Newspaper Page Text
VOL.1. NUMBER 33.
THE FARMERS' BURDENS. ments of a Southern Journal-on *0 an Opinion from the West. The Kansas City Times says the farm ers .are no longer rich. They no longer Ijasro more than they can spend. In oar nee prosperous agricultural districts fhey afflMteduced almost to poverty. Ih .tSPjresof the pablic fanning has ceased be the ptoasant and profitable occupation of a former generation. In the older states it is a common thing to Me farm houses going to decay, white in •be new states dugouts and shanties are the role. Everywhere may be seen the •pack of the loan agent and the blight-of the mortgage. The fact cannot be disguised that the farmerp of the west are growing poorer •very day, while the farmers of the sonti are seriously hampered in their progress. And yet tins is all wrong. Agriculture should be the great source of the nation's prosperity, and when it decays the entire country will suffer. It will not do to say that the farmers are idle and thriftless. They work hard. They are economical. They make the best of their hard lot. It is easy enough to explain the present state of affairs. Our farmers pay a heavy tax on nearly every article they buy, and nearly all fhey seUj^nust go at prices fixed in the marlt^flwhere the producers of the worldTSBgete for buyers. If a protect ive tariff puts money in the pockets of those who are engaged in manufacturing pursuits, it doe3 not compel them to pay higher prices for agricultural products. The value of everything raised on a farm is largely determined by the price of our surplus supply in foreign markets. Farm ers, therefore, when they sell have to compete with the producers of the world, and when they buy they have to pay an exorbitant tax to a privileged class on our eastern seaboard, for whose benefit the McKinley bill was enacted. In conclusion, out' Kansas City con temporary declares that our farmers un der ,esistin£^ conditions are mere serfs, ant} will never be any better off until have tariff reform. These are stub born facts, but tariff reform is not a suf ficient remedy. We must overhaul our entire systems of finance and taxation. We must have*a currency that will meet the WJipt^of ^his rapidly developing conntrJWprfre. must have local banks of issue will not outlaw the fanners by rejecting: real estate as a security for loans. When we get all these reforms we may expect to see the agricultural interest enjoy its olden prosperity, but not before.—Atlanta Constitution Th» Ntw York iMgae. The New York State Farmers' league, at its recent convention in Utica, adopt ed the following: We demand that our state and na tional governments shall take action re garding the following matters. First, that all property, real, personal, corporate, shall be equally taxed second, that no public officer accept passes from railroads or other corporations third, that the dealing in futures in agricult ural products be prevented fourth, that the sale of adulterated food prod ucts be prohibited unless they are so branded fifth, to secure the nationaliza tion of the canals, and make the deepen ing of the Hudson river a national ex pense, and until such time make no fur ther appropriation for the canals, save such as may1 be necessary to keep them in good repair sixth, to secure the pub lication of a uniform system of school textbooks under direction of the state, in or|br tbjjythoy taiay be furnished at a seventh, to secure such? protection to state lands in the Adirondack forest as will prevent fur ther destruction by lumber pirates and others, thus insuring a supply of water sufficient to meet the demands of our waterways, without expending millions in purchase of land3 held by speculators and sportsmen to establish a state park eighth, that an estimate of the prob able cost of completing the state capitol be obtained, to the end that the taxpayers may determine whether it will not be economy^o abandon the same and build one more in keeping with the demands of the people ninth, that while our present system of road making is not productive of the best results, we be lieve that any scheme to spend millions of the people's money on the highways should be postponed till an improvement in the financial condition of our country will warrant such expenditure tenth, that national legislation be deferred in reference to the irrigation of the western arid lands at public expense until the consumptive demands of the people shall require a greater productive area eleventh, to secure such financial legisla I'tffoi as will meet the requirements of Io3 agricqjtjg&l and business interests of the countrjMfcelfth, to prevent the im migration 3Pthe pauper and criminal classes to this country, also all persons who don't in good faith intend to be come its citizens. We furthermore demand retrenchment and reforms in national, state and local expenditures, to the end that legislation in these stringent times shall provide for the passage of such laws as will re lieve an overburdened and ftdden people. Governor Abbett find the Jersey Farmers. The annual message of Governor Ab bett, which is a comprehensive review of the public affairs of New Jersey, dwells at great length upon the con ditions which affect the farming indus try of his state. These