovd. Published by Harper & Brothers. Frank ly n Sqaare, New York. 1'ages 6tt8. Price 350 The Republican papers are beginning their regular semi-annual shout for the best men to rush forward and control the nominations of their party. This kind of talk always precedes thecity elec tions in the spring and the general elec tions is the fall. Then when the nomina tiohs are made, in accordance with the dictation of the corporations, these papers swallow the whole ticket at one gulp and shout "stand by the party;" and, alasl how many voters are pulled into line against their own better judg ment. When shall we become men with minds of onr own? HOVE STRAIGHT AHEAD There is a movement on foot, reported in the Washington dispatches to the Chicago Times. World-Herald and other papers, to split the Democratic party on the silver question. ' It is slated that the silver men have formulated a program or programs to consolidate the anti-ad ministration 16 to 1 free coinage Demo crats and capture the next national Democratic convention, if possible. In the event of capturing it they will name a free silver candidate and make silver the issue, but expect all the eastern Democrats and what gold basis Demo crats there are in the West and South to bolt Such action. On the other hand it is stated that if they fail to get control of the convention, they, the silver men, "will bolt the convention in a body, tall a convention of their own, frame theie platform and name their man for the presidency." To this bolting action at the convention, on the contingency named, men are now being pledged, it is reported. Bryan, Bland, Bailey, Whit ing, Fithian, McLaurin, McGuire, Cox and Boatner are named as the leaders who have the movement most in hand, but about sixty congressmen are report ed to be in it. It is stated that these sixty or more Democratic silver leaders will organize immediately, and before congress closes, the 1th of March, issue an open letter to the silver men of the Democratic party, "Should Populists, like Simpson, Pence and McKeighan, or Republicans like Jones, and Dubois and Pettigrew, who profess free silver as a cardinal point of politics, join in this silver movement, they must join as Democrats, under the Hug of Democracy. There will be no fu sion; nothing that will permit the claim now or hereafter, that the people involv ed and the party constructed are any thing but the pure Democrats." Bailey and Bryan have been asked by Bland and others to prepare the letter. It will, it is said, declare for free coinage of gold and silver at 10 to 1 as the fixed policy of the government, against na tional banks, for a tariff for revenue only and a return to strict construction of the constitution to preserve states' rights. It will be signed by every silver Demo crat in the house and senate. It is in short the same plan on a na tional scale to capture the national con vention that the Bryanites put through here in Nebraska to capture the state convention. If the report is reliable aud the next lew weeks will make it clear if it is there will be two Democratic parties in 1890, or there will be a Democratic party in the West and South, and the eastern Democrats will go over to the Republi cans. Now how would this affect the the Populist party? It will undoubtedly draw away from us such as consider free coinage the "cardinal point" or principal plank in our platform. Are there many such? We think not. And we can spare with out real injury the one-idea men who are at present trying in vain to trim our sails and throw overboard our ballast. Some of our leaders and we might as well call some of them by name Tau beneck, Turner, Weaver and a small per centage in the state organizations like them think they are "practical politi cians," and that all the rest, including nine-tenths of the party leaders, should be nosed about by them. These "practi cal" fellows are for the most part honest men, but lacking in breadth and depth of mind or strength of moral convictions. They really believe, perhaps, that a re form party can be advanced by changing its front, by dropping out its principal demands, by scheming and fusing with and being smarter than the politicians of other parties. Taubeneck and Weaver, perhaps, think it will be fatal to us if another party for free silver is organized, and that it is policy for as to slip out of sight those stumbling stones and rocks of offense in our platform that are called socialistic, viz., the demand for the government ownership of the railroads, telegraphs, telephones and banks, the last to pro vide money for all at labor cost "not to exceed two per cent per annum." There is, however, an element causing dishar mono who are not aud never were Popu lists from intelligent comprehension and moral conviction. Their minds are filled with the dust of the past, or by natural feebleness of understanding they can not think out clearly something better and juster than the old; or they have come to us for what they could get out of the movement by being brought into public notice and being paid one way or another for acting their part. The Populist party press, state and national organs, we happen to kuow, is almost to the last paper unchanged in its devotion to the Populist principles embraced in the Omaha platform. Aud not only do our party editors know what the party principles are, but they know the minds of the rank and file as none others can, and they and their sup porters will not be turned aside by schemers inside