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i T --Tr"- t f'- VN The Commoner JOE- 16, NO. ii 8 V f T' & h- this devotion to their Interests which made his party invincible while ho lived and will mako his namo rovored while history endures. Ana what messago comes to us from the Hermitage? When a crisis like tho present arose and the na tional bank of this day sought to control tho politics of tho nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson, who had the courage to grapple with that great enemy, and by overthrowing it, made himself tho idol of tho people and reinstated tho democratic party in public confidence. What will the decision bo today? Tho democratic party has won tho greatest success in its history; standing upon this victory-crowned summit, will It turn its faco to the rising or the setting sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings, life 'or doath which? Which? (From Speech on Bimetalism of 1893.) IMPERIALISM RESOLUTION FOR PHILIPPINE JNDEPEND- ENOE I was among the number of those who be lieved it better to ratify tho treaty and end tne war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures and then give the Filipinos tho independence which might be forced from Spain by a now treaty. In view of the criticism which my. action aroused in some quarters, I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust tho American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust tho accomplishment of that purpose ,to dip lomacy with an unfriendly nation. Lincoln embodied an argument in tho question when ho asked, "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can mako laws?" I believe that we are now rh a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had tho treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified a clean-cut issue is presented be tweon a government by consent and a govern- .jment toy force, and imperialists must bear the ', responsibility for all that happens until the . question is settled. ',' (From Speech on Imperialism.) FORBIDDEN FRUIT Tho fruits of imperialism, be they hitter or sweet, must bo left to the subjects of monarchy. This Is the ono tree of which the citizens of a republic may not partake. It is the voice of the serpent, not tho voice of God, that bids us eat. (From Naboth's Vineyard.) CHRISTIANITY AGAINST IMPERIALISM ' If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte With the sword? He ..who would declare the divine will must prove his authority eithor by Holy Writ or by evidence of a Bpecial dispensation. Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command, "Go ye into all the world and preach tho gospel to every creature," has no Gatling gun attachment. When Jesus visited a . villago of Samaria and the people refused to re ceive him, some of the disciples suggested that flro should bo called down from, Heaven to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them and said: "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for tho Son of Man is not come to de stroy men's lives, but to. save them." Suppose he had said: "We will thrash them until they understand who wo are," how different would have been tho history of Christianity! Com pare, if you will, tjie swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with tho golden rule and tho commandment, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Love, not force, was tho weapon of tho Na,z areno; sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the hu man heart. A missionary recently told me that tho Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as a flag that ' had no blood upon it. Lot it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to .' help and uplift, having their loins girt about t with truth and their feet shod with the prepar- ation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breast plate of righteousness and carrying the sword of tho -spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a" nation which respects the rights of the cit- izens of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens," and the welcome -1' given to our missionaries will be more cordial v than the welcome extended to tho .missionaries ,': of any other nation. ' ; , : v- fl (From Speech on Imperialism) APOSTROPHE TO MOSES Shamo upon a logic which locks up the petty offender and enthrones grand larceny. Have the people returned to tho worship of tne Golden. Calf? Have they made unto themselves a new commandment consistent with the spirit of con quest and lust for empire? Is 'thou shalt not steal upon a smalo scale' to be substituted for tho law of Moses? Awake, O ancient law-giver, awake! Break forth from thine unmarked sepulchre and.speed thee back to cloud-crowned Sinai; commune once more with the God of our fathers and pro claim again the words engraven upon the tables of stone the law that was, the law that-iB to day thejaw that neither individual nor nation can violate with impunity! (From Speech on Imperialism'.') - DESTINY History is replete with predictions which once wore the hue of destiny, but which failed of fulfilment because those who uttered them saw too small an arc of the circle of events! When Pharaoh pursued the fleeing Israelites to the edge of the Red sea he was confident that their bondage would be renewed and that they would again mako bricks without straw, but destiny was not revealed until Moses and his followers reached the farther shore dry shod and the .waves rolled over the horses and chariots of the Egyptians. When Belshazzar, on tho last night of his reign,- led his thousand lords into the Babylonian banquet hall and sat down to a table glittering with vessels of silver and gold, he felt sure of his kingdom for many years to come, but destiny was not revealed un til the hand wrote upon the wall those