conditions,which have been made the subject of investi gation by a special commission, are any thing but cheering, although they do not differ materially from the prevailing ag ricultural conditions in Pennsylvania and other eastern states. Governor Ab bett reaffirms the statement of the com mission that farm land has fallen in value in New Jersey about 40 per cent, within the last fifteen or twenty years, bat he derives some consolation from the fact that the value of land per acre is higher in New Jersey than it is in any other state in the Union. Governor Abbett admits that grain raising is no longer profitable in New Jersey, and finds that the farmers are obliged to compensate themselves with the cultivation of vegetables and froits, with the rearing of cattle and with the dairy industries. Bat the great depre ciation of land values in the state indi cates plainly enough that the farmers have not found in these sabstitutes suffi cient compensation for the loss of former profits in wheat raising. Chief among the causes to which Gov ernor Abbett refers the agricultural de pression in New Jersey are unequal tax ation, state and federal unjust discrimi nation in freight charges bad roads and high rates of interest.—Philadelphia Record- Wlist the Movement Is. The farmers' movement is thoroughly educational. In its social aspect it recog nizes the isolation of the farmer with the resulting evils, and attempts to over come that isolation. In its financial as pect it is a protest against present meth ods of centralization, and an attempt to restore the industrial equilibrium which has been destroyed by the combination and trust, by securing a fair ratio in the exchange of raw products for finished commodities. In its relation to citizenship it strives to develop an educated farm yeomanry who will cast conscientious ballots not merely for the party brand, but for the home and the native land. Hence it aims to' break down isolation and dis trust, and substitute an educated farm sentiment and farm leadership. It recog nizes that present conditions are the natural outgrowth of having intrusted the government to those who preferred private interest to general welfare when private interest and general welfare clashed. It seeks justice through morals and evolution. In its political aspect it is a protest against bourbonism, bossism, corrup tion at the polls and class legislation, whether McKinleyism or other class ism. It is a movement in favor of the same protection to the farm as is accorded to the factory.—N. H. Ashby in American Agriculturist. "V'i-r-.'in. «,i- .— .... .. The Alliance in New Jersey. The Alliance has in mind a special work, and that is a reduction of the salaries of the state officials. They will take no independent action in this mat ter this year. They will be guided by the legislative committee of the indus trial senate, who will spend much time in Trenton during the session of the legislature. They will seek to secure some steps looking forward to a change of the constitution, a reduction of all salaries to $5,000 a year, including the governor's, and the changing of the com pensation of the clerks of' the supreme court and chancery. These latter officers they think should be paid by the state, and all fees over and above the salaries should be paid to the state. They in clude all the supreme court justices and chancellor in the list of officials. They now get $9,000 and $10,000 a year. The Alliance will wait and see what the senate is going to do in this connec tion. Next fall they will take an ag gressive hand in the matter. They will then have a vigorous stato Alliance, with branches in every county. It is suggested that the matter of reducing the salaries of officials be made the is sue of the first campaign, and that the Alliance withhold its support from all candidates for the assembly and senate who refuse to be pledged to the uniform salary scheme.—Trenton Special in Phil adelphia Press. Brainy Worklnguien. The idea that workingmen cannot be trusted to aid in a philosophical adjust ment is so erroneous as to excite the sur prise of all thoughtful men. The sci ence of political economy was born among the lowly. Adam Smith, whose "Origin of the Wealth of Nations," was our emancipation proclamation to labor, was cradled in the hut of a Scotch labor er, and accustomed to toil. And no sub sequent writer on that subject has been able to lay down any new principles, or to successfully counteract the views of the poor Scotchman. Our more modern works on political economy are but lit tle more than the "Origin of the Wealth of Nations" in a new dress.