The Copiahan. [volume], October 09, 1875, Image 1

About The Copiahan. [volume] (Hazlehurst, Miss.) 1869-1876

Image provided by: Mississippi Department of Archives and History

                
' ■ 1 — — -- —t—'' ■ •-■t' aa bw ■'■ • ■■ ■ ■ •——■. r. - 1 •".:
VOL XL HAZLEHURST, COPIAH COUNTY. MSS. OCTOBER 9, 1875. , NO 7
1———-— ■ - - - - .- - - -- - ■ ■ _: 2 i - - - . — ___i ‘-i
flji* Wttkln Copiahao
B/VANCE A MA^KNUILL j
Terms; -The Copiahan is pub
)i*he<l every Saturday, at $5 {>er
annum, in ndvnuce: iwo or more
«:»pie* cadi 82 50.
Advertisement* published at $1
per square (ten lines or less; for
first insertion, and 50 cent* each
additional insertion.
Liberal arrangements made with
yearly advertiser*. Alf bin* due
on presentation
.!-.H15!lJLJl-■.‘..I MJL11.11!! ,J>. .. ■
THE BLACK CODE.
On Sopt. 4tb, Gen. J. Zf’
George wrote the following
very able lettor concerning
°tbe legislation of 1865, to J.
J. Halbert, Esq., Chairman
of Democratic-Oonsorrative
Club, Terry, Miss.
Hear Sir:—I received eev
eral days ago your letter, in
which you state that there
are many colored men in
your vicinity, who are con
vinced that great mal-ndmin
istrafion and waste of pub
lic funds have characterized
the role of the Republican
party in this State, and who
are sincerely anxious for re
form; but that they doubt
the sincerity of the declara
tion of principles contained
in our platform, and feel an
apprehension that if the
Democrats and Conservatives
get iuto power, the rights of
colored people will be, in
some way, destroyed or a
b ridged.
I have similar reports from
other parts of the State, coup
led also with the information
that the reason given for this
distrust of the white people,
is the alleged injustice of the
legislation of 1865, in "refer
ence to freedom.
The argument presented
to the freed men by t hose wlio
would still further inflame
the colored people against
the Democrats and Conser
vatives is, that the Demo
crats were in power in 1865,
and the result was tho legis
lation of that vear; and that
if they were again in power,
it is a fair presumption they
would act, as it was charged
they acted then.
The plea that the whites
are not to be trusted, because
of the legislation of 1865,
will not be received as a good
one. The answer to it will
he found in the legislation ot
the Northern States them
selves, in the acriou of the
U. S. Congress and Execu
tive, preparatory to emanci
pation during the lato war,
and iu the example of Great
Britain when she abolished
slavery in the West Indies.
A short review of this leg
islation will be well; for it
will be found after all, that
the legislation of 1865, has
in most of its provisions, its
prototype in the legislation
of tho Northern States, and
taken altogether, was more
moderate in its character, se
curing greater and moresno
stantial rights to the freed
men, and that, at a shorter
period than the legislation
attending emancipation m
any other country.
It will be scon that this
legislation Was, in fact, an at
tempt to solve a great prob
lem, to evade a great prob
lem, to evade a great difficul
ty, and that solution and
ovation, were wrought out,
or attempted to le so, with
less infringements on the
rights -of the oolored people
than in any other State whjye
slavery had been once es
tablished.
It is complained that the
whites of Mississippi did not
at once allow the freedmen
to hold real estate, and that
each one was required to
have a home or employment
byfirstday of January, 1866
In New Jersey, Pennsyl
vania, Oonneoticutand Rhode
Island, wlien they were set
free, they were not allowed
the privilege of selecting
homes at all. They were re
quired to remain with their
old masters and serve with
out pay—those already born
when enlancipation occurred,
for life, and those join after
wards, from twenty-one to
twentv-eight years.
In the British WcsiTndtes
an apprenticeship of the
freedyaan, to his former own
er, of from five to sovieo
years was required. The leg
islatnre of 1805 gave to the
freedmen the right te select
iheii own employers and to
roceive the wages of their
own labor, only requiring
that they should have homes
and an employer by a day
named.
Again the States before
named just os effectually pro
hibited negroes from having
real estate, as did the Legts
la*nreof Mississippi, for how
could they have real estate,
when they were bound to re
main with, and serve, their
former ow ners for the term
before stated.
But if it be said that it was
harsh to require freodntem
then just emancipated, to
have employment, it will
be found that this was much
less harsh than the legisla
tion of the Northern States.
