Dakota farmers' leader., November 28, 1890, Image 3

About Dakota farmers' leader. (Canton, S.D.) 1890-19??

Image provided by: Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

                
GREAT CONSPIRACY.
F^LFTPITAL'S CAME TO KEEP THE
PEOPLE QUARRELING.
I.ho ''tower Class" to bo Exterminated by
War and the Right of Franchise Limited
to the Kich.
The editor of the Dayton (Ohio)
Workman is responsible for the state
ment that the following is a copy of
a letter from a capitalist to one of
his friends:
NKW YORK, August, 1, 1880.
FRIEND BIHICI.EY:—Yours of the
25 ult. came to hand in due time, but
I confess my inability to fully and
satisfactorily answer the questions
you propound. Indeed they have
"«en a source of great annoyance to
ost of us who have great capital
Jsvtjgted in various .ways. The future
raftblifical aspect is anything but en
'"rsour&ging. My only hope in the
fyture is the ignorance of the masses,
and their susceptibility of being used
by us just as we have always used
them. I will therefore try to answer
your questions from tnat basis. You
ask, "Does the present agitation
among the lower classes, I mean all
laboring classes, indicate a reversal of
power from our hands into theirs?"
Next you ask, '"Will the agitation
likely amount to anything in the long
run, or rather in time?" To your
first interrogatory, I will answer that
I do not think the lower classes capa
ble of conducting what now appears
to be a war upon the upper class, for
the following reasons:
%. They are by no means united,
neither in organization nor in objects
to be accomplished, much less are
.they sufficiently informed upon the
real condition they are in. To ex
plain: There is, for instance, the
great organizations fighting each
other. Just as long as thev tight
each other we have nothing to fear.
Now it is evidently our policy to keep
them fighting each other. The result
will be a final breaking up of these
organizations. The fact is apparent
that neither the leaders nor the
members have the first glimmer of
common sense or they would have
long since united their forces and
and compelled us to give wav step by
step,, nor need we fear of their ever
uniting upon any one great control
ling principle. All that they can
perceive is an advance in wages and
even if we have to concede a little in
that way, it's only a question of time,
and that a short time, when im
proved machinery and growth of pop
ulation will increase the number
seeking work, so that wages will
naturally tend downward. These
men do not yet understand that they
ought to direct their light and ener
gies at the root of the subject. I am
still more postively convinced, when
~,I look at the various branches of in
dustry, both productive and dis
tributive, I see a sort of pride among
the one branch or other which pre
cludes all possibilities of unity. For
instance the clerks in the various
branches of distribution imagine
themselves as superior, and will not
associate with those whom they re
gard as laborers. We need fear no
thing so long as this pride exists
among the various branches of wage
workers. We, of course, can see no
difference, but we must keep this
antagonism alive and nourish it.
Looking all along the apparent line
of battle, I see no reason for fear.
They cannot now, nor is it at all
probably that they will, unite forces,
nor strike at the root, which is so
deftly covered up that it requires
great study and patient inquiry to
learn where their trouble comes from.
The only body that may, and it does,
cause any trouble is the Knights of
Labor. It seems to me, as far as I
can learn, they are the only organ
ized body that is educating them
selves and are hunting the root. The
very fact that they realize that the
wage question is not the root makes
it ominous for the future. But all
other organizations are at war with
them, and it must be our settle
ed policy to wipe out their organiza
tion. We in the east are contribut
ing to a fund to keep up the fight
between the unions and Knights of
Labor. I am glad to say we are suc
ceeding in this line. There remains
only one other cause for apprehension,
and that is, when any of the K. of
L.—Assemblies are what they call
them, I believe—breaks up they join
some other organization and instill
into them that devilish persistency
of hunting up the root, and thereby
increase our enemies. So far they
have succeeded, at least in a measure,
to stir up the farmers and others
sufficiently to give us trouble. The
only remedy I can see is to take the
right of franchise from them and
place the control of government
entirely beyond their reach, You
know the method that is now being
sought to accomplish this, and if it
fails some other similar method will
have to be adopted. We need have
no fear of the Republican working
classes. We can always have these
fellows to vote our way. The fact is
they are so far under our control that
they will not listen to any unless it
is "simon-pure" Republicanism. Our
tiolicy in the near future—as soon as
Congress adjourns—will be to employ
every aviable congressman, and also
those who are in any way able to
speak in public, to stump the
country,
and continue this until we have
again turned public sentiment in our
favor. This will require much money
but even if it does, it must be done
no matter how much. If it comes to
the worst, we can soon get up a war
with England. We have sufficient
cause now, and can at any time force
a war. The moneyed men of England,
at least a goodly number, are in
accord with us on this line, for they
also are having a serious time with
the lower classes, and the way out of
this muddle is war—to kill off this
discontented and troublesome horde
both in England and here. War will
give us pretext for all we want, and
the poor fools will be only too gladjto
kill each other off.