—Grange Advocate. A dispatch from Jefferson City says: The farmer members are anxious to get all the information they can regarding corporations in the state and their as sessed property valuations. The third resolution on this subject was presented in the house by Representative Lee, of Carter. It specified that every county clerk in the state be required to furnish the house with a list of corporations in each of the. counties, with the assessed property valuation of each and other in formation concerning them. The reso lution was laid over until to-morrow. Representative McLin, of Johnson, in troduced a resolution to exclude all lob byists from the house. He said there was reason to believe that the house would be overrun with railroad lobbyists before the session was well advanced. A Faithful LEADER in the Cause of Economy and Reform, the Defender of Truth tiwd Justice, the Foe of Ftaud and Corruption. CANTON, SOUTH DAKOTA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1891. THE IMMORAL TARIFF. A. Follower of tbe Plow Pays His Ke •pects to Professor Tan XSursn Denslow. The New York Tribune has given to its readers a four column screed by Pro fessor Van Buren Denslow on the "Fi nancial Crisis," and I hasten to apolo gize for the assumption that it is worthy of notice by sensible readers by the state ment that its importance arises solely from the manner of its publication, and not at all from its matter, except so far as both reveal one of the demoralizing effects of the "immoral tariff." Let me quote the following spqgjmen of the acu men displayed by this writer: "The principle of democracy breaks down when it comes to lending money, and the other principle applies that cap ital attracts capital, wealth alone in spires confident^, 'to him that hath shall be given, while from him that hath not shall be taken away.' If we purpose to lend money we seek to lend it only to the rich, the very rich, the richest possi ble. Then we know we will get it again." There are other farmers of my ac quaintance who have come to under stand the meaning of this statement Like me they inherited their political faith, just as Van Buren Denslow did his ignorance. And with me they have come to anew light within the last few years. As we have watched the burn ing corn in stoves guiltless of coal, there has come to us alight which has recently been reflected in our action. We have not read so many old authors, and con sequently have not compiled so many pages of twaddle, as lumber the libraries with the imprint of "Professor" Dens low. But somehow we have gained the knowledge that democratic institu tions have been committed to this peo ple, who have been not unwilling to make certain sacrifices in their interest. Down by the orchard there are two mounds, 'neath which rest the bones of father and brother who laid down their lives when it had been found that "the principle of democracy broke down" when we came to admit the right of man to own his fellow man, and the de struction of the nation was attempted to secure that right. For over a quarter of a century we have watched the bios? Boms mil on those graves,- and hej$ known only the regret that our he: could not have lived to take up the fight which we now see impending between the whole people and their enslavers. The snows of more than twenty-five win ters have mantled them, bat have never destroyed the memory of the men who died that greater liberty should bless thin nation. And now from all over the country there is coming proof that the farmers are awakening to realize that they have been sustaining a system which has em boldened writers in its defense to impu dently frame their arguments to prove that when the "principle of democracy breaks down" before the further de mands of monopoly, democracy itself must give way that greed may fatten. This is the familiar argument of. the tax eaters. They would protect with high taxes the mill bosses in order that they might be able to pay higher wages to their employes, and then have so framed the laws as to make it possible for employers to buy their labor in the open market and starve their working men behind tjie wall of protection. They have humbugged us with the pretense of protecting us with imposts on corn and wheat to cover up the infamy of a con stantly increasing tribute to the barons of monopoly. They have instilled into the public mind the idea that the nation must care only for the rich—the very rich—the richest possible—and let the' poor feed from the crumbs that fall from their groaning tables. They have made it necessary for the farmers to mortgage their lands, and then have devised means by which those mortgages could only be held by men whose exactions have made us burn corn in competition with protected coal. They have given of the public domain and of the people's treasure empires in area and wealth beyond tho dream of avarice, and now sneer at the folly of farmers who assume the possibility of the government doing for them what it has so freely done for more favored classes. They have boxed the compass of absurdities in financial legislation for the benefit of a class, and now demand farther benefits for their pets that "the very rich" may be able to loan money to bankrupted farmers.