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Probably the greatest of
Ibemooratic "fall" the campaign baj» Fre
Haced is the claim made by some of the
tenders of that party that the blessing*
4f the rural free delivery system were
Conferred on farmer* by Democracy. No
|Dore patent untruth was ever uttered.
fN**TKAD OF PROMOTING RURAL
?KEE DKLIYERY. A DEMOCRATIC
AlttflNISTHATlON FLATLY HE
WV9FA) TO HAVE ANYTHING TO
DO WITH THE MATTER, EVEN-
AFTER CONGRESS HAD APPRO
VE!
ATED MONEY TO ESTABLISH
ItOUTES.
The fact in. DEMOCRACY ALWAYS
.. i|IAll BEEN A STUMBLING BLOCK
IN THE PATH OF PROGRESS.
|1t«7 great national policv that has
jpgifred to be a boon to tht* people has
-Men bitterly fought by DeuuKTatic Cou
gressmen, urged
oh
'»«**.-* •i
SHUT REPUBLIC!! WORK
Rural Free Delivery Service of Incalcu'able Ben*
«& to farming Communities.
DEMOCRATS WORKED HARD AGAINST IT
TUB-WILL OF THE PEOPLE,
BXPRBSSBD THROUGH THElli
'BPSENTATIVES IN CON-
AND REFUSED TO IN
tJRATE THE RURAL FREE
DSUVERY SYSTEM.
Mr. Wilson followed Mr. Bissell as
jPoatminster General, and he also decided
ffcat rural free delivery was impructi-
President Cleveland was of the
opinion, basing his objection to the
gcheme on the ground that it would coat
fflHons of dollars.
It la thus shown that Democracy did
very opposite of inaugurating rural
'tfego delivery. Members of that party
might it In both houses of Congress.
Mil President Cleveland and his cabinet
til
ears pot themselves above the legis
Irove branch of the government, and
Virtually told Congress that it was sub
^•dmate .to a Democratic adnalnistra-
It was ease of the servant dic
to the mastor—«a unwarranted
itka of power for a harmful p«r-
Vkst Bspabl leans DM.
TP TYM* how utterly false is
^'settim to the honor of giving
free delivery of their moil, fig
gortfntMut reports are here
y *Tho toft appropriation for
dfHvery tn flO.000, in 1804.
wga allowed by Coo-
Refused to Obey the Mandate of Con
gress to Establish Routes, but Are
Now Claiming Honor—Rec-
ords Compared.
by Democratic news'
papers.
Democracy has been well named the
"party of obstruction." Two-thirds of
*tlM Congressional Record if taken up
•with speeches and debate in opposition
^*o wise Republican measures, and near
|j half of every session of Congress is
lasted hy DemotTats either in openly
fllibustering or in talking against time,
'With the view of delaying or killing bills
that would benefit the people.
Will of Congren Defied.
And Democratic opposition to a benefi
•ant act does not always cease when
1
Congress has passed the law, as was the
Case with rural free delivery. Near the
r- tklW of President Harrison's adminis
tration a Republican Congress ap
propriated $10,000 for the purpose of
Establishing experimental rural free de
livery routes, and Postmaster General
Wanamaker began experiments on six
Routes. Before anything material could
It done, however, a Democratic admin
istration came into power. Mr. Bit-well
Iras appointed Postmaster General, und
u, with Mr. Cleveland's consent, de
Clined to carry out the law. Congress
gppropriated money again, with the same
W«*lt— A DEMOCRATIC ADMINlS
^TION THE SECOND TIME DE-
Olid 1896, but the money
-||r tfce purpose intended,
st*t#d. In 1897,
jnSntstratlon came
hi# doaen rural mail
'•glftlriiehed, and these
Into operation
Under President
nothing dur-
ildJpinietretion, except
of progress.
'ertnee when the Re
lQto power, Boatmaater
gittif Ikto -predecessors,
iltgWlffimont of many new
report he Mid:
ling from the extension
te the rnral communl
ixtaea ss fallows: in
making many of
immediately
1 of the vaioe
tar this service and
far farm products
ooauaanlcation with
lufWraatlen »f
means eg tg|«fl.
ef eooatn: raacMi
&
„JSS'!S
ivetg. Higher educational ln
broader dnrolatiqn of the meaoa
infeillceiice, and vloeer dally
il^gt McKtnlor Said.
