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Christopher & Olson, the rank of clothing. fy-' the ladder. time houses. We have Just received the finest line of ready made clothing, that you ever put you I eyes on? and our goods are sold at the I /^Closest Margin Possible. t: We get the cash. amination of our good. Every man can convince himself of the benefit of our system, and the truth of our We are anxious to convince you and do so with a trial, or a personal ex We are not occupying a small place in We are wide awake and at the TOP of Our bargains are striking hard, and our prices cutting deep in the flesh, of long Our styles the latest, coupled with our cut prices will peal the scales from the eyes of the people, till our bargains will shine like the sun irresistible. "p. tional Bank, J? Christopher & Olson, —Proprietors of— Price Main Street, one door South of Mrst IN a* Canton, South Dakota, A Faithful LEADER in the Cauae of Economy and Reform, the Defender of Truth and Justice, the Foe of Fiaud and Corruption. VOL.1. NUMBER 36. CANTON, SOUTH DAKOTA, THUftSDAV, FEBRUARY 26, 1891. $1.00 PER ANNUM PRESIDENT POWERS' ADDRESS. His Views on Honj, Itnupntattoa, XAiid and Bdlot Deform*. At the opening of the National Farm ers' Alliance at Omaha President Pow ers delivered an able address, from which the following excerpts are made: Each separate branch, of industry should have its separate organization. The black smith hi-i peculiar interests in relation to raw material, tools, etc., which are different from the carpenter, and both of these from the shoe maker, and so with all the different trades and occupations. And all others differ froin the farmer in this, that while people may for a time go barefooted or without shelter, the products of the farm are absolutely necessary every day and all the time for the existence of every member of a civilized community. But whtto trades unions and Knights of La bor assemblies are necessary in the cities, and the Farmers' Alliance and other kindred or ganizations are necessary in the country, there are interests which arc common to all these, and for which some general organization is ab solutely necessary. It is in relation of these organizations to the government that the greatest necessity for co operation exists. No eSectivo arrangements of a national character for the conduct of the business industries of tho country can be made and prove of benefit without being in effect laws of the organisation which adopt them. And GO to prevent general and continual con flict with the laws of the government, the gov ernment itself must be controlled by theso so cieties. Permit mo to suggest a plan for your con sideration. Let this Alliance discuss and agree upo such measures as it shall deem' expedient to form a basi3 for politi'^l action forthis year and nest. Placo this by Correspondence before the other great industrial organizations, and with their concurrence let a convention be called at some central point for the purpose of comparing views, and finally adopting as a national platform a concise set of principles which can be cordially supported by all. Then publish them to tho world, and let tho remain der of tho year bo spent in disseminating theso principles and preparing for the great straggle in 1892. Tho subjects on which those principles are founded should bo those which are most vital to tho prosperity of tho people, tho honest laborers of tho whole country, and which can be so impressed on tho majority of the people that they can bo adopted and carried out. I think they iy be all included in the fol lowing list: Money reform, land reform, trans portation rcfoTm, ballot reform, and the sup pression of any vice that is tolerated by law to the peril of our national prosperity. Money i:3 a crer-ttiro of law. Tho intrinsic value of tho material of which it is manufact ured does not add to its value. Tho fact is, what tho government labels as money it is bound to receive as money, and what will pay the government will pay any subject of the government, unless otherwise prescribed by law. But money, when manufactured by tho gov ernment, is of no uso to the people, except to put it in circulation. Tho method of loaning to tho working people without interest I think the most feasible and least objectionable. If money was thus fur nished by the government on a term of few years to individuals, but perpetual to the peo ple and absolutely without interest, the hoard ing of money would bo'stopped, except it bo in the case of a few misers, and till the money in the country would soon be in circulation. On the question of transportation but one SO luttba the difflcriities seems to be left us.® Anticipating the attempt of the people to en force their demand to bring the railroads under the control of law, combinations and consoli dations havo been effected to aim at, and bid fair to practically apply, a policy which shall enable tho companies or company (for I think they are virtually now but one) to dictate their own terms of operation and rates for service, or to subject the people of any locality or of the whole country to tho alternative of being de prived of railroad service and thus starve them into subjection. There is but one effective remedy for this, and that is for the government, which has always admitted its obligation to furnish ways of transportation for the people, by giving to corporations and individuals priv ileges by charter to provide and operate such roads, to take them into its own hands and furnish that service for its people which the corporations have failed to render. Land reform is attended with as many diffi culties as any question with which wo have to deal. How to preserve the rights of property, the obligations of tho government,, and tho natural rights of the tillers of the soil may well puzzle tho wisest philosophers. It seems to mo tho only clear way is for the government to recog nize tho God given right to the soil of those who till it (not havo it tilled), and that this re sult should bo brought about in the least in jurious and most equitable manner possible. The principle embodied in the Australian ballot system no doubt would bo a great im provement on the present plan if properly guarded. But in many cases where it has been adopted tho best features havo been so changed that it cannot be much improvement. The ob jects aimed at should be to insure tho secrecy of tho ballot, to mako some degree of intelli gence in tho voter necessary, to render bribery unsafe and to remove the voter as far as possi ble from partisan, prejudice and to facilitate tho succcss of independent nominations. Let us not be deceived. It is no time for boy's play and mock demonstrations. There was a time when the corporations and moneyed oligarchies looked upon us with unruffled con tempt. That condition is changed. Three million voters cannot be drawn up in line in an amy without attracting general attention, even though their disciple may be imperfect and their lines disconnected. Tho enemy is al ready marshaled for the battle. We must con quer or suffer ignominious defeat. It Wasn't a Go. The harvester trust proved to be only a short lived affair. Whatever the mo tives of its originators, their action aronsed a strong public sentiment against it, especially among the farmers of the co tin try, who would necessarily be their patrons.. The trust has wholly dissolved, and business will be conducted, as here tofore, by individual.''companies. Its failure was precipitated by the with drawal of several wealthy companies when they discovered that under the laws they forfeited their own charter rights in belonging to such a combina tion.