Dakota farmers' leader., January 01, 1891, Image 6

About Dakota farmers' leader. (Canton, S.D.) 1890-19??

Image provided by: Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

                
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I®*' li iri ERSA1VD FAKMEKS
CCVt 'iNMENT PROTECTS ONE
AMD OPPRESSES THE OTHER..
*1' p"i«r ICenlixlug Thit tlie National
••I.... nt«ni In Vomumnul* Job to
)!.l 11 in—Some l'dirtiueiit Inquiries and
J! (m..--.
iiui is the matter with the farms and
wi^-i i» he matter with the bonds?
V. iij u'o the farms, that produce, all
H&nU u:tl with mortgages and down,
uvin, i.uwn to bedrock prices, with no
»a ti.xt i*pt she fill's sales?
v, ii Jo the holder of a national bond
—tliiit never added one penny to the
w» aii.li of tho couatry—the fellow iu
|,.n.'
uiiyisa national bond'that never
litin.ii a ponny so much more pro'fer
aoi.- 10 a good farm that produces all?
a young man of enterprise and
ltii.-!uvstf qualifications you can hardly
now gi\o a farm and compel him to re
ni&ni upon it and cultivate it as a means
et obiitining a livelihood no matter
though lite farm represent tho life labor
•f Hit aihrdy pioneer, jvho converted it
from tho forest a:Kl who is now sleeping
in iii,-. grave, anil who, it is to bo hoped,
all. blind and deaf to tho acts of his
aialiijiUuig sons. ,s
'iiuiiii, brother farmers, for just ono
•ni'iiii-iit of the struggles and privations
jour fathers who tirst lot iu the suii
ltt iii. ou'these glorious old hills and
Vttiievb surrounding us! Think of their
li_, orV, iheir hopes, their aspirations and
Unir privations, that they might leave,
vi»'in:umbered to their children, good,
|rf-•(!«.iit, comfortable farm homos!
ti hy, it is enough to make the very
kcavcns bow dowj- in bitter tears of
•gony and remorse to note how ruth
lessly the, sous. havo squandered the
grand inheritance 'bequeathed unto them
ky ihelr forefathers.
What has become of their struggles,
their toils and their pri vations? Gathered
MI to tbe well-filled coffers of tlie ooud
kuldt-rs.
'1'iicre lies the farm spread out before
jnr.n every inch of which is made sacred
with tho footprints of your fathers lileo
a giant skeleton whose blood has been
nicked and whose flesh has been gnawed
itm the great, white, sepulchral bones
—Head, dead, DEAD, drawn into the
coders of the bondholders!
Each successive year, good old Mother
Jiaiure lifts from the earth her ermine
Millie of ice and snow, and covers
•MHuiiain and forest, hill and dale with
rube of living emerald bordered with
ninbow-tlnted ilowers. The birds sing,
lire rills gurgle, tho little germs hidden
ia I he cold, dark earth reach out to tbe
warm south wiiids and glorious sunshine
ail animate nature awakens into the
cwtaey of a newly found life. The
farnu-r plows faithfully his broad acres,
cwhivutes them and garners his harvests,
lie cares for his stock, his bees, his
dairy, his pouit&y. Ho uses, in the main,
wuat he cannot sell, and sells what he
catieot use. His interest money and
taM-s must be paid. Low-prices and
*l»\v sules for everything.
'1 he wife autl mother, whose whole
iuiiis are never recorded by mortal
band, is busy from morning's dawn till
late at night. No rest, no recreation, no
Sttcuperation.
'1 lid sons want to ieavo thefarm to go
ant into the crowded cities and study
professions.
Hie daughters want to go out aw»y
from the farm home inquisition to be
cuu.c teachers* artists, girls with a salary,
or. somebody's wife.
The farm homo is dilapitated and de
serted. There is nothing thoro beauti
ful an«V attractive—nothing there that
jisys Every year the farmer drudges
®vrr.v year he toils every year the
win kles are ploughed deeper into cheek
•ml bi ow. By and by, ho gets to run
ning to town ofteuer than seems neces
•iy. The (saloon is bright and attract
ive he must have somewhere to go. He
aiust have something to brace him up.
1st) ming doesn't pay. Ho has no pride
io 11 no heart iu it. Ho hires money
and hires to meet his expenses. Ho
*li uggles, and works, and frets, and
lumes, and struggles again. He lool .s
out into tle peaceful serenity of the
churchyard and wishes he was at rest.
3vn i, he cannot die. Ho tries again and
a^aiu to hire money to meet his expenses,
ana fails. It has le.tked out that ho is
wrapped up in mortgages.