Now I have answered both your
questions in one. I have done so in
a more extended form tfcan I at first
intended, but I realize that it is
the only way in which to convey a
clear conception of the whole situa
tion. I need not caution you to
destroy this letter as soon as read,
for fear it might through some mis
hap fall into wrong hands. If you
wish further information regarding
the organization I wrote to you about
in my former letter I will give it with
pleasure, but it must always be in
cipher to avoid all possible chance of
it becoming known.
Yours, etc.,
SAM.
THE INDEPENDENTS COMING.
They May Hold the Balance of Power In
the Next United States Senate.
The following table it is believed is
nearly correct, although the Independ
ent strength may be increased in the
house and the Republicans may gain
one in the senate by the official can
vass:
nOUSE. SENATE.
Ind. Dem. Kep. Ind. Dcm. Rep.
Alabama. .1 7 .. .. 2
Arkansas.23 .. .. 2
California .. 3 3 .. 1 1
Carolina N 4 4 1 .. 2
CarolinaS 4 3 .. 1 1
Colorado .. .. 1 .. .. 2
Conn'icut .. 3 1 .. 1 1
Dakota, N .. .. 1 .. ... 2
Dakota, SI 1 1 1
Delaware .. 1 .. .. 1
Florida .. 2 .... 2
Georgia 7 3 1 I
Idaho .. .. 1 .. .. 2
Illinois 4 9 7 .. 1 1
Indiana .. 11 2 .. 2
Iowa .. 5 .. .. 2
Kansas 5 2 1 1
Kentucky 1 1 .. 2
Louisiana .. 6 .. .. 2
Maine .. .. 4 .. .. 2
Maryland .. 6 ... .. 2
Mass. .. 7 5 .. .. 2
Miohigan .. 5 .. .. 2
Minnesota 2 2 1 .... 2
Mississippi 1 6 .. .. 2
Missouri .. 14 .. .. 2
Montana .. 1 2
Nebraska 2 1 2
Nevada .. .. 1 .... 2
N Hamp. .. 2 .. 1 1
New Jersey 5 2 .. 2
New York.. 20 14 ..1 1
Ohio .. 14 7 .. 1 1
Oregon .. .. 1 .. ,. 2
Perm. .. 11 17 .. .. 2
Rhode Isl'd. 1 1 .... 2
Tennessee 1 8 1 .. 2
Texas .. 11 .. .. 2
Vermont .. .. 2 .. .. 2
Virginia .. 10 .. .. 2
Virginia W. 4 .. .. 2
Washington. .. 1 .. .. 2
Wisconsin 2 5 2 1
Wyoming .. 1 .. 1
Totals 37 206 5 40 43
Organize, Educate!
The Independent People's party was
born a little over four months ago. It
has developed its principles
so strongly
in that length of time that in the fu
ture all the combined forces of corrup
tion cannot stay its onward progress.
