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1!" 2 for twenty yoars been tho oarnost, conslstont and unswerving advocato of low tariff.' If the editor of tho Telegram will exaraino tho record ho will fcavo ta admit that Mr. Cleveland has neither boon earnest nor conslstont nor unswerving in his ad vocacy of a low tariff. On tho contrary, ho has by his conduct shown very llttlo Interest In tho sub ject of tariff reform, and oven his speeches (which havo been moro conslstont than his acts) do not discloso any broad understanding of tho principles Which control tho quostion. Ab to tho second proposition, that a low tariff Is "tho present livo issue" and that it Is "tho only rational means yet discovered to properly curb thp trusts," Tho Commonor has already spoken. Imperialism is a live issuo; tho money question must bo alivo or tho republicans would not oo uttempting to socuro an assot currency, branch banks and a redoomablo sllvor dollar, and tho trust quostion, whllo related to a high tariff, is oven broador than tho tariff and cannot bo .settled by putting trust-mado articles on tho free list. An industry that can livo without a tariff can bo controlled by a truBt without tho aid of tho tariff. A high tariff enables tho trust to chargo extor tionate prices, but a trust that can export in com petition with tho world can exist under absolute freo trade. While Tho Commoner advocatos and urges tho putting of trust-mado articles on tho freo list, it goes farther and insists upon legisla tion which will make a private monopoly im possible. Mr. Cleveland, while thundering against tho trusts, has never suggested a remedy. Neither do those suggest a remedy who aro willing to abandon all other questions to concentrato tho fight on the tariff question. Although tho party has been defeated on tho tariff question oftonor than on any other issue, The Commoner still believes that a protectivo tariff Is wrong in principle, unwise in policy and unnecessary in 'practice. But The Commonor is not willing to abandon tho people's interests on -etirery(lu65tiaiT8fnrGleiy to give' standing "iirthef ' party to those who advocate nothing olso that 13 democratic and never advocate tariff reform when it interferes with the plans of the money Changers. Much less is it willing to encourage those who pro claim great animosity toward industrial trusts and at the same time secretly plot to fasten upon tho people a money trust and a banking trust. Tho democratic party must meet every issuo as It arises, and it must defend the people's rights from encroachments from every quarter. JJJ And This is Harmony. The New York World ia ajeader among tho reorganizing element. In a recent editoriaj, $ho World asserts that Mr. Cleveland did not leave tho democratic party in 1896, but that tho party left Mr. Cleveland. Tho World says that Mr. Cleveland simply stood still on precisely the platform on which tho democratic party twice elected him president. According to tho World, it was tha Chicago convention that left the democratic party, and the World says: '" The democrats who are still at "tho old stand'1 occupy tho only right and hopeful rallying-point for a reunion of the scattered forces, to bo effected without recantation on one side or reproaches on the other, for a now departure on old lines. This Is a flue description of the brand of "harmony" favored by the reorganize. . "Tho only right and hopeful rallying-point for a reunion of tho scattered forces" is the point .occupied by those who deserted tho dempcratic party in 1896 and in 1900. The only way by which harmony may bo ob tained is to permit these reorganlzers to write the platform and, to make it so nearly like the republican platform that the chief difference be tween t-3 democratic party andtho republican party v.Ill be In name. It Is gratifying to bo told by this eminent . The Commoner. reorganizer that If tho millions of democrats who were faithful In 1896 and in 1900 will go to "the only right and hopeful rallying-point for a re union" which, in 'other words, is tho point oc cupied by tho deserters tho millions of faithful democrats may privately entertain whatever opin ions they chooso and will bo spared tho humilia tion of being reproached for giving public exprea siqn to their honest opinions in the campaigns of 1896 and 1900. JJJ Promise and Performance. The St. Louis Globe-Democrat, republican, aays: The republican is the only party which has tho honesty, tho courage and the brains to deal with the trusts effectively, as the rec ord since 1887, when the trusts first began to appear, proves. On the trust issue there is a magnificent victory in store for the republican party in tho elections of 1902. The Globe-Democrat also says: "In tho speech which ho made a few days before President McKinley's assassination, Vice President Roose velt outlined a course In regard to the trusts which ho has followed as president. In his mess ago to congress last December he made his posl tion on this question so clear that nobody in tho country has been under the slightest doubt in that particular since." Let us examine this republican brief. In the speech referred to, Mr. Roosevelt said that it would be necessary in the future to "shacklo cunning as in the past wo have shackled force." Ho reforred then to tho trust magnates as repre sentatives of cunning. What has been his atti tude since he became president? In the message to which the Globe-Democrat refers, instead of alluding to the trust magnates jis representatives of cunning, Mr. Roosevelt referred to them as "captains of industry,,"-' "" " 4 -Htfw hag he proceeded to shacklo cunning sinco ho became president? Ho