The commoner. [volume], August 01, 1902, Page 2, Image 2

About The commoner. [volume] (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923

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for twenty yoars been tho oarnost, conslstont and
unswerving advocato of low tariff.' If the editor
of tho Telegram will exaraino tho record ho will
fcavo ta admit that Mr. Cleveland has neither boon
earnest nor conslstont nor unswerving in his ad
vocacy of a low tariff. On tho contrary, ho has by
his conduct shown very llttlo Interest In tho sub
ject of tariff reform, and oven his speeches (which
havo been moro conslstont than his acts) do not
discloso any broad understanding of tho principles
Which control tho quostion.
Ab to tho second proposition, that a low tariff
Is "tho present livo issue" and that it Is "tho only
rational means yet discovered to properly curb
thp trusts," Tho Commonor has already spoken.
Imperialism is a live issuo; tho money question
must bo alivo or tho republicans would not oo
uttempting to socuro an assot currency, branch
banks and a redoomablo sllvor dollar, and tho
trust quostion, whllo related to a high tariff, is
oven broador than tho tariff and cannot bo .settled
by putting trust-mado articles on tho free list.
An industry that can livo without a tariff can bo
controlled by a truBt without tho aid of tho tariff.
A high tariff enables tho trust to chargo extor
tionate prices, but a trust that can export in com
petition with tho world can exist under absolute
freo trade. While Tho Commoner advocatos and
urges tho putting of trust-mado articles on tho
freo list, it goes farther and insists upon legisla
tion which will make a private monopoly im
possible. Mr. Cleveland, while thundering against
tho trusts, has never suggested a remedy. Neither
do those suggest a remedy who aro willing to
abandon all other questions to concentrato tho
fight on the tariff question.
Although tho party has been defeated on tho
tariff question oftonor than on any other issue,
The Commoner still believes that a protectivo
tariff Is wrong in principle, unwise in policy and
unnecessary in 'practice. But The Commonor is
not willing to abandon tho people's interests on
-etirery(lu65tiaiT8fnrGleiy to give' standing "iirthef '
party to those who advocate nothing olso that 13
democratic and never advocate tariff reform when
it interferes with the plans of the money Changers.
Much less is it willing to encourage those who pro
claim great animosity toward industrial trusts
and at the same time secretly plot to fasten upon
tho people a money trust and a banking trust.
Tho democratic party must meet every issuo as
It arises, and it must defend the people's rights
from encroachments from every quarter.
JJJ
And This is Harmony.
The New York World ia ajeader among tho
reorganizing element. In a recent editoriaj, $ho
World asserts that Mr. Cleveland did not leave tho
democratic party in 1896, but that tho party left
Mr. Cleveland. Tho World says that Mr. Cleveland
simply stood still on precisely the platform on
which tho democratic party twice elected him
president. According to tho World, it was tha
Chicago convention that left the democratic party,
and the World says: '"
The democrats who are still at "tho old
stand'1 occupy tho only right and hopeful
rallying-point for a reunion of the scattered
forces, to bo effected without recantation on
one side or reproaches on the other, for a
now departure on old lines.
This Is a flue description of the brand of
"harmony" favored by the reorganize.
. "Tho only right and hopeful rallying-point
for a reunion of tho scattered forces" is the point
.occupied by those who deserted tho dempcratic
party in 1896 and in 1900.
The only way by which harmony may bo ob
tained is to permit these reorganlzers to write
the platform and, to make it so nearly like the
republican platform that the chief difference be
tween t-3 democratic party andtho republican
party v.Ill be In name.
It Is gratifying to bo told by this eminent
. The Commoner.
reorganizer that If tho millions of democrats who
were faithful In 1896 and in 1900 will go to "the
only right and hopeful rallying-point for a re
union" which, in 'other words, is tho point oc
cupied by tho deserters tho millions of faithful
democrats may privately entertain whatever opin
ions they chooso and will bo spared tho humilia
tion of being reproached for giving public exprea
siqn to their honest opinions in the campaigns of
1896 and 1900.
JJJ
Promise and Performance.
The St. Louis Globe-Democrat, republican,
aays:
The republican is the only party which
has tho honesty, tho courage and the brains
to deal with the trusts effectively, as the rec
ord since 1887, when the trusts first began to
appear, proves. On the trust issue there is a
magnificent victory in store for the republican
party in tho elections of 1902.
The Globe-Democrat also says: "In tho
speech which ho made a few days before President
McKinley's assassination, Vice President Roose
velt outlined a course In regard to the trusts
which ho has followed as president. In his mess
ago to congress last December he made his posl
tion on this question so clear that nobody in tho
country has been under the slightest doubt in that
particular since."
Let us examine this republican brief.
In the speech referred to, Mr. Roosevelt said
that it would be necessary in the future to "shacklo
cunning as in the past wo have shackled force."
