OCR Interpretation


Dakota farmers' leader. (Canton, S.D.) 1890-19??, February 05, 1891, Image 1

Image and text provided by Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn00065127/1891-02-05/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for

VOL.1. NUMBER 33.
THE FARMERS' BURDENS.
ments of a Southern Journal-on
*0 an Opinion from the West.
The Kansas City Times says the farm
ers .are no longer rich. They no longer
Ijasro more than they can spend. In oar
nee prosperous agricultural districts
fhey afflMteduced almost to poverty.
Ih .tSPjresof the pablic fanning has
ceased be the ptoasant and profitable
occupation of a former generation. In
the older states it is a common thing to
Me farm houses going to decay, white in
•be new states dugouts and shanties are
the role. Everywhere may be seen the
•pack of the loan agent and the blight-of
the mortgage.
The fact cannot be disguised that the
farmerp of the west are growing poorer
•very day, while the farmers of the
sonti are seriously hampered in their
progress. And yet tins is all wrong.
Agriculture should be the great source
of the nation's prosperity, and when it
decays the entire country will suffer.
It will not do to say that the farmers
are idle and thriftless. They work hard.
They are economical. They make the
best of their hard lot. It is easy enough
to explain the present state of affairs.
Our farmers pay a heavy tax on nearly
every article they buy, and nearly all
fhey seUj^nust go at prices fixed in the
marlt^flwhere the producers of the
worldTSBgete for buyers. If a protect
ive tariff puts money in the pockets of
those who are engaged in manufacturing
pursuits, it doe3 not compel them to pay
higher prices for agricultural products.
The value of everything raised on a farm
is largely determined by the price of our
surplus supply in foreign markets. Farm
ers, therefore, when they sell have to
compete with the producers of the world,
and when they buy they have to pay an
exorbitant tax to a privileged class on
our eastern seaboard, for whose benefit
the McKinley bill was enacted.
In conclusion, out' Kansas City con
temporary declares that our farmers un
der ,esistin£^ conditions are mere serfs,
ant} will never be any better off until
have tariff reform. These are stub
born facts, but tariff reform is not a suf
ficient remedy. We must overhaul our
entire systems of finance and taxation.
We must have*a currency that will meet
the WJipt^of ^his rapidly developing
conntrJWprfre. must have local banks
of issue will not outlaw the fanners
by rejecting: real estate as a security for
loans. When we get all these reforms
we may expect to see the agricultural
interest enjoy its olden prosperity, but
not before.—Atlanta Constitution
Th» Ntw York iMgae.
The New York State Farmers' league,
at its recent convention in Utica, adopt
ed the following:
We demand that our state and na
tional governments shall take action re
garding the following matters.
First, that all property, real, personal,
corporate, shall be equally taxed second,
that no public officer accept passes from
railroads or other corporations third,
that the dealing in futures in agricult
ural products be prevented fourth, that
the sale of adulterated food prod
ucts be prohibited unless they are so
branded fifth, to secure the nationaliza
tion of the canals, and make the deepen
ing of the Hudson river a national ex
pense, and until such time make no fur
ther appropriation for the canals, save
such as may1 be necessary to keep them
in good repair sixth, to secure the pub
lication of a uniform system of school
textbooks under direction of the state,
in or|br tbjjythoy taiay be furnished at
a seventh, to secure
such? protection to state lands in the
Adirondack forest as will prevent fur
ther destruction by lumber pirates and
others, thus insuring a supply of water
sufficient to meet the demands of our
waterways, without expending millions
in purchase of land3 held by speculators
and sportsmen to establish a state park
eighth, that an estimate of the prob
able cost of completing the state
capitol be obtained, to the end that the
taxpayers may determine whether it will
not be economy^o abandon the same
and build one more in keeping with the
demands of the people ninth, that while
our present system of road making is not
productive of the best results, we be
lieve that any scheme to spend millions
of the people's money on the highways
should be postponed till an improvement
in the financial condition of our country
will warrant such expenditure tenth,
that national legislation be deferred in
reference to the irrigation of the western
arid lands at public expense until the
consumptive demands of the people shall
require a greater productive area
eleventh, to secure such financial legisla
I'tffoi
as
will meet the requirements of
Io3 agricqjtjg&l and business interests of
the countrjMfcelfth, to prevent the im
migration 3Pthe pauper and criminal
classes to this country, also all persons
who don't in good faith intend to be
come its citizens.