A iiondholdor, who lives at a little dis
tance, holds the mortgage the farm
must go the bondholder is sure to draw
ti. in—as sure as death, taxes or the mul
tiplicntion table. The bondholder is a
neighbor, who, vcars ago, sold his farm
*uJ invested the money in United States
bonds. He has never since that time
earned a penny, yet he lives in a palace
Las a servant to wait on him at Call
ndfs or drives at his pleasure and at
ln next sessiou of congress is.to be sent
to V\'ashington. to make laws for tho
lanuers! He is sleek and fat and. well
kopr.
He attends church regularly,
his a centre pew, and pays liberally.
He thinks the national banking system
is all right that the farmer who pro
tiuees all is the'only ono to blame bc
cuus- he begins to think because he is
fi extravagant and strives to ape the
huhiis and customs of his wealthier
iit'isihbor over the way because be bears
sot his yoke of servitude in the meekness
thai doth best become him.
1
lie farmer begins to find out that tho
Btukinal bond system is a consummate
iritiuldlent. job put up on him- from the
In ginuing that the wealth producers of
tlit nation have paid to the bondholders
mot than three times the amount of the
i.u'icnal.debt that it will still require
iiior- than twice as many products to
iiM "ilate tho debt as at the beginning
tl'.ui the money gamblers have refunded
iLie I'nited States bonds, making their
payment impossible that they have
urfd.' their interest payable semi-annu
iy in gold, instead of legal l^gal-tender
jt.ith r—thus holding the farmers and
producers of the .nation their
sUvcs forever.
fhiited States bonds, instead of being
off and discharged as they should
h.»rc been, have doubled, trebled and
qi:H.iJrupled in value, drawing interest
se. annually in gold while farms and
in- a products have decimated to the
.-st possible minimum in prices. In
iv. there are no sales except forced
1
The sheriff sells out the farmer
i: bondholder cuts his coupons, laughs
si vij at the duplicity of the people and
,-':rs in his spoils.
you not see, brother farmers, that
legislation, and that alone, have
i. IT. 8. bonds at so fabulous a pre
'. and have brought farms and
iroducts at so fearful a discount?
ik as you work, and vote as you
iy ot:t thi^ firoblem from your own
•-•••. 'Omt.
••••. you hai'o solved it, it is pWn
and otsunct to your mental vision as a
rule In multiplication.
No man can gainsay it.
None will attempt it.
r'
1S92.
j•
Tho old parties have no argament^ to
make.
Fraud wears ever a mask.
Error shuns the daylight,
Solve the problem in your own way.
And whon you have solved it* have
the moral heroism to proclaim it. Talk
it with your neighbors. Think it,
preach it, write it, agitate it, and when
you are ready organize and legislate it,
and it is yours!—Anna D. Weaver in
Advance Thought.
THE ALLIANCE MOVEMENT.
Tbe Washington Correspondent of the
New' lork Herald Utvea tt Consider
ation.
"Tho specter of the Farmers' Alliance
overshadows all other political consider
ations here. Clover politicians estimate
the vote polled by that organization in
tho recent election at not less than 2,
500,000., Tho Alliance people thomsolvcs
are saying nothing that can be construed
as an indication of their future purposos.
The expectation is that their party will
increase so rapidly during tho next two
years that their voting strength in 1893
will not fall much, if any, short of five
million. In that event thoy will
undoubtedly plaqo a presidential
ticket in tho field with a
moral certainty of carrying half a dozen
southern and western states. Already
they are claiming all the agricultural
states in
This is, of course, an
exaggerated and oversanguine view of
the situation growing out of their recent
success, but they have a reasonable prob
ability of carrying North and South
Carolina, South Dakota, Kansas, Ne
braska and Minnesota. Their lcfeders
hero state that not only will they con
tinue to develop strength in the states
where' thoy havo already shown
uiick-pocted power, but that Ohio,
Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey,
and Massachusetts offer tliera an equally
promising Held. The work of organiz
ing will go on rapidly in these states
from this time, with the possibility of
bringing one or moro of them also under
their domination.
'•It is obvious to anv student of political
affairs that the allianco peoplo are 'feel
ing their oats,' as thoy figuratively put
it. They organized originally for mu
tual benefit, but they have drifted into
politics almost imperceptibly from the
start, and their manifest purposo now is
to secure control of the country, or at
least develop such strength as will en
ablo them to hold the balanco of power
between the two great parties. It is not
their intention to consolidate with cither.