McKinley, Jb his mcaaage
in 190Q, speaking of the*
•aid:
gevelopaaent Is the
delivOff.
the dissemination of
i
Jtxperieoce thus far
the apprehension that
1ve as to forbid its
It a serious bur
baa ahewn that
and can be ac
ta other branches
the augmented rev
ad saving together
act cost/
jHftaaivelt assumed
Aampioned extension
Am
yjl'' fe&s
population should share in the improvement
of this service.
Knoaevelt's Recommendation.
In his last annual message President
Roosevelt again ealled attention to the
importance of the rural free delivery
service, saying:
The rural free-delivery service hue lieeti
Bt«:.d11.v extended. The attention of Con
j:r« ss ik eck«-(] to the quest ion of the com
peiisntion of the letter
ar»-ii'i8
poli,y.
of nreni .yeans has resulted in greater im
mediate benefit t- the people of the coun
try districts Rural free-delivery, taken in
connection with the telephone, the bicycle,
and the trolley, accomplishes much toward
lessening the Isolation of farm life and
milking It brighter, and more attractive,
in the Immediate past the lack of just such
fiiciiities as these has driven many »f the
more active and restless young men nud
women from the farms the cities, for
they rebelled at loneliness and lack of
meutHl companionship. It 1s unhealthy and
undesirable for the cities to grow at the
expense of the country, and rural free de
livery is not only a gf*d tiling in itself,
but is l?tK»d because it is one of the causes
which check this unwholesome tendency
toward the urban concentration of our
population at the expense of the country
districts.
The foregoing quotations are sufficient
to show thj.t Rcpubli-cun executives real
ized the ins port n nee of the rural delivery
system to the farming communities and
did everything in their power to extend
it. During President McKinley's first
term establishment of routes had been
given such an impetus that by 1900 the
service had passed far beyond the experi
mental stj.ge and Congress had approp
riated $450.0(10 for maintenance of the
routes then in operation. These routes
numbered 3.270 at the close of McKin
ley's i-vst term, but many others had
been surveyed and were ready to be
established. The service became so pop
ular tlint farmers flooded the postoffiee
department with petitions for new routes.
Corps of inspectors were appointed, divi
sions were created, superintendents plac
ed in charge and the service was put on
a methodical business basis.
Routes Now In Operation.
The system has been so rapidly ex
tended tinder President Roosevelt that
Congress this year appropriated $21,000,
000 for the service, which now em
braces approximately 27,500 routes,
either in operation or about to be estab
lished. These routes are scattered over
all the States and territories, as will
be seen by the following table, which
gives the total number of petitions re
ferred for examination and investigation,
the routes in operation on September
15, 1004, and the number of petitions
pending on the same date:
Mat**. """SS
cc~
2*
Alabama
Alisons
Arkansas
California 275
Colorado ......... 181
Connecticut ...... 251
Delaware 122
Dlst. of Columbia. 1
Florida -54
Georgia ...., 1,984
Hawaii
Idaho 58
Illinois 2,817
Indiana 2,235
Indian Territory .. 12
Iowa 2,506
Kansas 1,732
Kentucky a 702
Louisiana ........ 41
Maine 447
Maryland 480
MassachuBatta .... 252
Michigan I,w0
Minnesota ....... 1,480
Mississippi 458
Missouri 1.802
Montana 28
Nebraaka ......... 1,141
Nevada S
New Hampshire .. 218
New Jersey 214
New Mexico 8
New Ifork 1,944
North Carolina.... 1,489
North Dakota .... 207
Ohio 2,727
Oklahoma 545
Oregoto 188
Pennsylvania 2,061
Rhode Islahd .... 82
South Carolina ... 809
South Dakota .... 844
Tennessee £.006
Texaa 1.43&
Utah 54
Vermont
Totals
186
1,485
23
806
199
1,105
988
83
217
584
121
151
1,167
5
810
Virginia 1,218
Washington ...... 173
West Virginia .... 212
Wisconsin ........ 1,468
Wyoming i....... 10
cob-
great world of aettvlty extend
^a of IwNtrfuM Isolated rural
Total* 89J31
Note.—Of the 4.464 petitions pending, 688
hare been favorably considered and ordered
established, effective either October 1st or
lGth, ISM.
26,735 4,464
IsatM by Mate*.
TU* «vfcj"ined table* giro more details,
us th«v abow what has been done in the
Congreoolonal districts. The States nam
odin the table* w* fair examples of the
progress made fey wpublicans in cover
ing the Whole
Gimmtow
„rv ip
with rural mail
ii
CALIFORNIA.
7 8 61
Totals .. .«•••«........275 ~208 11
COLORADO.