has Institute 1 civil proceeding against the proposed railroad merger and against the beef combine. He has failed, however, to bring- criminal proceedings against the men whom in his civil bill he charged with being guilty of conspiracy in restraint ot trade. Although he has at his command an army of capable lawyers and although trusts are multiply ing all over the country, he has raised his arm. only against two organizations and that in a very feeble way. With what reason does this republican paper say the republican party is "the only party which has the honesty and the courage and the brains Jo deal with the trusts effectively as the record sinco 1887, when tho .trusts first began to appear, proves?" The record shows that since 1897, when the republican regime went into power, "more trusts have been organized than existed in all tho previous history of the country. For more than six years the republican party has been in control of the presidency, the senate, and tho house of representatives. The republican congress adjourned without making even an ef fort toward giving the people relief on the trust question. That congress was asked to provide for the removal of the tariff on trust-made prod ucts, but it refused. It was urged to make some amendments to tho anti-trust law in order to make that law more effective, but it failed in this duty. And after congress had fully ignored this question,- tho echo of the speaker's gavel had hardly died away before it was announced through tho columns of the republican press that Mr. Roosevelt had invited Congressman Littlefield to prepare a bill to be considered at the next session of congress, the purpose of which would be to provide an effective weapon to be used against tho trusts. If the republican party is honest and courage- Vol. a, No. 28. ous on this question, why has the republican con gress failed to act? It is now denied that Mr. Littlefield has been chosen for this work, but why all this talk about amendments to the law in the presence of the fact that the administration has not exhausted all tho weapons provided by tho law already on tho statute books? The reference to Mr. Littlefield revives an interesting bit of history. Mr. Littlefield figured conspicuously In a former chapter relating to the trust question. It will bo remembered that two years ago Mr. Littlefield ad- vocated a constitutional amendment which waa designed to confer on congress the power to reg ulate and control all trusts and corporations. This proposed amendment was prepared with the knowledge that it would be defeated and it was prepared exclusively for campaign .purposes. Tho democrats voted against it on the ground that it would, if adopted, remove all power and authority over trusts from tho states and place that power solely and exclusively with the federal govern ment; and in the ensuing campaign republicans pointed to the "introduction of this amendment by the republicans and tho defeat of it by tho democrats as testimony showing that the republi can party was really the foe of trusts, while tho democrats were not sincere on that' question. They claimed then that the solution of the ques- tion was to place the power in the federal gov ernment. What does Mr. Roosevelt say on this point now? In his speech . delivered July 4 at Pittsburg, Mr. Roosevelt said: "Special legislation is needed. Some of that legist lation must come through municipalities, some through states, some through the national gov ernment." So, after all, the Littlefield amendment of two years ago was wrong and democrats who opposed. that amendment were right in. spite of-the claims made by the republican, campaign orators. Can the intelligent man expect relief on the trust question from a political plirty that has played fast and loose with the people on this ques tion as tho republican party has done? Can he expect that a party which derives, its -campaign funds from the trusts may be depended upon either in the executive department or the legislative de partment to gie the people relief from the impo sitions they are suffering today at the hands of the trust magnates? JJJ Trusts Begin to Threaten. While Mr. Littlefield denies that he has been asked to prepare an anti-trust bill for the presi-' dent, the press notice to the effect that he was working on such a bill scared tho trust managers and as a result protests are already arriving. Mi. Wellman, In the Chicago Record-Herald, says that "hundreds of letters and telegrams are pouring in on tho president at Oyster Bay urging him to go slow on this trust business. Capitalists, bank ers, and heads of big insurance companies and managers of great railroad and other corporations are trying to intimidate the president Into aban doning his program. Their idea is that he will hurt business; and they do not hesitate to predict that if a panic were to come the president's war on trusts would be held responsible therefor!" This sounds very familiar. These are the samo people who opposed bimetallism and threatened a panic. That is their favorite threat. j Mr. Wellman says that the president Is not' scared, but it is evident that the chief executive Is spending a good deal of time explaining that he is only after the "bad" trusts. Mr. Wellman says that "in the president's opinion the worst evil of modern trusts. is not monopoly or restraint of trade, but the era of wild speculation in capital stocks brought about by the efforts of promoters to gain great fortunes by printing millions of share certificates and 'J .! -m r x .iftnii jiTriifjaVjlttti.'-i mi hi i-iifTikr-nTif i ,. mmtf .i,ik,iMiiiu itoiri)JBfti tiftrifr mtfjfniiiHf-- -j-- -! -.& jair ffkutfkSk.