Their leading men say thoy will wclcome
any man or set of men who may choose
to enter their ranks, but they can only
be admitted by renouncing forever their
former political affiliations. It is only as
a distinct organization with distinct aims
and purposes that they can hope to win,
and from this course they will not swerve
a hair's breadth. The alliance people are
claiming fifty-five votes in the next house.
Of this number forty are straight
out alliance representatives and fifteen
others have committed tnomselves in
writing to the measures advocated by
them. The moro important of these
measures are the free silver coinage and
sub-treasury bills. .They will not. stop,
thoy say, until they secure the passage
•ofbothi Judging from their conversa
tion rtMcy' expoct do-thi»-befor»itho
close of/thci Fifty-second congress. There
is one tenet of their political faith which
fair-minded men, without regard to
other considerations, will cheerfully en
dorse. They are opposed to sectional
ism and to the statesmen who support
such doctrinos. They say that
their principal opposition to Senator In
galls arises from his malevolent and re
peated efforts to widen the breach be
tween tho north and the south. His
other sins they could fonrivo, but this
they regard as unpardonable. Thoy
wore asked what, in that case, they pro
posed doing with Senators Hoar and
Chandler. They replied that as soon as
the organization became stronger in Mas
sachusetts and Now Hampshiro those
gentlemen should be immediately turned
down unless their 'brigadier scalping'
tactics, as they term them, are aban
doned."
THE OLD PARTY RECORD.
Sylvester Wedge Belates
Bis
Experience
Politician.
SKAXKSES' KOBNEBS, Kas., Dec. 8, '90.
—MB. EDITUB: Acordin to promts I
waz on hand at the apintod time an place.
I hed mi speach all comited tu memory.
It was 1 sent tu mo bi 1 ov our party
cdicators at Washington, D. C., an I hed
sed it over a good meny times and fre
kently I delivered it to emty cheers in
tlie sitin room, an when I thot I hed it
perfeck, I went to the stabel an deliv
ered it tu the kattle an bosses. I noticed
when I wood hit sum ov our favorte
pints, sich az tho force eleckshun bil,
the McKinley hi tariff bil, the wavin ov
the bludy shurt, or the advisln ov ade
bein extended by the guvernment to
Wall street banx an bankers in times
whon there waz a stringency in muney
matters, which ockurs only there—a
misstake on our part, az we sumtimes
hold our grip a leetle tu long on the
circulatin mejum, which wo hev tu do
in order to keep the interest up to the
propper pint which makes biznes far
our banx who wood gro pooror every da
if we didn't foster em, and sich other
kindred industrys an sometimes foster
cm some more. When I wood hit theso
simler pints with sich force an ex
preshun az much pracktis and labor hed
enabled me tu do, the hosses wood snort
an kick the ole kows wood stick up
ther heds an tales, an ball az tho tha
waz in sum distres, an the pigeons left
ther rust. I took these demunstrashuns
frum the dum brutes fur expreshuns ov
approval, an I thot if the otherns—tbe
Hayseeds—which wo alius considered
dumer, az tha waz alius redy to do our
bidin, an vot az we told em tn. I thot
if tha wood give me a like recepshun, all
wood be well, an mi speach wood be a
sucksess. Rite here waz the happiest
time ov all mi life, az I nowed the alli
ances waz all a-comin out tu heer me
speek, an I thot I wood carry convick
shun to every hart an sweep every voter
who had deserted us back into the ranx
ov the good ole party an if I ackom
plished this I waz shure ov mi reward
from Washington, IX C.—perhaps sum
furin appointment. It iz 1 ov our sakred
prinsipuls to reward our workers an
skeemors. Now I thot I wood be 1 ov
cm. Yes, I ges I will take a furin
mishun.
I dident kere to go to these meeting
alone, so. I purswaded our postmaster,
Elick Duzendang, who iz in simpethy
with the movement, to ackompeny me.
Elick iz a gud singer, an I thot it wood
be best to begin bi slngin ov a fue war
songs, so az to remind em that the bludy
kasum ii tharo vit an tho shurt iz still
a-wavin, an git em sturd up to a sens ov
thare juty, az I nowed the most ov em
had fit thru the war an had helped us
ride triumfantly into Washington on the
strenth ov the niger an the bludy shurt.
Theze are the strongest pints left us, an
if we fale on theze, we are gone, an gone
beyant rcdempslxun.
So the time arivin fur us to start, we
throwed a hoss blanket on the prize
mewell an we started, Elick a-ridin bo
hint. We went round bi hiz house an
got a cupple ov hotels ov licker, which
we thot wood ad a leetle tone an karak
ter to tho okashun. Elick ust to be a
dimocrat—that's -how he kem to hev
tho licker.