The people of Kansas and in many
other states are resting under its ban
ner for new vigor to snatch the gov
ernment from the hands of the power
which has no sympathy for the prin
ciples taught by united labor. In 1892
every state in the union will do as
Kansas has done in this campaign if
they are interested in having a govern
ment for the people instead of a gov
ernment for political rings and a class
of autocrats who can now be found on
the street corners of every city and
village damning the F. M. B. A., the
Farmers' Alliance, the K. of L. and
all kindred organizations. Farmers
and laborers who have more sympathy
for the welfare of your families and
neighbors than for the old parties and
their rings, listen not to the carping
and sneers of political slaves who have
never inhaled a breath of independ
ence, but have always been pliant
servants of the power which worships
at the shrine of the golden calf. The
time has come when every honest
man, we care not whether he is
a farmer, laborer, merchant or minis
ter of the gospel, should hold a solemn
counsel within his own bosom first,
then with his neighbors, then resolve
individually and in your unions that
you will do your duty regardless of the
sneers and threats of the class which
has no interest in the welfare of the
toilers. Then victory and justice will
be your reward. Don't forget that the
patriots of 177(idid not have the privi
lege of gaining their freedom from the
financial lords of Lombard street,
through the ballot, but it was done
through the bullet in a long seven
years' war, in which many a patriot
gave up his life blood to obtain that
which you must now sustain through
the ballot. No delay must be made
in this matter. The great plain people
of this land must bo up and doing if
they wish to restore the principles
advocated by Washington, Jefferson,
Jackson and Lincoln, and it must be
done under a plain People's party. No
man who loves his country ~will now
refuse to give up his political preju
dice. No time must bo lost. Reor
ganize elect national, state, county
and township committees at once.
There must be no cessation in this
battle that will give the enemies of
prosperity and equal rights a chance
to disorganize the Independent force,
if we wish' to make sure of a victory
in 1892. The monopolists are well or
ganized in the old parties, and their
journals are always ready to report
everything to their interest and how
meekly laboring men submit to their
will. Let the words, "organize and
educate" pass along the line until ev
ery freeman has enlisted to help drive
the slave-loving parties to their final
resting place.— Washington [Ind.) Anti
Monopolist.
lessons of Victory.
Absolutism has been rebuked. The
people have spoken, and political ty
rants tremble.
The election of Tuesday was a not
able etent in our country's history.
False to the ideal of our fathers, recre
ant to every sacred trust of popular
government, contemptuous of the
rights of citizenship, the Republican
party has received the defeat that it
has courted in itsevery act during the
last two years. The brazen effrontery
of its corrupt leaders—defiant, blatant
demagogues—challenged the people to
an assertion of their supreme power,
and nobly have the people responded.
Thomas Reed, in his flatulent pom
posity of self conceit, now realizes that
he is not the government. Minne
sota's congressmen evidently thought
that he was, but even their stupidity
has been enlightened.
One of the most satisfactory results
is found in the pricking of this "wind
bag from Maine." this pompous ass,
whose brayings have been an insult
in the places where Lincoln aud Sum
ner, Wilson and Giddings pleaded for
human rights and popular govern
ment. Nothing more surely marks
the decadence of the Republican party
than the character of its present lead
ers.
The sway of King Caucus is doomed
and the party lash will soon fail to
drive recreant representatives, like
coward curs, to do the bidding of plu
tocratic councils, against the people's
right. Liberty will be re-established
in the national congress. The assump
tion of autocratic power will no longer
prevent representatives from express
ing the opinions of their constituents,
and representing their interests.
The highest tribunal in theland has
heard the case of the National Toil
ers vs. the Protected Cormorants, and
the decision is unmistakable.
The tariff must be revised down,
not up. It is the turn of the tide
which marks the dissolution of the
prolific promoter of injustic, "indirect
taxation."
The force bill has probably received
its quietus The country is in no humor
to condone a revival of sectionalism.
The Republican party has no hon
orable future. Its speedy death will
possibly secure forgetfulness of its
twenty-five years service to the greed
of incorporated selfishness.
In defeating the Republican party
the country has not expressed confi
dence in the Democratic party, for
confidence in that party does not exist
in the hearts of the people. The su
premacy of the latter is an incident of
the contest, not a reward of virtue.
A permanent return to power of the
Democratic party would mean retro
gression of government. It is damned
by its history, and yet it believes in
that history. Its faith in its past is
its condemnation in the present. We
fear that it cannot change. The Leop
ard may change his spots and the
Ethiopian his skin, but Satan will
never allow the Democratic party to
change it suits him too well as it is.