Ho reforred then to tho trust magnates as repre
sentatives of cunning. What has been his atti
tude since he became president? In the message
to which the Globe-Democrat refers, instead of
alluding to the trust magnates jis representatives
of cunning, Mr. Roosevelt referred to them as
"captains of industry,,"-' "" "
4 -Htfw hag he proceeded to shacklo cunning
sinco ho became president? Ho has Institute 1
civil proceeding against the proposed railroad
merger and against the beef combine. He has
failed, however, to bring- criminal proceedings
against the men whom in his civil bill he charged
with being guilty of conspiracy in restraint ot
trade.
Although he has at his command an army of
capable lawyers and although trusts are multiply
ing all over the country, he has raised his arm.
only against two organizations and that in a very
feeble way.
With what reason does this republican paper
say the republican party is "the only party which
has the honesty and the courage and the brains Jo
deal with the trusts effectively as the record
sinco 1887, when tho .trusts first began to appear,
proves?" The record shows that since 1897, when
the republican regime went into power, "more
trusts have been organized than existed in all tho
previous history of the country.
For more than six years the republican party
has been in control of the presidency, the senate,
and tho house of representatives. The republican
congress adjourned without making even an ef
fort toward giving the people relief on the trust
question. That congress was asked to provide
for the removal of the tariff on trust-made prod
ucts, but it refused. It was urged to make some
amendments to tho anti-trust law in order to make
that law more effective, but it failed in this duty.
And after congress had fully ignored this
question,- tho echo of the speaker's gavel had
hardly died away before it was announced through
tho columns of the republican press that Mr.
Roosevelt had invited Congressman Littlefield to
prepare a bill to be considered at the next session
of congress, the purpose of which would be to
provide an effective weapon to be used against
tho trusts.
If the republican party is honest and courage-
Vol. a, No. 28.
ous on this question, why has the republican con
gress failed to act?
It is now denied that Mr. Littlefield has been
chosen for this work, but why all this talk about
amendments to the law in the presence of the fact
that the administration has not exhausted all tho
weapons provided by tho law already on tho
statute books?
The reference to Mr. Littlefield revives
an interesting bit of history. Mr. Littlefield
figured conspicuously In a former chapter
relating to the trust question. It will bo
remembered that two years ago Mr. Littlefield ad-
vocated a constitutional amendment which waa
designed to confer on congress the power to reg
ulate and control all trusts and corporations. This
proposed amendment was prepared with the
knowledge that it would be defeated and it was
prepared exclusively for campaign .purposes. Tho
democrats voted against it on the ground that it
would, if adopted, remove all power and authority
over trusts from tho states and place that power
solely and exclusively with the federal govern
ment; and in the ensuing campaign republicans
pointed to the "introduction of this amendment
by the republicans and tho defeat of it by tho
democrats as testimony showing that the republi
can party was really the foe of trusts, while tho
democrats were not sincere on that' question.
They claimed then that the solution of the ques-
tion was to place the power in the federal gov
ernment.
What does Mr. Roosevelt say on this
point now? In his speech . delivered
July 4 at Pittsburg, Mr. Roosevelt said:
"Special legislation is needed. Some of that legist
lation must come through municipalities, some
through states, some through the national gov
ernment." So, after all, the Littlefield amendment
of two years ago was wrong and democrats who
opposed. that amendment were right in. spite of-the
claims made by the republican, campaign orators.
Can the intelligent man expect relief on the
trust question from a political plirty that has
played fast and loose with the people on this ques
tion as tho republican party has done? Can he
expect that a party which derives, its -campaign
funds from the trusts may be depended upon either
in the executive department or the legislative de
partment to gie the people relief from the impo
sitions they are suffering today at the hands of
the trust magnates?
JJJ
Trusts Begin to Threaten.
While Mr. Littlefield denies that he has been
asked to prepare an anti-trust bill for the presi-'
dent, the press notice to the effect that he was
working on such a bill scared tho trust managers
and as a result protests are already arriving. Mi.
Wellman, In the Chicago Record-Herald, says that
"hundreds of letters and telegrams are pouring
in on tho president at Oyster Bay urging him to
go slow on this trust business. Capitalists, bank
ers, and heads of big insurance companies and
managers of great railroad and other corporations
are trying to intimidate the president Into aban
doning his program. Their idea is that he will
hurt business; and they do not hesitate to predict
that if a panic were to come the president's war
on trusts would be held responsible therefor!"
This sounds very familiar. These are the samo
people who opposed bimetallism and threatened a
panic. That is their favorite threat. j
Mr. Wellman says that the president Is not'
scared, but it is evident that the chief executive
Is spending a good deal of time explaining that he
is only after the "bad" trusts.
Mr. Wellman says that "in the president's
opinion the worst evil of modern trusts. is not
monopoly or restraint of trade, but the era of
wild speculation in capital stocks brought about
by the efforts of promoters to gain great fortunes
by printing millions of share certificates and
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