The truth is, that all white
people who bad known any
thing of negro slavery, doubt
ed that, when set free, they
would volnntary work and
support themselves, and
it was feared pauperism wo’d
be largely increased by the
emancipation of even a few'
negroes.
Massachusetts prohibited
any owner from even eman
cipating his slave, unless
bond and security we;e giv
en, that he should not become
a charge on the town, stating
as a reason therefor, that
“great charges and inconven
iences had accrued to divers
tow ns by setting free of ne
gro and mulatto slaves.”—
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois
prohibited free negroes and
mulattoes from coining into,
and settling in those States
without such a bond being
given, and they imposed
heavy penalties on any per
son who would harbor, em
ploy or give sustenance to
such a negro. And finally,
after many years experience
with this clai-s of people, In
diana and Illinois by consti
tutional provision, prohibit
ed the removing to and set
tling within their bordeis of
tree negroes and mulattoes,
on any terms whatever.
Oregon, (w hich was settled
almost exclusively by North
ern men) likewise, by a sim
ilar constitutional provision,
prohibited the immigration
of tree negroes and mulat
toes, and deprived all such so
settling in the State, of the
power to hold real estate, or
to make any contract w ithin
the State or to maintain suits
in her courts. 4
Rhode Island, more than
thirty years after slavery had
been abolished there, would
not allow licenses to keep a
tavern or any kind of public
house to bo granted to ne
groes or mulattoes, nor wo’d
she allow a negro or mulatto
to sell liquor as the ageiit or
employee of a white person.
It is objected to the legis
lation of 1865, that the or
phan children of deceased
freedmen were required tobe
apprenticed, and that in bind
ing such out, the Court was
required to give the prefer
ence to the former owner if
found suitable.
This provision in the laws
of 1865 was much more lib
eral than similar provisions
in North 3rn States. Con
necticut, Rhode Island, Penn
sylvania and New Jersey, in
their statutes abolishing sla
very, provided that the chil
dren of living freedmen, not
orphans merely, should re
main bonnd to their former
owners till they were twenty
one years aid in some of these
States, and till they were
twenty-eight, in others.
The Mississippi Acts of
1865, required colored ap
prentices to be tanght to read
and write, bnt the Illinois
statutes, whilst requiring
white apprentices to be taught
to read and write and to
know arithmetic, provided
that colored apprenticessho’d
only be taught to read.
It is again objected to the
legislation of 1865, that onr
colored friends were unneces
sarily degraded by the pro
vision in relation to their be
ing witnesses. This provis-j
ion allowed them to be wit
nesses in all cases where col
ored people were interested,
or had been injured, alth:)’
white people were also inter-j
listed in the wit Qf proceeds
ing. This was ample to pro- !
tect the rights of the colored
people in all cases where they
j Juki, any in‘crest. If any
were injured by their exclu
sion from being Witnesses in
cases where whites only were
interested, it is clear that on
ly the whites themselves were
the sufferers. But this law
is more liberal lhan that
which obtained in the North
ern States for many years af
ter slavery had been abolish
ed there.
In Indiana, Illinois, Iowa
and Kansas, negroes and mu
lattoee were not allowed to
testify in auy case in which
a white person was interest
ed, although free uogroes and
mulattoes were also interest
ted.
In many States they were
not allowed to serve as ju
rors. In all the New Eng
land States, such qualifica
tions wore required and such
a mode of selection adopted
as almost necessarily exclu
ded all negroes from juries.
In Pennsylvania, Ohio, In
diana, Illinois, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, Nebraska and
Kansas, free negroes and mu
lattoes were expressly exclu
ded from the jury service,
and in all others, they were
practically s«' excluded.
Free negroesand mnlattoes
were also excluded from the
service in the militia in the
following States: Massachu
setts, Connecticut, as late as
1865, and even up to 1875;
‘New Hampshire, up to 1852,
and afterwards; Pennsylva
nia, op to 1872; New Jersey
up to 1874, and later; Ver
mont, np to 1870; Indiana,
up to the present time; Illi
nois, up to 1870; Iowa, up to
1857, and probably up to this
time; Michigan, up to 1870;
: Wisconsin, up to 1858, and
probably later; Minnesota,
the same; Nevada, uptol873
probably to present time;
Kansas, up to 1859 and prob
ably fill 1868.