Wo arriv at the skule house in gud
shape—Elick waz a-feelin perticalarly
hapy under the eggsileratin inflooonce
ov the licker an the undulatin Dorklivi
ties ov his oend ov the mewel. He sed it
reminded him ov the time when he wuz
a inflooenshul dimocrat.' Imajin my
elashun when I seed the house waz full
to overflowin, and every seamed egar
an willin to hear me expound the trooth
an axcept whatever fax I could projuce.
"Yes," I ejackelated to miself, "I will
accept a furron mishun," an here I
lived thru another short but very happy
poriod which wuz soon to be busted az
you will see by the sekel.
Imejeatly on arrlvin I perceded to biz
noss, fuss explainin the objeck ov the
meetin an a tellin ov them how the prize
mewel wuz to be disposed ov, which wuz
well receved, and then I perceded with
mi speach, a fue extracts ov which I will
give you az tha ockur to me at this
writin. Among other things I sed, "You
will notes, ladies and gentlemen, that the
progres ov the ropublickan party hes bin
marked with grate events. 30 year ago
you could kount the milunairs in theze
United States on the fingers ov 1 hand,
now tha are more noomers than the hares
on your hod. Who made em, I ax you?
Who made em but the republican party?
An agin, not loss than fifteen year ago
you could scacely find a band outside ov
a county seat or tho largest towns, an
now you kin find cm at most every cross
road. All this hes bin brot about bi Our
wise legisiashun. No other country on
earth kin sho az grate a record az this.
What better condishun ov things than
this wood you want? What wood you do
whon you wanted to borrow money if it
wuz not fur the banx? All you hev to
do when, you want money is to go to the
bank and give cm a mortgage on what
stuff you hev got. You are put to no
truble, tha do all the work, sich as writ
in up the mortgage and deductin the in
terest and commishuns an if there is
anything comin to you, you git-it rite
there in cash. That's what we put em
there fur, to help the farmer out in times
of need." An I commenced to wind up
bi a sayin, "dident we fite the war? Wo
were there from beginin to eondin.
Dident wo free the slaves? an dident
we"—here ole Seph Billions broke in an
busted up the meetin. He sed, "Sa
Wedge, 'we* done big things,, dident
'wo?' I hapened to no you durin the
war, you leetle dried up, boleged, off
skowerns ov kreashun. You wuz
drafted an a deserter, an your dad hired
a substitute fur you, an you stole hosses
to pay fur it. Drive him outen the
house!" he yelled. Just then some one
hit me on tho hed with a fork handle
an mi memry ov what hapened arter
that is a leetle cloudy. I'am now caryin
one eye in a sling. Soon az I git sound
agin I wIlLsffite yousum mojcfe.
."•7•-? Yourn fur revenge,
SILVESTEB WEDGE, HON.
P. S. I hope to git that Hon. at the
other eend of mi name soon.
PREJUDICE WILL NOT AVAIL.
The old parties' press is doing its best
to make all the mischief it can by trying
to prejudice the public mind.
Their comments on tho recent election
arc all prompted by selfish and partisan
motives they deplore the amicable and
friendly adjustment of sectional differ
ences, which is solely attributable to the
benoficent influence and principles of tho
labor organizations, which are actuated
by patriotism, and not by partisanism.
The principles of theso industrial unions
are based upon living issues, which effect
the living and future generations
and upon issues which were set
tled twenty-five years ago by
the surrender of Lee at Appo
mattox the labor organizations discard
the prejudices engendered by the war,
and regard the people of all sections as
mutually interested in good government
and a fair and impartial administration
of tho laws the old parties appeal to
prejudice to strengthen their claims, but
the new party refers its claims to reason
and intelligence.
It might and, no doubt, would be bet
ter for the country, if both of the parties
were superceded by parties that had no
connection with the civil war.
At every recurring election, crafty
politicians have appealed to these war
prejudices to excite the peoples' hate and
keep them apart.
The labor party is constantly striving
to secure harmony and good frili among
all mankind, and brotherly love among
ourselves.
They have determined to bear one an
other's burdens they pledge themselves
to alleviate suffering and paiii to caro
for the widow and orphan to redeem the
country and the people from wage slav
ery and millionaire rule.
Is it any wonder that this great social,
economic and religious organization is
getting recruits from all parties and all
classies of men? Is It any wonder that
the noblest men and women have en
listed in the cause? Is it a wonder that
the selfish and unprincipled politicians,
who are the authors of our country's woe
and misery, are amazed at its victorious
sweep? The curses of the old party
press cannot retard it the anathemas of
Shylock's servile tools will only hasten
the advent of the new party which shall
rule the country.—Hermansville (Mo.)