We furthermore demand retrenchment
and reforms in national, state and local
expenditures, to the end that legislation
in these stringent times shall provide
for the passage of such laws as will re
lieve an overburdened and ftdden people.
Governor Abbett find the Jersey Farmers.
The annual message of Governor Ab
bett, which is a comprehensive review
of the public affairs of New Jersey,
dwells at great length upon the con
ditions which affect the farming indus
try of his state. These conditions,which
have been made the subject of investi
gation by a special commission, are any­
thing but cheering, although they do not
differ materially from the prevailing ag
ricultural conditions in Pennsylvania
and other eastern states. Governor Ab
bett reaffirms the statement of the com
mission that farm land has fallen in
value in New Jersey about 40 per cent,
within the last fifteen or twenty years,
bat he derives some consolation from
the fact that the value of land per acre
is higher in New Jersey than it is in any
other state in the Union.
Governor Abbett admits that grain
raising is no longer profitable in New
Jersey, and finds that the farmers are
obliged to compensate themselves with
the cultivation of vegetables and froits,
with the rearing of cattle and with the
dairy industries. Bat the great depre
ciation of land values in the state indi
cates plainly enough that the farmers
have not found in these sabstitutes suffi
cient compensation for the loss of former
profits in wheat raising.
Chief among the causes to which Gov
ernor Abbett refers the agricultural de
pression in New Jersey are unequal tax
ation, state and federal unjust discrimi
nation in freight charges bad roads and
high rates of interest.—Philadelphia
Record-
Wlist the Movement Is.
The farmers' movement is thoroughly
educational. In its social aspect it recog
nizes the isolation of the farmer with
the resulting evils, and attempts to over
come that isolation. In its financial as
pect it is a protest against present meth
ods of centralization, and an attempt to
restore the industrial equilibrium which
has been destroyed by the combination
and trust, by securing a fair ratio in the
exchange of raw products for finished
commodities.
In its relation to citizenship it strives
to develop an educated farm yeomanry
who will cast conscientious ballots not
merely for the party brand, but for the
home and the native land. Hence it
aims to' break down isolation and dis
trust, and substitute an educated farm
sentiment and farm leadership. It recog
nizes that present conditions are the
natural outgrowth of having intrusted
the government to those who preferred
private interest to general welfare when
private interest and general welfare
clashed. It seeks justice through morals
and evolution.
In its political aspect it is a protest
against bourbonism, bossism, corrup
tion at the polls and class legislation,
whether McKinleyism or other class ism.
It is a movement in favor of the same
protection to the farm as is accorded to
the factory.—N. H. Ashby in American
Agriculturist.
"V'i-r-.'in. «,i- .— .... ..
The Alliance in New Jersey.
The Alliance has in mind a special
work, and that is a reduction of the
salaries of the state officials. They will
take no independent action in this mat
ter this year. They will be guided by
the legislative committee of the indus
trial senate, who will spend much time
in Trenton during the session of the
legislature. They will seek to secure
some steps looking forward to a change
of the constitution, a reduction of all
salaries to $5,000 a year, including the
governor's, and the changing of the com
pensation of the clerks of' the supreme
court and chancery. These latter officers
they think should be paid by the state,
and all fees over and above the salaries
should be paid to the state. They in
clude all the supreme court justices and
chancellor in the list of officials. They
now get $9,000 and $10,000 a year.