The star of political redemption does
not rest over the Democratic camp.
There is no use of giving it advice
either admonition and chastisement
are alike futile. To be relieved from
Republican misrule, we are compelled
for a season to suffer the supremacy
of this political imbecile.
The hope of the country, the inspir
ation of reform, is found in the appar
ent disintegration of parties, and the
organization of their advanced and
patriotic elements into a newcombina
tion for the service of our common
cause, the emancipation of the indus
trialists, the establishing of economic
liberty.
The great party of the future is born.
Its birth is in the natural evolution
of human affairs, and its cradle cry is
the
"Onward ot God's eternal purpose."
—St. Paid Industrial Age.
Tlie Sub-Treasury Idea.
The idea of making government
loans directly to the people, instead of
to the banks for speculative purposes,
does not, of course, meet with very
warm favor in Wall street nor any of
its outlying provinces. The enactment
into law of such an idea means simply
that all other lines of business shall
be placed on an equality with bank
ing, where each must stand or fall on
its own merits, and where neither
shall have power to destroy the other
at will. To the banking syndicate
which has had the exclusive privilege
of government loans for a period of
nearly thirty years,—loans which have
cost them but one per cent, per an
num—such a law, no doubt, seems al
most like giving up the pound of
flesh.
But the surrender of a privilege
which has enabled them by its enor
mous profits to obtain title to. and
control of the entire money supply of
the country in little more than a quar
ter of a century, is not all that they
foresee in the enactment of such a
law. With the loss of their "dear in
terest" would go their power to con
trol prices and markets
and exchanges,
and it is from the first of these that
their principle profit has been derived,
large as have been their incomes from
interest.
Of course they do not want any sub
treasury law, any more than a thief
wants locks and bolts. But the honest
business of the country does want
such a law, and is going to make a
vigorous effort to get it at once. It is
greatly to the credit of the farmers
that they are leading in this effort.—
Siovx City Liberty Bell.
Amount of Money in Circulation.
It is almost impossible to pick up a
Republican journal without seeing
the statement that there is plenty of
money in the United States to do
business with. The following table
has been taken from the Inter-Ocean,
one of the foremost Republican jour
nals of the northwest. It speaks for
itself:
Per
Year. Circulation. Population Capita
1866... .1,863,409,216 35.819,281 $52.05
1867... .1,350,949,218 36,260,502 37.51
1868.... 794,756,112 37,015,948 21.47
I860.... 739,705,738 37,979,800 19.34
1870.... 691,028,377 38,558,271 18.70
1871.... 679,344,146 39,750,083 16.89
1872.... 661,641,362 40,878,608 16.14
1873.... 652,M)6,753 42,245.110 15.33
1874.... 632,032,773 43,550,765 14.51
1875.... 630,427,609 44,895,706 14.04
1876.... 620,316,970 46,584,344 13.40
1877.... 586,318.074 46,714,829 12.28
1878.... 540,540,187 58,935,306 11.23
1878.... 534,425,558 50,155,783 10.65
1880.... 528,554,267 52,660,456 10.23
1881.... 610,632,433 53,210,269 11.48
1882.... 657,504,084 54,806,577 11.97
1883.... 648,105,895 56,550,814 11.48
1884.... 561,475,988 58,144,235 10.17
1085 533,405,001 59,888,562 8.90
1886.... 470,574,361 61,736,218 7.64
1887.... 423,452,211 63.535,774 6.67
THE best and most effective way to
help in the struggle for industrial
emancipation is to assist in main
taining the reform press that is car
rying on the warfare for freedom.
No matter how much or how little
you can do towards it—do it. If
every body would do not more than
his share the success of such papers
would be an assured fact. As it is a
a few do more than they can afford,
while the rest do noth:ng whatever.
Tacoma (Wash.) Northern Light.
THE McKinley bill in one parti
cular is different from all others. All
articles imported by the government,
which are not on the free list, must
pay duty the same as if imported by
a private citizen. This is not the last
analysis the people will pay taxes to
the government, to enable the gov
ernment to pay taxes to itself. All
this gives employment to the tax
collectors. D'ye see?—Ainsworth(Neb.)