Union Bee.
THE stink comes from the skunk as
the financial evils now covering this
country are from congress. Till tbe
people clean out that Augean stable and
elect to that body men, who d6fy both
the old parties and will dare tp do right
for industry, the usurer is kingand labor
is his slave. The only power.in this
country that will effect a changte for the
better is the people. Yet they "sit with
folded hands to see their homes, wives,
children and parents stripped of all save
poverty marks.—Brick Pomeroj/.
The absorption of wealth by drone
non-producers has been perfected into a
scientific system and the toilers who cre
ate the riches which the profligate and
luxurious enjoy, must for tho-fntnre be
content with a living that ever wanes
more meager and stinted.-vBunoeU,
(Neb.) A.U1ancc. .-t-. ,-.
Sir:
*?A
STRUCK THE KEYNOTE
THE ISSUE BEFORE THE PEO
PLE IS MORE MONEY.
A.
Democratic Paper Tells. What Alls Its
Party Management, and Also What tlie
Country Meeds.
Among the many things for which we
are grateful to the farmer is the fact
that 'the people are more concerned in
the quantity of money they possess than
in tho cheapness of things. As a rule,
commodities rule high when money lis
plenty, and they grow correspondingly
cheaper when money is scarce. This
fact has been impressed by the farmers'
orators and the farmers'writers. A cir
culating medium calculated for the wants
of peoplo twenty years ago, when tho
population of the country was a little
moro than half it now is, would pro
duce, if maintained in stringency, a
wan4 of money that would force down
the value of every product to starva
tion prices, because it would, by mak
ing money scarce, forco up its value.
Of.
course, many of the farmers' ora
tors and farmers' writers argue this in
a crude way, but they havo struck the
key note to the whole situation.
What matters it to them if they can
buy goods cheaper under free trade if
the must suffer a corresponding de
pression in the price of their products?
If they have no money how can they
buy? The mythical man in Texas could
have bought a whole county for a pair
of boots, but he didn't havo the boots.
When, therefore, you talk to a farmer
about the cheapness of thiugs he has
only to repeat that old story and the
auswer is complete.
Well, what are we all going to do
about it? Our party has just won a
great victory and properly accredited it
to the fact that the public have revolted
against the methods of the republican
party. Howev6r, that don't insure onr
permanent success.
If we think that a do-nothing policy
will satisfy the revolting farmers of this
nation, we labor under a fatal mistake.
If we think that the conspiracy of cap
ital can be cloakcd behind revenue re
form, so called, tho delusion will be
equally bad.
In our opinion, the silver question is
beyond doubt, that of the hour. Free
coinage seems to be the popular demand,
and the northern farmers are not in favor
of the sub-treasury idea, but strenuously
demand free coinage of silver.
It was thought that the act of the last
session of congress would have been of
great benefit, and we, in common with
conservative men, were of that opinion.
And so it would if fairly acted upon, but
it is not. And why? Because the sec
retary of the treasury, selected from tho
west because he was supposed to be re
moved from New York influence, is com
pletely dominated by Its money power,
lie buys just as little silver as possible,
t.nd that at the lowest figures.
"If he were truly loyal to the cause of
the people and had the slightest com
prehension of his great and important
(•rust, he would not only buy his lour
and a half million per month
but ho would buy the few million of sur
plus silver in New York with which the
conspirators continually hammer the
market. The people all over the coun
try are begging for more money to carry
on their business affairs. This silver,
were it purchased for silver certificates,
woultl relieve tho monetary stringency
to that extent, take the little surplus off
tho market and raise the price of silver
to a par with gold. Mr. Windom has
this power. How does he exerciso it?
Let us see. It is his custom to purchase
silver on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fri
days of each week. He purchases an
nually upon these days 375,000 ounces
and this repeated for twelve times iq
the month gives him the 4,500,000
ounces. It is bought,Jwe will say, at
113.39. Now the government makes a
profit in coining this of the difference be
tween 113.29 per ounce and 139.39 per
ounce, or 16 cents per ounce. Yet, on
Oct. 1 while the whole 375,000 ounces
were offered to the government at from
113% to 114, this great secretary only
purchased 350,009 ounces, stopping at
113.95, and refusing the other 125,000
ounces at 114. Behold a secretary, in
deed, whose financial ideas are so fifte
that he can draw the line at .05 of a
cent an ounce and yet he can sit still and
see a lot of conspirators depress the
price of silver from $1.31 to
$1.10 per ounce and never wink!