It is also claimed as an ev
idence of the unfriendly feel
ing of the whites towards the
blacks in 1865, that no pro
\ ision was made for their ed
ucation. It will be remem
bered that at that time the
State was greatly impover
ished, and that no public
schools were, or could be pnt
in operation for any race.—
The great and pressing ne
cessity of our people then
was food and raiment; but
even then, as above shown,
provision was made more lib
eral than in the Northern
States, for the education of
apprenticed freed men. As
late as the 6th of March,
1865, (the very year in which
this legislation was had,) In
diana re-enacted a provision
which had long been stand
ing on herstatutebooks; that
the school taxes should only
be collected from whites, and
only white children should
go to the public schools, and
in Illinois the school tax was
to be divided between the
whites and blacks, by giving
to each race what that race
paid. Which, considering
the poverty and small num
ber of blacks, was an effec
tual exclusion of that race
from the benefits of educa
tion. In Nebraska the com
mon schools were for whites
only till 1869.
The police regulations and
provisions against vagrancy,'
as applied to free negroes
and mnlattoes were also more
stringent in the Northern
States than those contained
in the legislation of 1865.
It. Massachusetts, long after
slavery was abolished, ne
groes aud mnlattoes were pro
hibitedfrom entertaining any
negro or mulatto servants, i.
e, apprentices. In Bbode
Island they were, as before
stated, prohibited from keep
ing any public home of en
tertainment, or saloon; nor
were such persons allowed to
keep a disorderly private
house nor entertain at' their
own private dwelling at un
seasonable hours, or in an ex
travagant manner, any per
son whatever, under penalty
of having their privatehonse
keeping brokeu np, and them
selves bound ont to service
for two years. And in Illi
nois no person was allowed
to permit three or more ser
vants of color to meet at his
1
m‘ji&s’'*'*''* ■
bouse for the purpose of dan
cing and revelling.
Intermarriages between
whites on one side, and ne- j
groes and mnlattoes on the
other were prohibited, and
made void in most of thej
Northern States. In Massa-1
cliusetts the provision was i
that “no one of the English,
Scot or other Ghristian Na
tion, shall intermarry with a
negro or mulatto,” and a pen
alty of $250 was imposed on
any minister solemnizing
such a marriage. In Rhode
Island intermarriages be
tween whites and colored
persons were prohibited and
made void, and this provis
ion was re-enacted as late as
1872. This provision was
re-enacted in Maine, in the
revision of 1871. In Ohio,
Illinois, Indiana, Michigan
and Nebriska, and probably
in other States, such inter
marriages were declared void
and these provisions were re
enacted in some of these
Spates, since the conclusion
of the war. In Illinois and
Indiana snch intermarriages
wore so thorrughly condemn
ed, that the parties to them
were punished by confine
ment in the Penitentiary.
And in [llionois they were al
so punished by whipping,
and an officer granting li
cense for such a marriage was
made thereafter ineligible to
office. In these last two
State’s, as a condition of set
tling and remaining theie in
addition to whatliasbeen be
fore set forth, colored per
sons were required to give
bonds, in large penalties
which were to be forfeited
upon the least violation of
the State by them.
As to the right of voting
the laws in the Northern
States were equally stiingent
as against peisonsof the Af
rican race.
In Rhode Island, Connec
ticut, Maine, Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Or
egon, Wisconsin, Nebraska,
Nevada, Kansas, free negroes
and mulattoes were prohibit
ed from voting; and in near
ly all of these the provision
remained unchanged until
the adoption of the 15tli
amendment in 1870. In ma
ny of these, the provision ex
eluding negroes and mulat
toos from voting remains un
changed in terms in 'their
present constitutions, and
their right to vote in these
States rests entirely in the
15th amendment. It will be
noted, too, that in some of
these States, unnaturalized
foreigner^ and Indians were
allowed to vote, yet the right
was denied to persons of Af
rican descent.
And it will be noted also,
that this exclusion obtained
in the States where the col
ored popnlation was so small
that if they had been allow
ed to vote, the excercise of
the right by them would have
had but little effect on the
result of the elections.
That the right of voting
was almost universally con
sidered as belongly solely to
the whites in fbe Northern
States, np to the adoption of
the 15th amendment, I refer
to the proclamation, of Pres
ident Lincoln, dated Decem
ber, 1863, and July,1864,and
designed to seenro a recon
struction of the Southern
States, in which suffrage was
confined to whites only; and
Congress, in the year 1864,
passed an Act for the same
purpose, giving only whites
the right to vote. See U. S.
Statutes at Large, vol. 13, pp.
737 and 744.