Home Hide.
WE were glad to see that most of
our merchants were in sympaty with
the farmers and voted with them.
This is right. Their interests are
identical with the farmers and what
will benefit the farmer will benefit the
merchant —Grafton [Neb.) Leader.
OUR IMMENSE DEBT.
IT IS RAPIDLY CROWING LARGER
AND LARGER EVERY YEAR.
It is Swallowing up the Substance of the
Toilers and Absorbing the Property of
the Country.
Our debts are $28,000,000,000. The in
terest at 6 per cent, per annum
is $1,680,000,000. The inter
est in silver dollars would weigh
52.500 tons. If these dollars were
loaded in wagons, a ton in each, and
started on the road, twenty feet apart,
the train would be nearly nineteen
and nine-tenths milea long. If we lay
these dollars side by side, touching
each other, they would extend over
39,772 miles. If we pile them on each
other in single file, the column would
reach over 2209 miles high. They
would cover nearly 640 acres as pave
ment. If we set a man to counting
this interest, counting $1 each second,
working twelve hours each day and
300 days each year, it would require
129 years. It would require the labor
of 5,600,000 men a year, at §1 a day, to
pay this interest, allowing them to
work 300 days each.
Commenting is hardly necessary.
We need only, add that t':,e load must
remain on the back of the toilers as
long as the principal remains unpaid.
Can the principal be paid? If so, how?
The principal in silver dollars would
weigh only 875,000 tons. If it was
laid in a line touching each other the
line would reach over 662,878 miles.
If they were piled on each other in
single file, they would reach 36,826
miles high. If these dollars were used
as a pavement, they would cover
nearly sixteen square miles or 10,080
acres of land. If we load them in
wagons, a ton in each and twenty feet
apart, we have a caravan 3314 miles
long, about long enough to reach from
the Atlantic to the Pacific. To count
this principal, counting $1 each second,
working twelve hours each day and
300 days each year, would require 2160
years. It would require an army of
93,333,333 men, for a whole year, to
earn this debt of $28,000,000,000,
if they worked for $1 a day and worked
300 days a year.
As a matter of fact, the debt grows
larger and larger every year. It is
swallowing up the substance of the
toilers. The interest is not paid with
money. It is paid by absorbing the
property of the country. All the wealth
of the country is being rapidly drawn
into this maelstrom, this bottomless
pit—usury. This awful debt, over
whelming and incomprehensible to
any finite mind, has all been made in
the last thirty years. It was made to
draw interest or usury. But for the
the usury it would never have been
made. It was made to enslave labor.
It is accomplishing the end for which
it was intended. Thirty years more
on the same line, and not only indus
trial slavery, but serfdom in full, will
be our condition. Usury has never
failed to accomplish this result—ab
ject slavery—in any country where it
has been practiced, It always has
and always will wreck and ruin any
nation that does not abolish it.
Jehovah's method of counteracting
and destroying its devilish work was
repudiation of the debts it made. Ev
ery fiftieth year the jubilee trumpet
sounded, "proclaiming liberty
throughout all the land to all the in
habitants thereof." All slaves were
liberated. The land reverted back to
its original owners. Debts and mort
gages were wiped out. Justice de
manded this repudiation. God's law
prohibited the practice of interest or
usury, but then, as now, covetousne'ss
caused men to disregard the law and
make new slaves, secure mortgages
and debts through the practice of us
ury, and repudiation 'was the just
and only remedy.
Our debts were made bv and for
usury. As usury is a fraud, a sin as
it is in every case legal robbery, the
only just remedy for it is repudiation.
Where it runs its course it comes to
that in the end. The nations which
were destroved by it landed right
there. The nation that practices
usury defies God, law and authority.
Of course it is only a question of time
until He will repudiate them unless
they repudiate their opposition to
Him and His law. Our great debt
cannot be paid. We can't and don't
pay the interest with money. The
only remedy for usury is repudiation.
Justice demands it now as much as it
did at the jubilee, and nothing else
can cure the world of the practice of
usury and thereby secure liberty to
our race. Of course it is unpopular to
say so. It was equally unpopular
thirty years ago to be an abolitionist.