To see the interests of the sil
ver mines, of the wheat and cotton
growers, sacrificed to the tune of mil
lions never disturbs his equanimity in
tho least. Verily, the present silver bill
as administered is a fraud! It is clear
that the great mining, cotton and agri
cultural interests of the couutry are to
be sacrificed until a free coinage bill for
silver is passed, and then the people can
take care of themselves."
The extract in quotations is the west
ern and southern farmers' idea of the
situation, and yet we are gabbling over
the nomination of either Cleveland
or Hill, of {few York, the state
which is the center of this great money
conspiracy. Cleveland! Why he is abso
lutely in favor of demonetizing silver!
He wrote an open letter to that effect
after his election in 1884! Hiill He is as
silent as an oyster on the question, but
we would not violate reason to suppose
that, being a New Yorker, he is
thoroughly in favor of tho New York
money idea. Whose votes was it that
defeated the free coinage meas
ure in the house of representa
tives at its last session after the
measure had overwhelmingly passed
the senate? Democratic, and where
were they from? New York and tho
east. Now, you just go right along
thinking you can fool the farmer with
free trade and cheap goods, and nomi
nate either of these or any other New
Yorker, and in 1893 you'll see a snow
storm strike some one. And it won't be
the other fellows elther.-z-Natehitoches
(La.) Review.
GETTING QUITE RESPECTABLE.
There Is one thing the People's Party has
done besides capturing the offices, and that
is it has forced the republicans to respect
it.—Torch.
Still a better thing it has done is, it
has learned to respect itself. For years
we have been waiting, watching and
hoping that some of the great labor
strikes against the greed of combined
millionaires would be successful. A suc
cessful railroad, telegraph or miner's
strike would have educated the laboring
masses to the fact that by organization
and unity they could control capital
aiji force it to treat them fairly.
T4s would have organized all the
la jOr of the civilized world.
capital has remained on top
and held as its subservient tool by pay­
«.
ing a bonus t*. employes who did not be
long to labor organizations. It remained
for the farmers, through the allianco, the
wheel, the grange and kindred combines,
to show by a Vote in tho late election,
which even Wall streeet is bound to re
spect, that the day of boodle control of
this government is at an end. No won
der there was a canic "on 'change" when
the returus cawe in. Stick together,
farmers and laborers it is your only
hope. Organize an alliance at every
school house in the "Big Third" district
and assembly of the Knights of Labor in
every vi.-iage, and in the future Omaha
will r.ot bo able to reverse the expressed
wiu of the entire state. I.t is hoped that
by 1893 you may become not only re
spected but "vei-y" respectable.—Sberl
dan'County Sun.
WHAT THE TIMES DEMAND.
The necessity of the hour is a non
sectional party, a party for the tillers
and toilers, a party that knows no north
or south. The honest laboring masses
are demanding it, are preparing for it.
The Farmers' alliance, the Farmers'
Mutual Benefit association, tho Knights
of Labor, the prohibitionists, the equal
suffragists, each is quiotly but certainly
moving to a convergent point where all
can stand united in one grand national,
non-sectional party. A high standard
of morals and economics must
bo adopted in our politics and
government. The mental giant
must not lord it over the mediocre.
The financial bully and miserly autocrat
shall not use his Herculean strength to
overthrow, subdue and control b's
brother and fellow creature who does
not happen to be such a good or success
ful manager or schemer. Socioty, busi
ness, politics and government, at the
command of the peace-loving, quiet and
substantial citizens, can be placed Upon
an equitable, moral and humanitarian
basis. yVhy should it. not be? Why
should this great republic be subject to
the whims of millionaire speculators?
Why should tho farms', the homes,
the firesides, the churches, the
sacred burying places be but the
frolic ground of the banking and rail
roading magnates, the monopolists and
gamblers? Highway robbery, burglary
and unlawful detention of property are
penal crimes and the common people are
severely punished for the commission of
such, but special license is given men
and corporations to perpetrate high
handed outrages. The constitution of
these United States grants each of her
subjects "life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness," yet her most devoted and
loyal children are daily and continually
robbed and cruelly deprived of each and
all these Godgiven and constitutionally
guaranteed rights. Why not the people
rule? Intelligence and co-opera
tion will effect the desired changes.
A strong, closoly-organized political
party should be established, having in
view only the utility of the government,
the welfare of the people. This partv
must be based on intelligence and pat
riotism, and should bo sufficiently flexi
ble to be useful aud unselfish, so that.if
the greatest good can be accomplished
by throwing the entire support to the
democratic party for any measure, It can
and will bo done—likewise to 'assist the
republicans in a similar case. But
should neither of .jthe old parties be dis
posed to give the country needed legisla
tion, this new party must come out
squarely and fighjb each and every en
emy.—JonesbarOyAArk.) Country.