and outside the party. Let the Democrats split if they want to. Let them organize a free silver fourth party if they choose. Those who want something more than the coinage of both silver and gold and government paper based on it, will stay with us and come to us out of all parties. The one- idea ("pure Democrats") party may play quite a part in the next campaign, but it cannot win on a reform that pro mises nothing more than to restore the financial laws of the past. The party of the people is the party of progress, of new ideas and measures, and none other can be the party of the present and the future. ASHAMED OF OUR PRINCIPLES In the Senate, January 15th, last, Ne braska's Populist Senator essayed to prove that the Populist party is not "full of vagaries," and that its leadership is not "composed of a class of vagarists and idealists," as onr political enemies maliciously declare. He assumed to speak for the party, to be its voice to all the world, and yet, strange to say, he did not stand on or defend the platform of the party, but substituted a platform containing thirteen planks never before seen or heard of, a platform presumably of his own construction, and tried to palm it off as "embracing the principles of the Populist party." The Populist party is not honored by any such defense, by misrepresentation, by declariug its principles and demands to be what it has not in convention as sembled declared them. No man, be he great or small, high or low, member of Congress or private in the ranks, has any authority to declare any doctrines or de mands not found in the Omaha platform to be "the principles of the Populist party." Observe carefully what Mr. Allen, call ing himself a Populist.-elected to his pres ent position because of professed allegi ance to our national platform of princi. pies, declares "embrace the principles of the Populist party," and what be has really left out of and interpolated into the original text. His first three planks are on the financial question, and con tain no demand for postal savings banks and money in some way provided at "not to exceed two per cent per annum." The money question is the interest question. He does not recognize it. Therefore he is not half a Populist on the financial issue. On the transportation, telegraph and telephone questions he is no Populist at all, because he repudiates the party de mands, that these shall be owned o,nd op erated by the government in the interest of all the people and falsely says that our party asks (compare platform) for laws to regulate corporations and correct their abuses. On the land question Mr. Allen is abso lutely silent, yet says his thirteen previ ously unseen planks embrace the Popu list party principles. Senator Allen seems to be ot opinion that he carries the Populist party under his hat, that when he speaks it speaks, and that he can lead it off and away from its national platform. His efforts to fuse us with the Democrats in the last campaign and this gross, unpardonable misrepresentation of our plainly enun ciated demands and principles, fill us with the keenest disappointmect. He is ashamed of those who honored and trusted him. Ha has misrepresented and brought dishonor upon the people who lifted him to his present high position. He has publicly kicked from under him their platform, the platform on which he was elected, and made another radically different, which he knows to be such, yet calls it by the old name. Does he wish to divide the party? The bankers belong to the genus San- guisuga (bloodsucker), and have in Sher idan county, this state, followed their in stincts. The Populists four years ago passed a law requiring county treasurers to deposit county funds with banks and receive interest therefor for the county, instead of dividing it up between them selves the bankers and the political ma chine, as had been the practice. But the Sheridan county bankers got up a com bination this year to defeat the law and refused to bid against each other for the use of the county funds. Their mutually agreed on bids being too low, were re jected by the county commissioners, whereupon the banks which contained the county balances refused to carry the money longer, and the commissioners de manded that they turn over the funds on hand. Then the banks played their last card by getting 18,000 silver dollars, the sum belonging to the county, and paid them over. There were several times more oi the cartwheels than the county safe would hold, and they had to be dumped into the courthouse in bags and barrels, and guarded by armed men until arrangements could be made with banks elsewhere to take the deposit. The greed of the banking fraternity is only limited by their power. Greece is bankrupt, and "Germany and England are reported to have con sidered a naval demonstration to secure the interests of their subjects who hold stock in the Hellenic debt." That is the way to do it, collect usury at thecannon's mouth, all that the workers can live un der. Prove that governments are merely the means which the real mlers, the world's creditors, collect tribute with. Let debtors be given a warning from the two greatest powers of Europe, that they must sell all they have to pay interest obligations, or war will be declared and their country devastated with all the death-dealing instruments of modern in vention. If something is not done such as England did in Egypt when she made war on the Khedive to force the pay ment of interest that made hopeless