—A Kansas Farmer in Chicago Times. Farmers and Lawyers. Among the other revolutions the farm ers' movement is to accomplish in a short space of time is to breakup the fetichism which has given the profession of the law prestige in public business. The Alliance has in Kansas, where its ad vance has been most marked, made con gressmen, state legislators and even jadges out of other material. It pro poses to dispense with lawyers in the competition for the United States sen atorehip. Since the time when the professions contained all the education of nations the law has been regarded as the princi pal source of supply for public men. Young men went into the law as much because it was the stepping stone to po litical preferment as anything else. The selection of congressmen from any other class has been exceptional in this coun try. The bar and politics have been al most one and the same thing. If the Alliance continues to wield po litical power and persists in its exclusion oFlawyers it wer either destroy a super stition or do sdne terribly bad govern ing. Which will it be? Education has extended. The farmer and merchant know more, of the inside of public questions now than the law yers and preachers did when the consti tution was adopted—not more of tech nical forms, but more of the essential reasons for this: or that legislative or ex ecutive action. The trend of civilization is always away from barren technical recital and toward simplified common sense. As people learn more they re quire less and endnre less of the elabo rate ritual of technique. Perhaps we can get along with few lawyers among pablic men.—Kiawas C5ty Times. Farm Inaoranoe in G«rmany. "Nothing is more remarkable," said Mr. Conried MoHter, "to a German who is now an American citizen than to no tice the change in political affairs which he finds on revisiting his native land after even the lapse of a decade." Mr. Moliter is a merchant of Salt Lake City, U. T., and a mining engineer by profession. He had just returned from a visit to his native land, and is loud in his praise of the yonng emperor. "The emperor," he continued, "hag started in to reverse the old Bismarck regime. His latest step has been the in troduction of a state system of insur ance for the Uve stock of farmers. In every commune or township where one hplf of all the farmers desire insurance it becomes obligatory on all the rest to avail themselves of the law. The sum paid for loss ,'is to be seven-tenths of their value for! dead animals, and eight tenths of the value for such as are killed because they have contracted disease or endanger the Safety of the rest. The premiums are fixed at 1 per cent, of the value of the animals insured. The state makes a free gift of. $10,000 per annum to the insurance fund, but should the losses exceed this sum, together with the amount of the premiums, then the pre miums are to be raised three-quarters of 1 per cent., and if this does not suffice the state agrees tcj make good the deficiency. The whole scheme will be directed from Berlin, where there will be a central in surance bureau, governed by directors appointed by the government. This bureau wiU. control the local officers, receive the premiums and pay the losses. —New York Star. National and State Alliances. J. H. Turner, secretary of the State Farmers' Alliance of Missouri, said in a recent interview with a St. Louis Globe Democrat reporter: We are in a'state of quiet activity at Alliance he^3wu*ra.in.tbis city, pre-, paring for the meeting in February next of the presidents of the State Alliances, which will be held here. Thirty State Alliances will be represented, and this meeting will elect a legislative commit tee, whose duty it will be to attend to the engrafting, as far as possible, of Al liance principles into legislation. The order is growing very fast. On Nov. 20 the State Alliance of California was or ganized, and by December of this year we will have Stata Alliances in Wash ington, Oregon, Idaho and Arizona. Those of Ohio and Iowa will be organ ized by April next. Though very often solicited to do so, the National Alliance has refused to interfere in state politics. Our policy is to educate and not to agi tate. When the people are educated they must of themselves decide what is best for them to do. The Farmers' Alliance leaders do not dictate. It is too early to predict what will be done in 1892. Some of the Alliances in the west are anxious for a third party. I do not think, how ever, that this plan will be adopted. So Mote It lie. Thjs country surprises itself and as tonishes the world now and then by demonstrating how exhaastless are its resources in the way of men to carry on almost any business. We object to a man after he and his friends think the country cannot do without him. We go out among the people and find a sub stitute who often turns out better than his predecessor. Missouri and Kansas are agricultural states, and there are plenty of farmers who have education and training in business sufficient to fill acceptably offi cial position of almost any kind. Why shouldthey not" be honored? Why should not the thought of the farm be directly represented in the councils of the two states? The rise of the farmer in politics is the leading characteristic of the present era. He is about to learn and teach a great deal. He will prove his capacity and gain confidence he will learn that good men outnumber the bad in all classes. Antagonisms will be smoothed down by contact, and the end will be a higher mutual respect and warmer friendship among the various occupations of west em America.