Of course we, as a nation, will never
voluntarily abolish our debts and
wipe out our mortgages, and thereby
liberate the people. We nevet do right
until we are forced to do it. Congress
will refuse to increase the volume of
money to the extent that the debts
could be paid, and the debts will con
tinue and grow and drag down the
masses until the demoralization will
ripen up into explosions. All history
teaches this sad lesson.—Bev. D. Ogles
by in National View.
The New Party Here to Stay.
WASHINGTON, NOV. 8.
President Polk, of the National
Farmers' Alliance, is very jubilantover
the election. In an interview today
he said: "The Democrats and Re
publicans are claiming everything
just now, but when they come to sift
the chaff from the wheat they will
find the Farmers' Alliance had some
thing to do with electing a fair pro
portion of the good men who will have
seats in the next congress. Up to the
present time it is certain that congress
will contain thirty-eight straight out
Alliance men, and there are twelve or
fifteen more who arc pledged to us.
These men are from the south and
northwest—the two sections in which
most of our work was done. The Alli
ance in Nebraska, Minnesota and
Iowa is not our organization
and is not amalgamated
vvitn us, but it made the same fight
ind will join us this winter. Our Al
liance co-operated with them we will
co-operate with any farmers' associa
tion, and in a little while will have a
•,'rip on the situation, in almost every
corner of the land. We are here to
stay. This great reform movement
will not cease until it has impressed
itself in the nation's history. Finan
:ial reform is the necessity of the
lour, and it must come. The press
ind voice of stumpers were our only
issistants. The Alliance has no cam
laign fund, no boodle. If we had had
.nuney we would not have used it.
The principles on which the Alliance
is founded are solid and correct. We
must succeed. The fight was no small
affair. Tne extremists of both parties
attacked us bitterly and gave no inch
of ground. In the south it was the
Democrats who opposed us. In the
north our most vigorous antagonists
were Republicans."
Winu.om and Wall Street.
Secretary Windom is making much
ado over the alleged stringency in the
Wall Street money market.
He went to New York the other
day and had a conference with his
bosses, tne bankers. The conference
lasted two hours, and no doubt in
that time some scheme was hatched
to defraud the people of a few more
millions. The general idea is that
he will decide to purchase a large
amount of government bonds. Ex
actly. Purchase bonds at a large
premium, thus giving the holders of
such bonds millions of money to
which they can have no possible
right, except as a gift. A viler scheme
never was hatched.
But why a conference with the
bankers? Because as we have before
stated in these columns, the national
banks of the United States are the
controllers and manipulators of a
money system, the equal for which
for purposes of defrauding and rob
bing the masses never was known.
That system is what we are depen
dent upon to-day for our circulating
medium.
The people have felt this money
stringency for years. Why have not
they been counselled by the secretary
of the treasury? The neople have
not been slow to suggest remedies
for this stringency and demanded
their adoption. Why have they not
been heeded? The entire west de
mands the free coinage of silver they
have emphasized this demand by a
free coinage plank in every political
platform adopted in the west in 1890.
Why have their wishes been over
ridden and a demonetizing silver law
been enacted by a monopoly-serving
congress? There can be but one
answer: Wall Street owns and con
trols every department of our govern
ment—legislative, judical and ex
ecutive. This is why Traitor Win
dom calls in conference bankers. He
owes allegiance to the bankers—the
people be d—d. No sane, honest man
will contend for a moment that there
was a thought of benefitting the peo
ple by such a conference. The inter
ests of the bankers and the interests
of the people are in direct opposition.
President Harrison is "understood,''
says a dispatch, to have stated his
desire to avoid a panic! Wonderful!
He desires to have the panic averted!
One would naturally suppose that the
?t
resident would rather enjoy a panic,
makes things so interesting you
know. But the president don't want
a panic. Well that's good.