The Alliance will wait and see what
the senate is going to do in this connec
tion. Next fall they will take an ag
gressive hand in the matter. They will
then have a vigorous stato Alliance,
with branches in every county. It is
suggested that the matter of reducing
the salaries of officials be made the is
sue of the first campaign, and that the
Alliance withhold its support from all
candidates for the assembly and senate
who refuse to be pledged to the uniform
salary scheme.—Trenton Special in Phil
adelphia Press.
Brainy Worklnguien.
The idea that workingmen cannot be
trusted to aid in a philosophical adjust
ment is so erroneous as to excite the sur
prise of all thoughtful men. The sci
ence of political economy was born
among the lowly. Adam Smith, whose
"Origin of the Wealth of Nations," was
our emancipation proclamation to labor,
was cradled in the hut of a Scotch labor
er, and accustomed to toil. And no sub
sequent writer on that subject has been
able to lay down any new principles, or
to successfully counteract the views of
the poor Scotchman. Our more modern
works on political economy are but lit
tle more than the "Origin of the Wealth
of Nations" in a new dress.—Grange
Advocate.
A dispatch from Jefferson City says:
The farmer members are anxious to get
all the information they can regarding
corporations in the state and their as
sessed property valuations. The third
resolution on this subject was presented
in the house by Representative Lee, of
Carter. It specified that every county
clerk in the state be required to furnish
the house with a list of corporations in
each of the. counties, with the assessed
property valuation of each and other in
formation concerning them. The reso
lution was laid over until to-morrow.
Representative McLin, of Johnson, in
troduced a resolution to exclude all lob
byists from the house. He said there
was reason to believe that the house
would be overrun with railroad lobbyists
before the session was well advanced.
A Faithful LEADER in the Cause of Economy and Reform, the Defender of Truth tiwd Justice, the Foe of Ftaud and Corruption.
CANTON, SOUTH DAKOTA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1891.
THE IMMORAL TARIFF.
A.
Follower of tbe Plow Pays His Ke
•pects to Professor Tan XSursn Denslow.
The New York Tribune has given to
its readers a four column screed by Pro
fessor Van Buren Denslow on the "Fi
nancial Crisis," and I hasten to apolo
gize for the assumption that it is worthy
of notice by sensible readers by the state
ment that its importance arises solely
from the manner of its publication, and
not at all from its matter, except so far
as both reveal one of the demoralizing
effects of the "immoral tariff." Let me
quote the following spqgjmen of the acu
men displayed by this writer:
"The principle of democracy breaks
down when it comes to lending money,
and the other principle applies that cap
ital attracts capital, wealth alone in
spires confident^, 'to him that hath shall
be given, while from him that hath not
shall be taken away.' If we purpose to
lend money we seek to lend it only to
the rich, the very rich, the richest possi
ble. Then we know we will get it
again."
There are other farmers of my ac
quaintance who have come to under
stand the meaning of this statement
Like me they inherited their political
faith, just as Van Buren Denslow did
his ignorance. And with me they have
come to anew light within the last few
years. As we have watched the burn
ing corn in stoves guiltless of coal, there
has come to us alight which has recently
been reflected in our action. We have
not read so many old authors, and con
sequently have not compiled so many
pages of twaddle, as lumber the libraries
with the imprint of "Professor" Dens
low. But somehow we have gained the
knowledge that democratic institu
tions have been committed to this peo
ple, who have been not unwilling to
make certain sacrifices in their interest.
Down by the orchard there are two
mounds, 'neath which rest the bones of
father and brother who laid down their
lives when it had been found that "the
principle of democracy broke down"
when we came to admit the right of
man to own his fellow man, and the de
struction of the nation was attempted to
secure that right. For over a quarter
of a century we have watched the bios?
Boms mil on those graves,- and hej$
known only the regret that our he:
could not have lived to take up the fight
which we now see impending between
the whole people and their enslavers.
The snows of more than twenty-five win
ters have mantled them, bat have never
destroyed the memory of the men who
died that greater liberty should bless
thin nation.