And in Mr. Lincoln's pro
clamation, above referred to.
dated December, 1863, this
remarkable passage occurs:
“ That any provision that
may be adopted by such State
government, [referring to the
State governments to be re
constructed in the Southern
States, under his proclama
tion] in relation to the freed
le of such State, which
recognize aiid declare
their permanent freedom,
provide for their edncatioi),
and which yet may be con
sistent, as a tempoiary ar
rangemtot, with tbe pte^ent
condition m 1 laboring,land
less and homeless class, will
not be objected to by the na
tional Executive (meaning
himself]. And in a speech
which be made afterward",
on the lltb of April, 1865,
at Washington, being the
last speeeh made by him, ho
distinctly admitted that lie
referred by this clause to a
temporary apprenticeship of
freeduien, after their eman
cipation.
The war ended in the sum
mer of 1865. The slaves
were emancipated, suddenly,
wiihonf previous preparation
The emancipation was sweep
ing, including all. Many
thousands of the freed men
had abandoned their homes,
and had congregated in the
cities, and were living on the
bounty of the Freedman’s
Bureau.
The State liad just been
devastated by war. The peo
ple were without proper far
ming implements and stock,
and without the means of
buying them. Proper food
and raiment were not to bo
had. A large numbed of men
had just returned from the
army, without the means of
support, and without employ
ment. Tho government over
the State was partly civil and
partly military, and the
bounds of neither were accu
rately defined and understood.
Tbe white people were over
whelmed by *he magnitude
of the calamity which had
befallen them, and the blacks
were almost stupefied by the
novel circumstances which
surrounded them. Neither
did nor conld fully compre
hend the resnlt of the War.
Under these circumstances
the white lace was called up
on to solve the most difficult
problem that had ever been
presented to the human in
felleei. The tjinc was unsta
ted fofr calm and deliberate
action, yet the duty to act
was emergent, not admitting
of delay. Is it to be wonder
ed that tho first efforr that
was made, though intended
only as a temporary arrange
ment, was a mistake. Is it
strange that, in groping their
way through the darkness, in
undertaking to solve this
greai problem, they fell into
the paths which had been
♦redden by the whites of the
North an^l of England! And
is it not now still more
strange that, having correct
ed their teror in abont.a year
after it Was committed, by a
repeal of the most obnoxious
provisions, they are now char
ged witff vindictiveness and
eninitytowards the freeduien,
i whilst those who, under cir
cumstances far mer favora
ble, acting calmly and per
feet peace, and in their own
good time, passed more strin
gent regulations and kept
them in force for many years
are to bo regarded as having
acted justly and properly!
I have now done with this
legislation. If yonr colored
friends, who are convinced of
the corruption of the Repub
licans, y&ill refuse to act with
ns, I can only say I am sorry
for it, both for theirsakes and
ours, x am glad to be able'
to say to yon that there are
many thousands of the color
ed people of the State who
have signified their inten
tion to vote with us. These
are qnite sufficient to carry
the Section. When the feast
shall coine I shall be very
sorry to see that any of tbe
invited guests were kept away
they can’t complain. The
people of this State have de
creed the overthrow of the
present corrupt government,
and it matters but little who
shall; endeavor to support it,
that decree wiHbe made effec
tnal in November.
Tours trnly,
J. Z. GEORGE.
A wag advises those con
templating matrimony to
keep on contemplating it and
they won't get hurt.
Any letters for Mike Howe?
asked an individualof a clerk
at the post office window.
‘No letters for anybody’s
COW,'
” - - :_TatSti&Sb.- *
ABOUT TAXES.
We copy the following from
the Brookhaven Ledger.—
Bead and preserve the paper:
As some of the Radicals are
fond of figures we submit this
article to their consideration.
It shows the difference in tax
es when the government was
in the hands of home men and
now. When the Radical par
ty took charge of the State
the entire tax upon the one
thousand dollars worth of
property was less than five
dollars. Now it is six times
as great. The following state
ment is taken'' from the re
cords of Hinds connty:
Year. Tax on each $1000
1860, $ 3 25
1867, 3 50
1868, 3 75
1869, 5 75
1870, 16 25
1871, 16 00
1872, 22 52
1873, 25 00
1874, 30 00
In 1859 the Auditor’s re
port showed that the aggre
gate propertv of the State a
inonntcd to $600,000,000,and
the amount of taxes assessed
was only $453,913.
In 1874 onr people were
forced to pay $2,167,319 65,
on a tax of $154,808,261.