—Kansas City Times. Expressing Their Will. The legislature of North Carolina has adopted the following: Resolved, by the house of representa tives, the senate concurring, That our senators in the Fifty-first and Fifty-sec ond congresses of the United States be, aftd they are hereby instructed, and our representatives requested, to vote for and use all honorable means to secure the objects of financial reforms contem plated in the platform adopted by the Ocala meeting of the National Farmers' Alliance, held in December, 1889. That a copy of the above resolution be sent to our senators and representatives in congress. WANTS MORE MONEY. A Minnesota Farmer Tells How a Gold Standard Editorial "Takes" With Him. "How does it take?" I should think that mere idle cariosity would suggest the above inquiry, though you really had no interest or did not care. I have reference to your financial editorials. Well, they do not take with me. Yon presume too much on th» ignorance at the people. IJmow, for instance, that I know very little, bat when a man tries to ride over aid trample down irilof the obvious truths which are obnoxious to a theory, there is a remote possibility that some one will bring him to the reali zing sense that there is not always a monopoly in ideas. Your reply to the query concerning the price of gold shows clearly a desire to "bear" the source of troth. What would a person think of me if in reply to "What is the price at potatoes?" I should say, "You might as well ask me how much does a quart measure hold?" and should farther say that in reality the price of potatoes is the amount of wheat, pork, boots or ma chinery they will purchase. I would reap contempt for such treatment, as well 1 should deserve. This reply is exactly paralleled by yooxs. Something most be done, in your estimation, to make men believe that gold is the universe in whom there is no variableness or shadow of turning. You are determined to have a "stand ard of valae," a thing which neither time, nor law, nor men, nor any combina tion of men, can ever materialize. How can there be a standard when all the factors which are involved in products and values—viz., want, labor and sup ply—are perpetually on the ebb and flow? Every day of our lives we are brought face to face with the fact that the stand ards are as numerous as the individuals of the race. No matter what we buy or who buys or sells, we shall run across some one who will remark of our pur chase, "You paid too much," while an other will say, "You got that cheap." But you insist that gold is a standard of value and is the standard of our cur rency. I suppose, then, that that accounts for the fact that potatoes were worth fifteen cents a year ago and are now worth seventy cents a bushel, or that batter was worth fifteen cents in Jane and is now worth twenty-five. Perhaps your gold is of uniform value, bat I can get a number of dollars more of them with 100 bashels of oats than I could a year ago. I can get less of them with hay than three years ago. In what sense is anything a standard that can never be valued twice alike any day or age? Your idea that there is a body of peo ple clamoring for an "inferior" money is not a sapposable case, has no right to be classed as a supposition or hypothe sis. The attitude of a person toward the greenback shows the attachment tc the country, measures the patriotism Those opposed to it are enemies of the country, as it is the personification of the ideal currency, is the only honest money we ever had, the only money that stands by us in all emergencies, the money which came forth in oar peril af ter gold had vanished. I am totally opposed to the "sub treasury" scheme am a farmer.—R. R. Lambert in St. Paul Pioneer-Press. The Third Party Conference. A dispatch from Topeka, Kan., states that the Citizens' National Industrial Al liance perfected its organization, and sued a call for a national convention of reformers, to be held in Cincinnati be tween the 10th and 20th of May. The call issued at the Ocala convention was considered premature, and the change in date is made in order that tho conven tion may be held at a time when legis lative proceedings may not interfere with it. The whole matter grew out of the Ocala convention. About 200 delegates from six states participated in the meet ing. Thomas Gilruth, of Kansas City, Mo., was elected president of the organi zation, and W. F. Rightmeiere, of To peka, secretary. The work of the na tional organization was placed in the hands of Capt. C. A. Power, Terre Haute, Ind. Ralph Beaumont, Wash ington, D. C. Mrs. M. E. Lease, Wichita, Kan., and I. N. Wood, Stevens, Kan. The Citizens' Alliance will add the Knights of Labors' strength to the Farmers' Alliance. John Davis, of Junction City, a mem ber of the executive council, Knights of Labor, and congressman from the Fifth Kansas district, said today that the new order would afford the Knights of LaboB a chance to enter politics without inter fering with their old business organiza tion. The Alliance leaders are confident of carrying the Dakotas, Minnesota, Ne braska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri and Ohio in 1892. Governor Francis' Position* In his recent message Governor Fran cis, of Missouri, said concerning the farmers' political movement: The widespread discontent which per vades the agriculturists of the country is a natural result of the class legislation which has been enacted at Washington during the past thirty years. The limited supply of money by which the commerce of the country has been moved and the value of its