And now from all over the country
there is coming proof that the farmers
are awakening to realize that they have
been sustaining a system which has em
boldened writers in its defense to impu
dently frame their arguments to prove
that when the "principle of democracy
breaks down" before the further de
mands of monopoly, democracy itself
must give way that greed may fatten.
This is the familiar argument of. the
tax eaters. They would protect with
high taxes the mill bosses in order that
they might be able to pay higher wages
to their employes, and then have so
framed the laws as to make it possible
for employers to buy their labor in the
open market and starve their working
men behind tjie wall of protection. They
have humbugged us with the pretense of
protecting us with imposts on corn and
wheat to cover up the infamy of a con
stantly increasing tribute to the barons
of monopoly. They have instilled into
the public mind the idea that the nation
must care only for the rich—the very
rich—the richest possible—and let the'
poor feed from the crumbs that fall from
their groaning tables.
They have made it necessary for the
farmers to mortgage their lands, and
then have devised means by which those
mortgages could only be held by men
whose exactions have made us burn corn
in competition with protected coal.
They have given of the public domain
and of the people's treasure empires in
area and wealth beyond tho dream of
avarice, and now sneer at the folly of
farmers who assume the possibility of
the government doing for them what it
has so freely done for more favored
classes. They have boxed the compass
of absurdities in financial legislation for
the benefit of a class, and now demand
farther benefits for their pets that "the
very rich" may be able to loan money to
bankrupted farmers.—A Kansas Farmer
in Chicago Times.
Farmers and Lawyers.
Among the other revolutions the farm
ers' movement is to accomplish in a
short
space of time is to breakup the fetichism
which has given the profession of the
law prestige in public business. The
Alliance has in Kansas, where its ad
vance has been most marked, made con
gressmen, state legislators and even
jadges out of other material. It pro
poses to dispense with lawyers in the
competition for the United States sen
atorehip.
Since the time when the professions
contained all the education of nations
the law has been regarded as the princi
pal source of supply for public men.
Young men went into the law as much
because it was the stepping stone to po
litical preferment as anything else. The
selection of congressmen from any other
class has been exceptional in this coun
try. The bar and politics have been al
most one and the same thing.
If the Alliance continues to wield po
litical power and persists in its exclusion
oFlawyers it wer either destroy a super
stition or do sdne terribly bad govern
ing. Which will it be?
Education has extended. The farmer
and merchant know more, of the inside
of public questions now than the law
yers and preachers did when the consti
tution was adopted—not more of tech
nical forms, but more of the essential
reasons for this: or that legislative or ex
ecutive action. The trend of civilization
is always away from barren technical
recital and toward simplified common
sense. As people learn more they re
quire less and endnre less of the elabo
rate ritual of technique. Perhaps we
can get along with few lawyers among
pablic men.—Kiawas C5ty Times.
Farm Inaoranoe in G«rmany.
"Nothing is more remarkable," said
Mr. Conried MoHter, "to a German who
is now an American citizen than to no
tice the change in political affairs which
he finds on revisiting his native land
after even the lapse of a decade."
Mr. Moliter is a merchant of Salt Lake
City, U. T., and a mining engineer by
profession. He had just returned from
a visit to his native land, and is loud in
his praise of the yonng emperor.
"The emperor," he continued, "hag
started in to reverse the old Bismarck
regime. His latest step has been the in
troduction of a state system of insur
ance for the Uve stock of farmers. In
every commune or township where one
hplf of all the farmers desire insurance
it becomes obligatory on all the rest to
avail themselves of the law. The sum
paid for loss ,'is to be seven-tenths of
their value for! dead animals, and eight
tenths of the value for such as are killed
because they have contracted disease or
endanger the Safety of the rest. The
premiums are fixed at 1 per cent, of the
value of the animals insured. The state
makes a free gift of. $10,000 per annum
to the insurance fund, but should the
losses exceed this sum, together with the
amount of the premiums, then the pre
miums are to be raised three-quarters of
1 per cent., and if this does not suffice the
state agrees tcj make good the deficiency.