slaves of the fellaheen, debtors of one country after auother may refuse the pound of flesh to foreign creditors, and it will no longer be possible for tribute to be drawn from the citizens of our country to enrich and add ever-increas ing power to individual citizens of an other country. Why, the disposition to be free might even spread to the debtors in the United States, and then it would be a question whether all the armies and navies of Europe could subdue that great power and force her people back into the bondage they now think honorable! A Chat i with Our Friends! The publishers of The Wealth Makers have reason to be grateful for the financial support, and the very many kind words of appreciation and approval that have come to us during the past year and especially during the last six months. When it was known that the crops in Nebras ka were a failure we felt some uueasi ness for fear that we should have to cut the paper down to four pages; but so many of our subscribers who were owing us paid up that we have been able to continue the paper its usual size; and while it has not been all that we would like to have it, it has been the best we could make it with the limited means at our com mand. But our hardest struggle is yet to come; we wish you friends to realize this fact fully, in order that you may feel keenly the weight of the responsi bility that rests upon you. We are necessarily in your hands, in your power. There are many Populists in the state who cannot possibly get the money to renew their subscription this year, or even pay what they owe us on back subscription. They would be glad to do so if they could, but the failure of crops makes it impossible. It rests then with you who can pay to see that your sub scription to The Wealth Makers is paid a year in advance in order that the state paper may not be weakened in its struggle against those who would rob us of the product of our labor. We are fighting your battles you must hold up our hands. Now friends, don't be negligent,' je thoroughly in earnest. We need the money that you owe us. You can not show your love for the principles of the Populist Party in any more effective way than by supporting the press that advocates those principki. Every shoulder to the wheel! . Pay your subscription a year in ad vance, and if possible, send in at least one new name, if only for a three month's trial. Faithfully yours, Wealth Makers Pub. Co., ' J. S. Hyatt, Bus. Mgr, Wordbworth's Prelude, by A. J. George, reviewed in The Wealth Makers two weeks ago, was by mistake accredit ed to the publishing firm of Ginn & Co., Boston, when it should have been D. C. Heath & Co. Price $1.25. BOOKS AUD MAGAZINES The Manual Training School, by C. M. Woodward, Ph. D. Dr. Woodward, director of the Manual Training School of Washington Univer sity, St. Louis, is authority on the sub ject of manual training. The book be fore us is unusually valuable to those seeking light and information as to the real value of this training and what it has done and can do for general educa tion; for, it is difficult to find in one book other than this a comprehensive account of the history, utility and cost of manual training. If manual training were useful only, or in great measure, as a technical educa tion, to teach a trade, it would scarcely have secured a hold upon the United States that it has. Dr. Woodward, when lecturing in Lincoln last winter before the State leachers Association, laid great stress upon the value of manual training in general education. It is a corrective, a true complement of our present) somewnat onesiaea ana an practical education. y 1 his book shows very strikingly from the experience of the author and others now vaiuaoie tnis training is to tne ordinary student. The time given to it is not by any means wasted, but there is a gain in time absolutely and relatively. For, the mind is trained through the hand and more effectively than as if there were no outside manual incentive. Therefore, the main value in such train ing it seems to us, will be the effect upon pupils at large whether they ever enter a trade or not. Teachers, school officers, and others desiring to look into this question may here find in good form, comprehensively set forth, what they need for guidance. 'I here is a valuable history of the growth of manual training; a chapter on lhe Complementary .Mature of Manu al Training; The Fruits of Manual Training 1 Larger claswes in the gram mar and high schools. 2. A more whole some moral education. 3. Sounder judg ment, iVc. It gives, moreover, plans of buildings. courses of study, outfits of the shops, tools used, bench exercises, shop drawt ings, &c, and a detailed account of expenses. Published by D. C. Heath & Co., Bos ton. Price $2.00. Introduction to Browning, by Hiram Corson, LL. D. Rrownincr's noetrv is aiititilo nnrl rm. found, deals with the soul quality and not ine intellectual quality so much as in manv noets. Wn thna nooA mmo troductiou to this spiritual phase of his worss, lor we are an more or less taken np with the woefully materialistic trend of everything in these latter days, and it is difficult for us to lay aside grosser things and be "in the spirit" enough to read Browning. Prof. Corson has done for the general reader a service bv this book whereby he gradually interprets the profound meaninir nf thu and places ns in touch with the writer. n ' a most sympathetic interpreter and editor. and the mwmi vi-in k.. that might otherwise escape us.