Windom says he apprehends no
results, although there is consid
erable stringency. Serious conse
quences to the people. For proof let
us refer you to the agricultural de
pression, the universal debt of the
industrial classes, the wholesale
mortgage foreclosures throughout the
middle west, the poverty and distress
everywhere. A little of it may be,
and doubtless is, due to shiftlessness
and intemperance, but to charge it
all to those causes is to say that a
majority of the people are shiftless
and intemperate. Nine-tenths of the
debt and distress among the farming
and wage-earning classes is directly
due to a damnable financial system. A
system that has cut the per capita
circulation from $50 down to about
$7 during the past twenty-five years.
The evil has been intensified by the
accumulation of large holdings of
wealth, in a few hands, thus leaving
the masses almost destitute. And
indeed this is a direct and inevitable
result of contraction.
The banks have the power to cre
ate a panic at any time. All that is
necessary is simply to close their
vaults and shut the money up. Very
little money can get in circulation
except through the banks. This only
puts money into the hands of the
banks. The only way that Mr. Win
dom can conceive of to put money in
circulation is to buy bonds at a
premium. This only puts money
in to the hands of the banks,
and they can put it out or hoard it at
their own sweet will. By precipita
ting a panic just at this time, with
the failure of crops in a number of
western states, the farmers, laborers
and small business men of the west—
and the east, too, for that matter
can De plundered and ruined. Mort
gages can be foreclosed, factories,
mills, mines and workshops closed^
business suspended and assignments
forced. That the creditor class
would profit by this utter ruin of
the debtor class there can be no
doubt.
Will we have a panic? Will '73 be
repeated in '90? Everything points
in that direction. Conditions are
ripe for it. Everybody is in debt and
a crash now would ruin thousands
where hundreds were affected in
1873. If it comes it will be a bitter
dose for the people, but most Hkely it
will cure them of a variety of dis
eases known as political lethargy,
sectional jealousy, party prejudice,
gullibility, etc., etc.
Is 1890-92 to make a new era in the
history of the American nation? Is
this to be the last struggle of that
monstrous fiend, the national bank
ing system—"the best banking sys
tem tne world ever saw?" Is the In
dependent uprising of the masses,
led on by the Farmers' Alliance, the
advance guard of a mighty industrial,
liberty loving army that shall sweep
away the oppression and poverty of
the masses? Will the great right
arm of labor strike from its own
body the chains placed there by grind
ing, damning monopoly? Does the
American sovereign know his rights
and will he yet dare maintain them?
Pacific Express.
WAR freed the colored race. This
demanded the abolition for the time
being of the old banks of issue and
the issue of the greenback. The
contraction policy which followed the
war, with the national banks of
issue, has practically enslaved all
labor. The independent farmer has
become a debt slave, while the work
man has become a wage slave. At
the close of the war a privileged
class was by war enabled to convert
the people's money into interest bear
ing bonds. The homes of the people
have by this policy been covered with
interest bearing mortgages. By this
process, since the passage of the
Homestead Law, more than five
millions of these homesteads have
been taken under forclosure to satis
fy the insatiate greed of usurers.
And still the process goes on, adding
to the number of its victims at a con
stantly accllerated rate. How long
can it last? Think.—Dnluth (MinnTi
Industrial Age.
Hayseed is Rlstn'.
We kin all of us remember how along about
September
The paper used to tell about the caucus or
the fair.
End them fellows from the city used ter git
almighty witty
On the fellow with the duster who had hay
seed in his- hair.
They had fun in legislaters with the man
who raised pertaters
If by any hook or crook or chance, elected
and sent there,
End the reportorial friskers used to com
ment on the whiskers
End the carpet-sack of Billson, what bad
hayseed in his hair.
Yes, b'gosh! he rid his pass out end he used
to blow the gas out,
End he used to drink hard oider when he
went on a tear.
End he used ter pinch a dollar till the buz
zard used ter holler,
End the man cut up ree-dikilous what had
hayseed in bis hair.
But, by gum! ef you've been reading' you
observe a strange purceedin'—
It's the fellow with the whiskers that is
slowly gettin' there,
End it won't be too surpri.sin' ef by slowly
organizin'
Old parties may walce up to find the hay
seeds in their hair.