The whole scheme will be directed from
Berlin, where there will be a central in
surance bureau, governed by directors
appointed by the government. This
bureau wiU. control the local officers,
receive the premiums and pay the losses.
—New York Star.
National and State Alliances.
J. H. Turner, secretary of the State
Farmers' Alliance of Missouri, said in a
recent interview with a St. Louis Globe
Democrat reporter:
We are in a'state of quiet activity at
Alliance he^3wu*ra.in.tbis city, pre-,
paring for the meeting in February next
of the presidents of the State Alliances,
which will be held here. Thirty State
Alliances will be represented, and this
meeting will elect a legislative commit
tee, whose duty it will be to attend to
the engrafting, as far as possible, of Al
liance principles into legislation. The
order is growing very fast. On Nov. 20
the State Alliance of California was or
ganized, and by December of this year
we will have Stata Alliances in Wash
ington, Oregon, Idaho and Arizona.
Those of Ohio and Iowa will be organ
ized by April next. Though very often
solicited to do so, the National Alliance
has refused to interfere in state politics.
Our policy is to educate and not to agi
tate. When the people are educated they
must of themselves decide what is best
for them to do. The Farmers' Alliance
leaders do not dictate. It is too early to
predict what will be done in 1892. Some
of the Alliances in the west are anxious
for a third party. I do not think, how
ever, that this plan will be adopted.
So Mote It lie.
Thjs country surprises itself and as
tonishes the world now and then by
demonstrating how exhaastless are its
resources in the way of men to carry on
almost any business. We object to a
man after he and his friends think the
country cannot do without him. We
go out among the people and find a sub
stitute who often turns out better than
his predecessor.
Missouri and Kansas are agricultural
states, and there are plenty of farmers
who have education and training in
business sufficient to fill acceptably offi
cial position of almost any kind. Why
shouldthey not" be honored? Why should
not the thought of the farm be directly
represented in the councils of the two
states?
The rise of the farmer in politics is the
leading characteristic of the present era.
He is about to learn and teach a great
deal. He will prove his capacity and
gain confidence he will learn that good
men outnumber the bad in all classes.
Antagonisms will be smoothed down by
contact, and the end will be a higher
mutual respect and warmer friendship
among the various occupations of west
em America.—Kansas City Times.
Expressing Their Will.
The legislature of North Carolina has
adopted the following:
Resolved, by the house of representa
tives, the senate concurring, That our
senators in the Fifty-first and Fifty-sec
ond congresses of the United States be,
aftd they are hereby instructed, and our
representatives requested, to vote for
and use all honorable means to secure
the objects of financial reforms contem
plated in the platform adopted by the
Ocala meeting of the National Farmers'
Alliance, held in December, 1889.
That a copy of the above resolution be
sent to our senators and representatives
in congress.
WANTS MORE MONEY.
A Minnesota Farmer Tells How a Gold
Standard Editorial "Takes" With Him.
"How does it take?" I should think
that mere idle cariosity would suggest
the above inquiry, though you really
had no interest or did not care. I have
reference to your financial editorials.
Well, they do not take with me. Yon
presume too much on th» ignorance at
the people. IJmow, for instance, that I
know very little, bat when a man tries
to ride over aid trample down irilof
the obvious truths which are obnoxious
to a theory, there is
a remote possibility
that some one will bring him to the reali
zing sense that there is not always a
monopoly in ideas. Your reply to the
query concerning the price of gold shows
clearly a desire to "bear" the source of
troth. What would a person think of
me if in reply to "What is the price at
potatoes?" I should say, "You might as
well ask me how much does a quart
measure hold?" and should farther say
that in reality the price of potatoes is
the amount of wheat, pork, boots or ma
chinery they will purchase. I would reap
contempt for such treatment, as well 1
should deserve.
This reply is exactly paralleled by
yooxs. Something most be done, in
your estimation, to make men believe
that gold is the universe in whom there
is no variableness or shadow of turning.