—American Cultivator. And the Farmer Its Slain. The farmer has the best right of any man to demand legislation in the interests of agriculture and let me say the past early history of cur country had such legislation. The farmers' rights were re spected. Today, with here* and there a noulc exception, tlic cry goes up from th8 legislative and congressional halls: Great is the god of the capitalist, and greater the god of the monopolist. Give us your money and you shall have our votes.- And the farmer is slain as a vic tim to the god of monopoly and capital. —Eev. J. S. Southworth. Universal Protest. Jay Burrows, of Lincoln, Neb., in the courseof an address before the meeting of the National Alliance at Omaha said: The whole country is now in a fer ment growing out of the general organi zation of a .class heretofore unorganized. It is-a universal protest against organ ized wealth. In the year preceding the French revolution the conditions were similaT to those in the United States to day. The leading evils grew out of the vast machinery^ established to wring taxes and revenues out of the industrial classes for the benefit of a privileged aristocracy.! We now have caste and aristocracy, but we-deceive ourselves by calling it by other names. The lines of demarkatibn are as clearly drawn be tween the piampered few and the many who have but a step between themselves and starvation as in any age or country in the world. We, however, enjoy one mark of dis tinction over the periods of English and French history. With them education and genius belonged almost wholly with the- few with us we have intelligence diffused alfiong tho masses, and in this lies our hojie. The agricultural classes are no longer the mudsills of" society they are the very basis of 5ur future prosperity.! Tho all absorbing greed for gold is absolutely unfitting the privileged classes for Statesmanship. We can never exert the power that can grant relief until We gain the political power. This is the key to the fortress for which we are fighting. Farmers' Insurance Companies. At the recent meeting of the executive committee of tho California Fanners' Alliance tl|e question of mutual fire in surance was fully discussed. I. W. Hines, after a long dissertation on the advantages to be gained by the forma tion of such companies, presented a tab ular statement wherein he proved the imTiiense advantages that would neces sarily accrue to the farmer of this state by such organizations. He showed that the saving in premiums on fire risks alone would amount to more than 50 per cent. besides the satisfaction of knowing that each member insured would be responsible to the others to the amount of his holding for the losses sus tained by any who held a policy in the proposed mutual company. A petition was then agreed upon, to be presented to the legislature at its present session, asking that a new sec tion shall be added to the civil code, to be numbered section 438, providing that "mutual insurance companies or asso ciations may be formed in this state wither without- any act of incorpora tion, such companies to provide by their bylaws for a payment by members of their proportionate share of any loss by fire sustained by a member, and that such bylaw, in accordance with the con stitution, shall have the force and effect of a statute in determining the liability of a member to pay a share of the loss. Iiigall, to Be Left Out. Although most of the Republican members of the Kansas legislature voted for Ingalls, many of them do not con ceal their belief that he represents a school of Republican politicians which has had its day. Mr. Kelly, a member of the senate, who made a speech ex cusing his vote for Ingalls, frankly ad mitted in conversation that there was no future for Ingalls or for any other man who holds to the old issues, and an nounced that he proposed now to work for a conference of Kansas Republicans to establish the party organization on a basis of reform for the west. "If the old leaders will not join," he said, "new ones must take charge. No Kansas man can lead who squints con tinnally toward the wishes of the east. I don't know where the conference will be held or who will be there, but I shall not rest until it reorganizes the Repub lican party of Kansas so that its public acts and public men fully represent the opinion of the people of Kansas on economic issues."—New York Post. A Terrible Charge. Nothing can be more absurd than for The Voice, which professes to be a na tional champion of prohibition, to take sides with the plutocrats and ring rule politicians against the people, which it does by its unwarranted spite upon Al liance principles. Nothing has done more to liinder the true cause of prohibi tion or the growth of temperance senti ment in this country than the corruption money used in politics, and The Voice, by its foolish and exaggerated attacks upon Alliance principles, lays itself open to the suspicion of simply being engaged in the figlit upon the liquor traffic for the purpose of putting a spur into the plutocrats to assist it in achieving selfish ends. This is a terrible charge, but it is a legitimate result of the war The Voice is making upon the Alliance.—National Economist. The Minnesota Alliance legislative committee, in inaugurating a series of public meetings to be held in St. Paul, outlined at the first meeting the plan upon which they were to be conducted. Tho substance of the plan is. in the lan guage of the chairman, as follows: These meetings are not to be farm ers' meetings solely, but for all who de sire to take part in them. All sides and all interests will be heard alike, with mutual benefit to all, we hop". Taking the railroad question, for example, the farmers will be allowed to give their side, and the railroad men will gladly be accorded the same privilege. And so also with the grain question. GOODS! The Largest city, and the GOODS GOODS! L. Br STRAW & CO., CLOTHIERS, Have purchased A complete Line of all Kinds That has ever been brought to this Lowest Prices! L. B. S™ no. Canton, South Dakota. /.