Commenting on this, the
Raymond Gazette says that
on a property valuation of
six hnndred millions of dol
lars the tax-pajers nnder bon
est and economical rnle were
required to pay on an average
less than $400,000 per annum
to carn? on the State govern
ment, while nnder the pres
ent corrupt and extravagant
mis-rulc, on a property basis
of only one hundred and fifty
four million of dollars, they
are required to pay npwards
of two millions one hundred
thousand dollars under pre
tence of defraying the ex
penses of the Statp govei n
'ment. To this is to be added
more than two millions of
dollars for local or countv
••
I purposes, which nnder citi
zens rale, amounted to less
than half a millionof dollars.
Notwithstanding this show
ing, the Radicals claim that
theirs is a party of retrench
ment and reform, and that
the taxes are now less than
they were under Democratic
rnle. %Wo would advise every
reader to preserve this article
as a matter of history. The
figures are correct and can
not be disputed. Every year
the Radicals are increasing
nur taxes, and unless we de
feat the party, and pat a
; check on them, we will soon
have no homes to give in
i when tbo assessor comes a
! round.
The Holly Springs Repor
ter says that cool and patient
courage is the companion of
success. Let eaoh member ot
the Conservative party prac
tice it in this canvass. Onr
party does not need ‘the blood
of twenty or thirty colored
men to help it,’ but on the
contrary it needs peace and
harmony, patience aud pluck
aid much of what the Tex
ans call, ‘git up and git,* in
its work. Work, and see that
your neighbor works. Watch
as a faithful sentinol npon
the tower of liberty.
Buttermilk Prolongs
Life. — M. Poking, an emi
nent chemist, announces to
the French Academy of Med
icine his belief that life ex
ists only in combustion, but
the combustion which occnrs
in onr bodies,like that which
takes place in obiumys,leaves
a detritus which is fatal to
! life. To remove this,he would
administer a lactic acid with
ordinary food. This acid is
known to possess tlm power
of removing or destroying the
incrustations which form on
the arteries, cartridges add
valves of the heart; and, as
buttermilk abounds in such
aoid, and is, moreover, an ac
ceptable kind of food,its hab
itual use it is urged by M.
Poking, will free the system
from these causes, which in
evitably cause death between
the seventy-fifth, and bund
retb year.
J.MJ..LU ,.u„ ,uiai. I IU.-J.J. m.
TJM7 FARMERS AROU
SED. *
The Jackson Vindicator of
the 1st says: The masses of
our farming population hare
now reached a point where
protesting and petitioniugarc
about to be merg'd into prom’t
and decisive action. Honest,
true and capable men are the
officers they intend to elect,
to make their laws and trans
act their business.
Everywhere there is an abi
ding conviction of the neces
sity and an evidence of a fix
ed determination to reform
existing abases and corrup
tion in our State government.
The farmers have heretofore
patiently submitted to the
corrupting influence of bad
men over onr negro popula
tion, but those very men are
now cowering before the viv
id lightnings and muttering
thunders of an aroused and
indignant people, and shrink
back in trembling horror from
the storm they Lave created.
Knowing they have been guil
ty of sncli acts of degrad atir^
and deception as deserve sum
mary punishment, they “flee
when no man pnrsuethJ’
We are glad to see and
know, that the farmers, the
most conservative and law
abiding citizens, in this or
any other country, are at last
aroused to a true sense of the
8itnation, and will now arise
in their might and shake off
the shackles that have so long
bonud them.
Whatever may be the opin
ion of politicians and dema
gogues, one thing is certain,
the time has ai rived when
the producing classes have
determined to nicasnre swords
with corrupt and thieving of
ficials of whatever name,par
ty or complexion, and burl
from office the men who have
ignored the best interests of
onr State and who have for
years governed by tlie role or
ruin principle. One determ
ined effort on the part of the
people and the victory is won.
Col. Dennett, in the Far
mers Vindicator, says:
Geo. W. Miller, who lives
abont half way between Crys
tal Springs and Terry, on the
east side of the railroad, has
in his orchard as fine apples
as we have ever seen grow bn
Southern soil. He has about
seventy varieties, most of
them, the best, from Lang
don’s Nurseries, near Mobile.
We visited Mr. Miller's or
chard lately, saw bis apples
on tlie trees, and under the
trees; feasted ou them and
admired them to onr hearts
content. Some of the apples
were twelve inches ill circnm
ference, and were perfect
beauties. We thought thtm
perfectly delicious, and have
seldom or never eaten better
apples raised in high or low
latitudes, though some of the
favorite varieties of the north
may be better and larger.