You are determined to have a "stand
ard of valae," a thing which neither
time, nor law, nor men, nor any combina
tion of men, can ever materialize. How
can there be a standard when all the
factors which are involved in products
and values—viz., want, labor and sup
ply—are perpetually on the ebb and flow?
Every day of our lives we are brought
face to face with the fact that the stand
ards are as numerous as the individuals
of the race. No matter what we buy or
who buys or sells, we shall run across
some one who will remark of our pur
chase, "You paid too much," while an
other will say, "You got that cheap."
But you insist that gold is a standard of
value and is the standard of our cur
rency. I suppose, then, that that accounts
for the fact that potatoes were worth
fifteen cents a year ago and are now
worth seventy cents a bushel, or that
batter was worth fifteen cents in Jane
and is now worth twenty-five. Perhaps
your gold is of uniform value, bat I can
get a number of dollars more of them
with 100 bashels of oats than I could a
year ago. I can get less of them with
hay than three years ago. In what sense
is anything a standard that can never be
valued twice alike any day or age?
Your idea that there is a body of peo
ple clamoring for an "inferior" money
is not a sapposable case, has no right to
be classed as a supposition or hypothe
sis. The attitude of a person toward
the greenback shows the attachment tc
the country, measures the patriotism
Those opposed to it are enemies of the
country, as it is the personification of
the ideal currency, is the only honest
money we ever had, the only money that
stands by us in all emergencies, the
money which came forth in oar peril af
ter gold had vanished.
I am totally opposed to the "sub
treasury" scheme am a farmer.—R. R.
Lambert in St. Paul Pioneer-Press.
The Third Party Conference.
A dispatch from Topeka, Kan., states
that the Citizens' National Industrial Al
liance perfected its organization, and
sued a call for a national convention of
reformers, to be held in Cincinnati be
tween the 10th and 20th of May. The
call issued at the Ocala convention was
considered premature, and the change in
date is made in order that tho conven
tion may be held at a time when legis
lative proceedings may not interfere
with it.
The whole matter grew out of the
Ocala convention. About 200 delegates
from six states participated in the meet
ing. Thomas Gilruth, of Kansas City,
Mo., was elected president of the organi
zation, and W. F. Rightmeiere, of To
peka, secretary. The work of the na
tional organization was placed in the
hands of Capt. C. A. Power, Terre
Haute, Ind. Ralph Beaumont, Wash
ington, D. C. Mrs. M. E. Lease, Wichita,
Kan., and I. N. Wood, Stevens, Kan.
The Citizens' Alliance will add the
Knights of Labors' strength to the
Farmers' Alliance.
John Davis, of Junction City, a mem
ber of the executive council, Knights of
Labor, and congressman from the Fifth
Kansas district, said today that the new
order would afford the Knights of LaboB
a chance to enter politics without inter
fering with their old business organiza
tion.
The Alliance leaders are confident of
carrying the Dakotas, Minnesota, Ne
braska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri and
Ohio in 1892.
Governor Francis' Position*
In his recent message Governor Fran
cis, of Missouri, said concerning the
farmers' political movement:
The widespread discontent which per
vades the agriculturists of the country
is a natural result of the class legislation
which has been enacted at Washington
during the past thirty years. The limited
supply of money by which the commerce
of the country has been moved and the
value of its products regulated is to be
attributed to the policy of the national
government, and the state legislatures
are powerless to provide a remedy. The
farmers of the country, who have suf
fered most in consequence of these un
just discriminations, seem to have be­
91.00 PER ANNUM.
come thoroughly aroused to a realization
of their burdens, and are making coo*
certed and intelligent efforts to correct
the evils from which they suffer.
Their endeavors, so long as they lis
within the limitations of the organic lam
of the commonwealth and the nation,
merit the encouragement and assistance
of all fair minded men to the extent thas
the state can aid without violating the
rights of these in bettering the condition
of those who contribute so materials
toward her wealth and importance. AH
wise measures-will meet my approval
New Organisation of Farmers.