THE TENDENCY OF THE TIMES.
Pnblle Business /Mast lie Run By thi
Public In the Interest of the People.
The tendency of the tinies seem to be
more and more toward paternal govern
ment. Even those men who strongly
advocate individual action, and have for
their motto "the less government the
better," aro unconsciously yielding more
and more to tho attractions of co-oper
ative methods. ,To realize the fact con
sider that there never was a time when
so many co-operative enterprises of a
more or less public character were' in
progress. For instance, those who have
occasion to observe testify that tho
amount of waterworks, sewer, light and
street railway construction was never so
great as it has been this year. Water
works are being put in in dozens
of towns so small that their
namos are hardly known beyond
the borders of the states in which they
lie. There is hardly a place of 10,000
inhabitants that has not some system of
sewerage, or is not agitating the subject.
Even the country villages are putting in
electric light plants, and the arc or in
candescent rays shine where gas a de
cade ago was hardly dreamed of. The
electric fire alarm is no longer found
only in the large cities. Turn to an
other line of governmental interference
and we find the postmastei general's ad
vocacy of a postal telegraph meeting
with more approval than formerly. The
attempt of the department to improve
the parcel post servico by es
tablishing parcel stations in various
parts of the cities, and by placing
big boxes for parcels in con
venient localities, indicates that a future
step may be the express companies by
the postoffice department, though that
step may be a long while in taking.
The express companies themselves are
semi-public institutions, complete ex
amples of co-operation, so far as their
work goes, even if their profits go to
private purses instead of the public
treasury and it is within the memory of
many when Harndpn, the pioneer ex
pressman, made his first trip between
Now York and Boston. That was only
a half a century ago, and now the busi
ness is so great that the rumor of union
between two of the groat companies in
terests the whole country. Government
now takes a share in regulating pri
vate affairs such as our ancestors
would have found a greater provoca
tion for resentment than the stamp
act, and yet hardly a murmur is heard
save from those temporarily inconven
ienced by the new order of things. Sir
Edward Coke's precept that "a man's
house is his castle" no longer has more
than the shadow of truth. In the first
place, this castle must be built only as
the government allows. Tho owner
cannot start to build it nntil he has a
permit. He must conform it to definite
and often stringent regulations. After it
is completed\he cannot change it or add
to it without more permission. He must
submit to its examination by public in
spectors from time to time. !He must
regulate its sanitary arrangements ac
cording to the dictations of boards of
health. Then there is the ever-increas
ing supervision of social matters, such
as the requirements for registering
births and deaths and tho licensing of
marriages, the enforcement of school at
tendance, compulsory vaccination, and
the rest—all steps toward the ascendency
of the nation over the individual. There
":r .1
sil:'
Is the supervision of the relations
tween employers and employes, such
the legislation about hours of work, orrf,
ploymentof mfnors, tho arbitration of
differences, etc. There is the regulation'
of inter-state commerce, already estab4[&
11
shed as a function of government, and*-^
tho national regulation of bankruptcy,^
doubtless soon to be established again,
Rivcor and harbor bills are passed to-day'l
without a question as to their legality,1'*t
though only three-quarters of a century^
ago the Cumberland road and the Chesa-M
peake & Ohio canal questions were c^m-^
PROBABLY AN AGENT.
fj
paign issues, as much debated as tho-'^ii
tariff is to-day. Since that timo towns
have had to borrow money to help build
railroads, somo cities havo come to look
on private water companies as ururers.
of public rights, franchises of all sortaV/
have become recognized at» a matter ©%,!i
public control, and here and there as fit-gfm
subjects for public sale, and the right of^iM
municipal ownership of public MMfiis*^
hardly disputed. The progress
ness and industry is in tho sanWIihe.^jf
Note the consolidation of railway com-i1'4J
panies, the spread of the corporation^/^
idea, the tendency toward huge factories
and enormous farms, the concentration-^,
of tho bulk of the fresh meat buslnesi
into a few hands, tho growth of bazarvn
in tho cities, tho clustering of allied in-f
dustries in the towns.—Bradstrects.