49
1 «8 49 0
2. 03 SO 2
Totals 131 to 2
CONNECTICUT.
43
1. 53 43 4
2 r.t) 46 8
8 38 2D 8
4. *1 92 1
Totals 251 "sS- a
3 110
and clerks
euKiijred in the postal senn-f, es|»«(ln!ly on
the new rural free-delivery rfut«*K. More
roi tes have tieen iriKtallfd since the 1st »f
July lust than In any like period in the
depjirtinent'n histcr.v While a due regard
to eeriKniy must he kept iti mind in the
«staiilishiiieiit of rmiteti. ret the ex
tension of the rural free delivery system
i usl he routinued for reasons of sound
It:liiic
No governmental movement
Totals
Totals
1 16
2 16
Totals
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
O
Ck
Cxb.00
11
"sS-
LUSLAWAKK.
122 8
IDAHO.
53 27 0
ILLINOIS.
1 0 0 O
2 0 O 0
a 11 1
4 0 0
5 0 O 0
6 2 2 0
7 ...10 0
8 o
(.
0
0 0 0
JO 42 S3 0
11 107 (ft 6
12. 181 147 6
13 .171 144 4
14 153 116 8
ir J«7 133 7
16 143 117 1
17 ............. .L'OH 158 4
18 .240 £05 2
IP 251 218 7
181 144 12
164 2
106 A
i.'3 Ufiti 3J0
24 18t 13
25 148 126 4
.2.817 2,244 88
IN&1ANA.
168 2
104 17
TO
9
4 208 136 15
5 17« 113 13
200 166 6
7 40 36 0
N 215 172 9
24« 194 9
153 11
11 178 161 0
yj ltK) 113 22
13 200 141 13
2.235 1,722 126
MARYLAND.
117
1 155 117 15
o
145
llff 9
0
0
0
4 .. 1 1 0
5 20 11 4
6 109 6
.430 ~S38 33
NEVADA.
3 1 0
NEW YOKK.
1 7 3 8
•H 1 0 1
10 13 8 3
L'o 23 13 2
Dl 109 91 6
67 48 9
L'3 41 24 14
24 53 34 11
53 5
89 20
-7. 106 90 4
158 117 19
117 76 17
no 143 107 10
31 214 180
0
3L' 54 45 0
33 143 111 5
34 200 174 4
3T. 0 0
0
3t) 85 68 1
37. 200 158 6
Totals 1.944 1.489 14!
•From tile second to the seventh, and
from the ninth to the eighteenth districts.
Inclusive, of the State of New York, no peti
tions have been filed, as they are city dis
tricts.
HORTH DAKOTA.
207
IttlODE ISLAND.
51
11
12
Totals 32
SOUTH DAKOTA.
844 MS
UTAH.
54
89
WEST VIRGINIA.
80 08
82 67
4 1
..28 19
..18 0
212
U}3
WISCONSIN.
If*!
........ 182
224
II!!!!!! "8
57
152
...«**•
158
........ 106
ior
69
176
184
163
147
7
54
131
130
130
88
48
135
Totals 1.463 1,167 115
WYOMING.
10 5 0
Benefits of the BervicK
Much has been said as to the benefit
of rural free delivery to the farmer and
much more could be written. Speaking
on this subject. Representative Arthur
L. Bates, of Pennsylvania, said in the
House on March 15. 1904:
It 14 my belief tne $21,000,000 appropriat
ed In this behalf brings more direct benefit
to the inhabitants of this Republic whom
It affects than almost any other appropria
tion made by the general government.
Forty years ago everyone went or sent
to the poftoffice for his mail, and the farm
er iu the busy season, when his horses and
teams' were working in the fields, could
sometimes only receive mall for himself
and family possibly once a week—on Sat
urday afternoon. Now it is not only de
livered several times daily at the homes
and places of business of the Inhabitants
of more than a thousand cities, but for the
last six months of the fiscal year (January
1 to June 30, 1903) there were delivered
by the carriers of this service some 3K,
000,000 pieces of mail on rural routes
throughout the United States to farmers
and inhabitants of sparsely settled regions.
Increased facilities always bring increas
ed use and enjoyment—more letters are
written and received: more newspaper and
magazines are subscribed for. While it is
not true in every part of the country, yet
the official report shows that quite a num
ber of rural routes already pay for them
selves by the additional revenues' they oc
casion.
The testimony adduced from all over the
country proves that by reason of rural free
delivery the actual value of our farm lands
has been increased. Many farmers state
that they would not dispense with the serv
ice for $.» or even $10 per annum. It
has been estimated that the value of farm
lands has risen by this means as high as
$5 per acre in several States. A moderate
benefit to the farm lands of the whole
country would be from $1 to $3 per acre.