Geo. W. Miller, mentioned
above, is one of the anti-rad
ical nominees to represent old
Copiah in the next Legisla
ture, and will be elected.
The comet has left us, and
not a poet has composed an
ode to it.
Is giving vent to your feel
ing’s letting the cat ont of
the bag!
A rain of terror—when it
rains pitchforks with the
tiroes downward.
Onr fashion editor notifies
ns that sacks will be a little
bagging this y ear.
If a young man will wear
tight boots he mast snner the
corn sequences.
Dogs undertake to prove
their olaims as musicians by
the performance of a barky
role. - ' \
*iL ■ ■ m jBjfiMJ'usBmHUssaes1
Tire yicksbnrg Business'
Chronicle of the 16th jflet.,,
in spCakitig' of the HOW cotton
coming in, bet this to say::
We observe, iri'samples we1
have seen, a greater propor
tion of gin-cnt and napped1
cotton than is usual at the
opening of the season. This*
result mainly, from not dry
ing the cottott' in' the seed,
before ginning*—the grower*1
counting oa a gain in weight
from the dampneM when the'
cotton goes into the gin.—
Bren allowing this to be -le
gitimate, tbeir gain by it is'
very questionable— the loss*
in price being equivalent to’
the gain in weight. The dif
ference between badly ginned;
and well ginned cotton is
from ono-half to one and »
half cents, requiring a gain
of from fifteen to twenty
pounds in weight to make up*
for it
Cotton growers may not
always see ft, and may ques
tion the benefit of it, but it ir
true, nevertheless that a rep*
ntation for care in tne man
agement of their cotton i»;
valuable, just as much bo as-,
a good reputation jn anything
else. They will gain, wr
think, by ginning their cot
ton dry, and by keeping their'
lint rooms free from dusty
sweeping,a handful of which
often injures the sale of an
entire bale. And they hat?
bettor throw away, or give to
the ginner, the few ptunds
of lint,liavily thrashed,which*
fall at the mouth of the flue.
This is often put in the mid- *
die of the bale, causing, some
times, the rejection^ of the
bale as mixed, when there
may not be more than three
to five pounds of it.
An industrious citizen a*
rose a few mornings ago,
while the festive lark was
still snoring, and with a tin
bucket, under his arm went
to the barn to milk the fam
ily cow. It was dark and;
rainy, and fumbling about
for old brindle he got into*
the wrong pew, and began to*
pail the off mule of his wag
on team. He can’t remem
ber now which side of the
reof he went out at, but hie;
recollection of alighting otn
the picket fence is very viv
id. He expects, the bucket
down in a few days.
The doctors firmly believe
that it is more blessed to give ■
than to receive, in their voca*
tion.
The man who went to sleep
on the railroad track found'
his rest a good deal broken—
and his leg also.
An orange county fanner
is allodged to be stabling hie*
cow in an ice-house to make
her give ice cream.
A man may not go crazy
by blowing into the muzzle
of his gun, but the chances
are that he will lose his head*
by it.
Eggs and butter are gener
ally, bat erroneously, regard;
ed as perishable articles; for
they gain in strength as they
grow old.
A stout old woman in De
troit got mad, one hot day
lately, because a photograph-,
er wouldn’t let her fan her
self while she had her pioture*
taken.
“Haven’t I a right to be*
saucy, if I please?” asked a
young lady of and old bach
elor. ; “Ye-*, if you please,
but not if you displease,” was;
the answer.
t#"All persons indebted to*
the Copiaban office, are re
located to oall and settle.—
No shenanagin or donble
shnffiing. 6-rtf
ty Get yonr Havana ci
gars from Birdsong, Horne
& Brittain.
TO THE front;
Having after many months’ tri
als, succeeded in settling up my
affairs satisfactory to all concerned'
I hereby announce to the public -
my intention to not be out done*
in the sale ofGroceries, Having
just returned from- the city with
the choicest selection of Staple
and Fancy Groceries in; endless va
riety, I will;oiler them to the com
munity at livihg, prices; for- cash.
Thanking everybody fo» Hie pat
ronage bestowed on me* 1 trust to
rn erit its continuance by prompt
attention to business, and as pri.
ces within the reach of all.
JOHN J GABON:
Beauregard, Nept. 18,1875—2t
-: - - _ - -m - • ’.:-k
Duutistbt.—» H Catching, 1)
D. Office, Cook, feeding* up
“ WUdUMpoatoiMiutiy
iicated aynij is
Harrison. Flowers & Co..
)