When the fashions change you fellers will
all carry green umbrellas
End trousers wide across the scat to make
the dudelets stare
In them times if you muster you must wear
a linen duster
End it you want tew throw on style put
some hayseed in your hair.
—State Chronicle.
Says the New York Herald of the
operation of the Australian ballot law
in Newark, N. J.: "Several men of
excellent education were a great deal
more flurried than the laborers and
others who it was expected would make
many mistakes. In one district two
blind men were voted. Friends of
these men, whom the election officers
placed under oath to make up their
tickets according to their instructions,
accompanied them into the booths.
It was the most orderly election every
conducted in Newark. "Of course
money is spent to-day, but it is not
for buying votes as in old times. We
treat in saloons and restaurants
and give out ballots. I notice the
money men known as ward strikers
are hanging back from voting, but no
candidate is such a ,fool as to give
money to a man if he cannot satisfy
himself that he goes into the booth
and votes for him."
THE United States produces enough
food to supply every citizeu bounti
fully. Its factories are able to fur
nish all the clothing needed coal,
wood, and minerals are in the great
est abundance, and the people indus
trious and full of energy, yet want,
destitution, hunger and suffering are
constant guests in thousands of
homes. Evidently natural conditions
are not to blame, but the injustice of
man, of man made laws, is. Is there
any plausible reason why the people
should suffer from such laws and
their results when they have the
power to alter them? If the people
suffer they have themselves alone to
blame. Let them arouse themselves,
study the situation and act like men
worthy of a better state demand and
see to it that these evils are corrected.
•National Economist-.
THE real grandeur of a nation rests
in the happiness of the people. The
happiest and most patriotic people
are those who own their homes.
Some people mistake pomp for gran
deur and display for patriotism.
True patriotism and unalloyed hap
piness ar* anchored in the homes of
the people. This is a principle of na
ture. It is imbedded in the deepest
recesses of our souls. Give a man a
home, and you make him happy: rob
him of home, and he becomes des
perate. There is an important lesson in
this paragraph.—National Reformer.
Now that the Farmers' Alliance
in Geoflgia has elected three-fourth of
the state legislature, thereby defeat
ing Gov. Gordon, the Democratic
candidate for the United States
senate, wonder if the Republican
croakers will let up on the "Demo
cratic side-show" business? And now
the Alliance have defeated the Re
publicans in Kansas, wonder if the
Democrats will be satisfied that it is
not a Republican institution?—Port
land (Ore.) Reform Journal.
IT is contended by the old party
organs of the north, that the so
called Union Labor, Alliance, Indus
trial movement, is engineered and
run in the interest of the Demo
cratic party and by the southern
wing it is claimed, it is engineered
and run in the interest of the Rep
ublican. The farmers are to be con
gratulated for having the happy
faculty of running their affairs to
please both old parties.—Gladbrook
(Jo.) Labor Review.
MONEY and transportation are the
vital questions before the masses to
day and their attention should vig
orously be to those issues. We have
quarreled over the minor issues long
enough and now our necessities drive
us to look at the facts.—Ainsworth,
(Neb.) Home Rule.
Is it not time we had an amend
ment to the constitution of the
United States making the election
of president and senators subject to
a direct vote of the people?' We
have been voting by proxy too long
already.—Sutherland (Kan.) Times.
A Basis for Future Operations.
Mr. Billus—There's no use laying all
the blame on me, Maria, whenever we
have a fuss. It takes two to make &
quarrel.
Mrs. Billus—I know it, but it takes
only one to apologize and I want you to
understand I am tired of doing all the
apologizing. After this, John Billus,
it's going to take two to make up.—Chi
cago Tribune.
A. One-Vent Robbesy.
Newsboy—Yere's yer cvtnin' paper!
All about the robbery! Ooe cent!
Haicede—Gimme one. (After careful
reading) Guoss the kid was right. I
been robbedi o' one cent.—Indianapolis
Journal.
London Papers.
The income from the London daily pa
pers are thus put down: Daily Telegraph,
£130*000 Times, £120,000 Standard,
£70,000 Morning Post, £45,000 Daily
CTlWV?{c, £40.000 Daily Kcios, £30,000,