Jay Gonld, If He Owns AH He Claims, Haa^
•6,000,000,000 Worth of Railroads. t5j'S
According to the Toledo Blade, JayjV^
Gould is again the master spirit on WalKt^
street. It will be recalled, that for some',^,'
time past, thore have been frequent''*'
flurries on Wall street, bordering on a
panic, and that these
assigned to various causes.
latest flurry Jay Gould appeared upon
the scene and became a heavy purchaser
of railroad stocks. It will also be re
called that it was claimed that Baring I'
Brothers, owing to South Am||ic»np,A*
complications, were obliged toI^Htaadi4f
American securities. These se^PEes,
it would seem, were unloaded so ah-'
ruptly that they went down until they'
were selling for a mere song. It was
when railroad stock reached its lowest5,'VR
point that Jay Gould bought. And |."|
within a week invested 510,000,000. The
late purchases make Jay Gould the larg
est holdor of railroad stock of any man
in the United States. The Toledo Blade
says: "With his own roads, and with his^I&
voice in the management of others, tha
railroad transportation interests of this
country are practically in his hands."
We leave our readers, to conjecture
what will follow when Jay Gould V.
controls all the railroads of tha
United States, and to inquire if Jay w--'
Gould really owns all ho claims. Some* 7:
time since, a statement was published, 'T
that Jay Gould was only tho agent of a
vast money power that had its head
quarters in London, England. Tha A
statement looks reasonable in view of
the fact that affairs in South America
are not sufficient cause for the apparent
magnitude of the money paniu^JDoes
hot a careful study of the -i^^Kaffalr
lead to the conclusion that the^Jfic and
unloading of American securities was a'
pre-arranged affair? and does it no$ ap
pear that Jay Gould is really the agent
of a European money power, since ha
appears on Wal| street at the right time
flurries have been
During ther-^
to buy "stock for a song. If Jay Gould
owns what he.claims, he is interested is
railroads, alone, to tho amount of $6,000,
000,000.—Kansas Aoitator.
1
t&a
Mb. Ignatius Dokseixt, of Minne
sota, has an original way of expressing
himself and doesn't care where the chips
fly when he chops. Addressing a Farm
ers' allianco convention recently he said:1
"For itolitics, in the narrow sense of tha
word, wo care nothing. We are neithei
for nor against the republican nor demo
cratic party. We are organised
to suppress abuses by 'legislative flu
means, and woe unto tlie man or party
that gets in our way. We are fighting*'^
for personal'rights and porpetuity of the ''r»5
public. If the old parties do not at- Hif
tempt to thwart or injure us, we have
no objection to their going on selling figs
in the midst'of the hurricane. We ro
gard them as the two great national
base ball clubs, and their uproars and
enthusiasms are, perhaps, necessary for
a certain class of undovelooed' minds,
to whom a procession is
principle and a flambeau
light of civilization.
cratic party signifies^ the
plus 5 per cent, reduction
the republicpn party signifies
rations minus tho 5 per cent, reduction.
The old school men used to argue as to
demo-
Orations
:'iV(
how many devils could dance on the
point of a needle. It is amusing to see
65,000,000 of the most intelligent people
on earth all'dancing together on the at
of that proposed 5 pet
The difforenco between
tenuated point
cent reduction.
tweedle dum and twecdle deo disappears
into nothingness in the presence of such
a picture." **,*$!
THE people forget that the govern
ment is the people, and that they have
tho right to be tho government. That
government money, crested and paid out
as full legal tender, is the best of all.
That its place is not in the fire burning,
that bonds may be issued therein, nor fi*} if
locked up in vaults in order to give
pawnbrokers a chance to get higher rates
of interest. That to take legal tender
money from the people, destroy it, give
bonds therefor and compel the people to
pay interest on theso bonds is-the turn
ing of a hog to destroy, the child that v'M
would direct to better feed. Wall street feS
is a greater enemy to the people than t^S
ever was the rebellion.—rPome roy Ad- 'tp*
vance Thought.
1
V'-i/A-wiT
THE Farmers' alliance has at lasl
risen to the dignity of pro^iuag'. general
criticism. The press
of fll^Eold parties
have been forced out of tOTr policy of
indifferently ignoring this great new ife
political factor. Whatever the mistakes 1
of the alliance maiy bo, and it- will doubt
less make many, the best evidence that
it is right in the main, is the fact that it $•
is being bitterly criticised and opposed ySf
by those papers who in the past havo 'jag
given their support to the policy that
produced the evils which the alliance
was organized to destroy. The nearer ,U|
the alliance gets to economic truth, the sapi
bitteror will be the wail of the old party's w||
organ.—wanfteid (gem.) NanconfonmUi.
THE ballot is the only weapon, says
the Workman and Farmer, with which
the workingmen can secure their .rights.
But, stranger to say, a century, has
passed away since this weapon was pat J5
into their hands, and they have not ye1
found out how, when or where to use it J|
for their own. benefit, even though they
are constantly about election time i®
portuued and fooled into qttfulng it tm
the benefit of others, 4nd frequently.
they turn ou* to be fra