awe-inspiring vwords, "Mene, Mene, Tekel Upharsin." When Abderrahman swept northward wilh his conquering hosts his imagination saw the Cres cent triumphant throughout the world, but des tiny was not revealed until Charles JVlartel raised the cross above the battlefield of Tours and saved Europe from the sword of Mohammedan ism. When Napoleon emerged victorious from Marengo, from Ulm and from Austerlitz, he thought himself the child of destiny, -but destiny was not revealed until Blucher's forces joined the army of "JVellington and tho vanquished Corsican began his melancholy march toward St. Helena. When the redcoats of George the Third routed the New Englanders at. Lexington and Bunker Hill there arose before the British " sovereign visions of colonies taxed without Tep resentation and drained of their weaith by foreign-made laws, but destiny was not revealed until the surrender of Cor nwallis completed' the work begun at Independence Hall, and ushered into existence a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. (From America's Mission.) Tho "destiny" argument is usually the subterfuge of the invertebrate who, lack ing the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for-supporting it. It, is , a complacent philosophy; it obliterates the dis tinctions between right and wrong and makes individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance. (From America's Mission.) DESTINY IS NOT A MATTER OF CHANCE IT IS A MATTER OF CHOICE. IT IS NOT A THING TO BE WAITED FOR, IT IS A THING TO BE ACHIEVED. Man's opinion of what is to be is half wish and half environment. Avarice paints destiny with a dollar mark before it; militarism equips it with a sword. (From America's Mission.) , He is the best prophet who, recognizing the omnipotence of .truth, comprehends m6st clearly the great forceT-which are working out 'the progress, not of one party, not of one nation, but of tho human race. ,; ' ',!" '.' , , (From America's Mission.) !. ' AMERICAN CIVILIZATION Standing upon the vantage ground alrea.i gained the American people can aspire ?y grander destiny thaA has 'opened before l! other race. orc any Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught thR u dividual to protect his own rights Amori civilization will teach him to respect CriSX of others. euw Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the in dividual to take care of himself, American c' ilization, proclaiming, the equality of ill before the law, will teach him that his own highest good requires the observance of the commandment: "Thou shalt love they neighbor as thyselfi" Anglo-Saxon civilization has, by force of arms applied the art of government to other races for the benefit of Anglo-Saxons; American civ ilization will, by tho influence of example, excite in other races a desire for self-government and a determination to secure it. Anglo-Saxon civilization has carried its flag to every clime and defended it with forts and garrisons. . American civilization will imprint its, flag upon the hearts of all who long for free dpin;. , "To American civilization, all hail! Time's noblest offspring is the last." (From America's Mission.) r; I TRUSTS ; : . PRIVATE MONOPOLY Here is a v plain, candid statement of tho party's position. . There is no quibbling, no evasion, no ambiguity. A PRIVATE MONOPOLY IS INDEFENSIBLE AND INTOLERABLE. It is bad bad in principle, and bad in practise. No apology can be offered for it, and no people should endure it. Our party's position is en tirely in harmony with the position of Jefferson. With a knowledge of human nature which few men have equaled, and none surpassed, and with extraordinary foresight, he expressed unalter able opposition to every form" of private mon opoly. The student of history will find that upon this subject, as upon other subjects of government, the great founder of the demo cratic party took his position upon the side of the whole people and against those who seek to make a private use of government, or strive to secure special privileges at .-.the expense of the public. ' . (From The Trust Question.) Note; The sentence: A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerabIe,was' first used by Mr. Bryan in an anti-tr.ust! speech delivered in 1899, and was afterwards : written into the na tional platforms of 1900, 1904, 1908 and 1912. MAN VS. THE CORPORATION . There, are many differences. between the na tural, man iand the corporate man. There is a difference in the purpose of creation. God made . man and nlaced him upon His footstool to carry ..out a divine decree; man created the corporation , as a money-rmaking machine. When God made man He did not make the " tallest man much taller, tnan'the shortest; and He did not make the strongest man much stronger than the weak. .est; but when the" law creates the corporate person that, person may be an hundred, a thou sand, ten thousand, a million times stronger .. than the God-made man. When God made man He set a limit to his existence, so that if he was a had mail he could not be bad long; but when the corporation was created, the limit on age was. , raised, and it sometimes projects itseu through generation after generation. When .GJod made man He gave him a soul and warped him. that in tho next, world he would oe ,held accountable for the deeds, done in the liesu, .but when,Tman created the corporation he coum not endo.v that corporation with a soul, so uui if it escapes punishment here.it need not lew . .the hereafter. , And this man-made SIant " heen pjit torjth to' compete with the Go(J-ma"g man. We must assume that man in creJt!nJLtv . corporathm.had in view the. welfare of sociei and. the people ho create mustMain the pow to restrict; and to .cqnW .can never u coma go enthusiastic over the corporation, uv m . - ..: - .. w Cv . ' IK- v ..