products regulated is to be attributed to the policy of the national government, and the state legislatures are powerless to provide a remedy. The farmers of the country, who have suf fered most in consequence of these un just discriminations, seem to have be 91.00 PER ANNUM. come thoroughly aroused to a realization of their burdens, and are making coo* certed and intelligent efforts to correct the evils from which they suffer. Their endeavors, so long as they lis within the limitations of the organic lam of the commonwealth and the nation, merit the encouragement and assistance of all fair minded men to the extent thas the state can aid without violating the rights of these in bettering the condition of those who contribute so materials toward her wealth and importance. AH wise measures-will meet my approval New Organisation of Farmers. A dispatch states that anew nnriotj something similar to the Farmers' Al liance was organized by a convention oC influential and prominent farmers at Fairbury, Ills., recently. It this (the Ninth congressional) only. The new venture will be known as the Farmers' Organization of tha Ninth congressional district of and the object is to promote the finan cial, moral, social, educational and! other interests of the r"iers through out the district. The various counties will have separate societies, and eadi township in the counties also. Every! township will be thoroughly organized] by an executive committee of the moat) influential farmers, and it is thought tha new move when in full blast will baj quite a power in politics, as that is onei of the objects. Members are required to be agriculturists. j.| What Concerns Him. jj What concerns the farmer is: First—He has to pay too high a rate-oi interest. Second—He is receiving too low prices for his products to have a profit on tha cost of production. Third—The money value of his farm has been steadily depreciating, even though he has all the time been increas ing its fertility. Fourth—As a result no one wants-tc buy farms. Fifth—Men are seeking more profita ble investments. Bright boys and in telligent men are leaving the farms. Now, I am not a croaker, nor indeed am I willing to' indorse completely all the above propositions, for I believe that there are some wide awake business farmers who even invthose doll times for farming are making a fair per cent, on their investments. Bat they are ex ercising a business talent which in my opinion wouldstand even abetter chance of producing profitable returns in other channels of business.—Farmer in New York Tribune. No Need tor Alarm. A leading member of the Nebraska Alliance stated that there was a great deal of unnecessary excitement and agi tation over what legislation the Alliance proposes to pat on the statute books this winter. Said he: "I hear a great deaLdl lamentation to the effect that we wiH in* dnlge in considerable class legislation— that is, that we will legislate only foe the farmer. In park, I am free to con fess, this is true. We have had legislatures for a good many years past that have enacted claae legislation—that is, legislation which benefited other classes besides ours. The monopolists have had a pretty long tarn at the legislative wheel, and it is our whirl now. But there is no need for alarm in business circles. The Farmers' Alliance is not an anarchical organiza tion.—Chicago Tribune Special. The Way to Win. There is much complaining at the present time by the agricultural com munity, and many inquire, "Will times ever be better? Is there any chance for the farmer? How are we to get out o1 our dilemma? Will any one show us any good? Brothers, don't be despdndent you will "get there." Only just assert your rights to be heard in the congressional and legislative halls. Stand together shoulder to shoulder dont let parly leaders and demagogues lead you by the nose, or crack over you the party whip, or "cow" you into silence or submission. Show a determination worthy of your cause, and you will win.—Cor. Journal of Agriculture. One year ago the Alliance in Ohio had only 5,000 members. Now there ace 660 sab-Alliances, with a total member ship of over 30,000. The Brotherhood of Man. Newspaper readers, no doubt, are gen erally aware that the Alliance farmers have been derided as "hayseed social ists." and that their proposals have been commonly criticised as socialistic but it is not so much their specific propo sitions, however radical, as the tone and language of their papers, their campaign orators and their campaign songs, which' give an adequate idea of the thoroughly revolutionary spirit of these men. The Alliance press and platform have indeed constantly declared that the de mands they now make are but the first steps of a radical new departure, the first blows in a fight which is to end. only in the total overthrow of the money power, the destruction of private monop olies in all forms and a general remodel ing of the industrial system on the basis of equality and fraternity. Especially in Kansas and Nebraska, which may be considered the moral cen ters of the movement, the watchword of the campaign seems to have been that rallying cry raised today by the oppressed in every land, ''The brotherhood of man." —Edward Bellamy in American Agri culturist.