A dispatch states that anew nnriotj
something similar to the Farmers' Al
liance was organized by a convention oC
influential and prominent farmers at
Fairbury, Ills., recently. It
this (the Ninth congressional)
only. The new venture will be known
as the Farmers' Organization of tha
Ninth congressional district of
and the object is to promote the finan
cial, moral, social, educational and!
other interests of the r"iers through
out the district. The various counties
will have separate societies, and eadi
township in the counties also. Every!
township will be thoroughly organized]
by an executive committee of the moat)
influential farmers, and it is thought tha
new move when in full blast will baj
quite a power in politics, as that is onei
of the objects. Members are required
to be agriculturists.
j.|
What Concerns Him. jj
What concerns the farmer is:
First—He has to pay too high a rate-oi
interest.
Second—He is receiving too low prices
for his products to have a profit on tha
cost of production.
Third—The money value of his farm
has been steadily depreciating, even
though he has all the time been increas
ing its fertility.
Fourth—As a result no one wants-tc
buy farms.
Fifth—Men are seeking more profita
ble investments. Bright boys and in
telligent men are leaving the farms.
Now, I am not a croaker, nor indeed
am I willing to' indorse completely all
the above propositions, for I believe that
there are some wide awake business
farmers who even invthose doll times
for farming are making a fair per cent,
on their investments. Bat they are ex
ercising a business talent which in my
opinion wouldstand even abetter chance
of producing profitable returns in other
channels of business.—Farmer in New
York Tribune.
No Need tor Alarm.
A leading member of the Nebraska
Alliance stated that there was a great
deal of unnecessary excitement and agi
tation over what legislation the Alliance
proposes to pat on the statute books this
winter. Said he: "I hear a great deaLdl
lamentation to the effect that we wiH in*
dnlge in considerable class legislation—
that is, that we will legislate only foe
the farmer. In park, I am free to con
fess, this is true.
We have had legislatures for a good
many years past that have enacted claae
legislation—that is, legislation which
benefited other classes besides ours. The
monopolists have had a pretty long tarn
at the legislative wheel, and it is our
whirl now. But there is no need for
alarm in business circles. The Farmers'
Alliance is not an anarchical organiza
tion.—Chicago Tribune Special.
The Way to Win.
There is much complaining at the
present time by the agricultural com
munity, and many inquire, "Will times
ever be better? Is there any chance for
the farmer? How are we to get out o1
our dilemma? Will any one show us
any good?
Brothers, don't be despdndent you
will "get there." Only just assert your
rights to be heard in the congressional
and legislative halls. Stand together
shoulder to shoulder dont let parly
leaders and demagogues lead you by the
nose, or crack over you the party whip,
or "cow" you into silence or submission.
Show a determination worthy of your
cause, and you will win.—Cor. Journal
of Agriculture.
One year ago the Alliance in Ohio had
only 5,000 members. Now there ace
660 sab-Alliances, with a total member
ship of over 30,000.
The Brotherhood of Man.
Newspaper readers, no doubt, are gen
erally aware that the Alliance farmers
have been derided as "hayseed social
ists." and that their proposals have been
commonly criticised as socialistic but
it is not so much their specific propo
sitions, however radical, as the tone and
language of their papers, their campaign
orators and their campaign songs, which'
give an adequate idea of the thoroughly
revolutionary spirit of these men.
The Alliance press and platform have
indeed constantly declared that the de
mands they now make are but the first
steps of a radical new departure, the
first blows in a fight which is to end.
only in the total overthrow of the money
power, the destruction of private monop
olies in all forms and a general remodel
ing of the industrial system on the basis
of equality and fraternity.
Especially in Kansas and Nebraska,
which may be considered the moral cen
ters of the movement, the watchword of
the campaign seems to have been that
rallying cry raised today by the oppressed
in every land, ''The brotherhood of man."
—Edward Bellamy in American Agri
culturist.

xml | txt