The producers, being brought into daily
touch with the 6tate of the market?, and
in' better communication with those who
buy their products, are able to obtain bet
ter prices for all that the farm produces.
More definite knowledge of trade conditions
Is always of great advantage.
Good ronds have been built and induced
as an incentive for rural free delivery estab
lishment and to better encourage their
maintenance.
Likewise, Parker has heard something
about dllegal and dishonest trusts, but he
doesn't know that there is anything to
be done about them. And nobody cares
about bis ideas on that question. He'll
never set any river afire in his indigna
tion over the trusts not even a river of
petroleum would be ignited by ouch a
match!
"Oar foreign policy ha* bees not oaly
highly advantageous to the United
States, bat hardly less advaatistoai
to the world as a whole. Peace aad
good will hare followed In Its foot*
•tepa."—Bootevelt'e letter of aoospuaos.
At every turn the Democrats continue
to prove themselves the best asset the
Republicans have in a campaign, and
this year their candidate coSMg tulljr tyR
to the tradition of the partjr.
Jff
•d
:isi
DO NOT WANT A CHANGE.
People Are Willing to Continue the
Preaent Administration.
The constitution of the United States
requires an election for President and
Vice President every four years. The
provision is mandatory and cannot be
escaped. Under it the people are called
upon to vote for President and Vice
President every fourth year without re
gard to politics, the Tecord. or the work
of the administration in power. The elect
tion must be held whether a change is
desirable or hot.
There is reason to believe that a large
majority of the American people do not
desire a change in the national adminis
tration at the present time, and that if
it were a matter of choice with them no
election would be held this year. A na
tional election always interferes with
business more or less, and as the business
of the country grows the feeling increases
that, in the absence of any reason for
a change, a presidential election is a dis
turbing factor that might well be dis
pensed with if the constitution permit
ted. That is the situation at present.
The great mass of the people are so
well satisfied with the present adminis
tration that they do not desire a change,
and if the constitution did not require an
election to be held they would regard it
as unnecessary.
Who wants a change? Not the farm
ers, for they never were more prosper
ous or better satisfied than they are at
present. Not the business men, for busi
ness is satisfactory. Not manufacturers,
for American manufacturers are outstrip
ping those of all other countries. Not
wage-earners, for there are more men
employed at good wages to-day than ever
before in the history of the country. Not
railroad men, for the transportation busi
ness has grown enormously during the
last few years and still gives promise of
future growth. In short, no large class
of oui varied population can be named
but has good reason to desire a con
tiimnnct of present conditions. If it
were not for the constitutional require
mert the people would have preferred
that no election took place this year.
The only exceptions are the Democrat
ic party leaders and those unfortunate
people who have not the sense to let
well enough alone.
ROOSEVELT FOR PEACE.
President la Now Negotiating Now
Arbitration Treaties.
Charles Cheney Hyde, lecturer on in
ternational law at Northwestern Univer
sity, Chicago, says:
During his reception to the members of
the Inter-Parliamentary Union on Septem
ber 24, President Roosevelt made a stille
ment which vitally interests Intelligent
citizens throughout the country, irrespective
of Ihcir party affiliations. lie said: "We
are even now taking steps to secure arbi
tration treaties with all other governments
which are willing to enter into them with
us." Those who oppose him will admit that
the President would not have spoken in this
way If he were not making the attempt
in good faith to conclude with friendly
nations treaties which provide for the set
tlement by peaceful methods of differences
of a serious character which diplomacy may
fall to adjust. Those who admire him are
rejoiced to hear him express in no uncer
tain tone his desire to substitute arbitra
tion for the sword as a means of settle
ment of disputes to which the United
States may be a party.
Equally significant was the President's
promise to the inter-Parliamentarians to
call another conference
of
of
the powers at
The Hague. The whole world knows that
that promise will be kept and that repre
sentatives from the several nations will
meet again at The Hague, possibly In lllOf.,
in order to solve some problems which still
vex ci\ iUzation and alarm commerce. The
results to be anticipated are far reaching
and practical. International agreement aB
to what constitutes contraband of wur may
be secured, also the rights of neutral ship
pers may be established. In short. the
law of nations may be clearly determined
where now there is vagueness, and the
rights
states fixed where there is still
uncertainty. If such a work be accomplish
ed through the direct efforts of Theodore
Roosevelt not only the United States, but
every other civilized nation as well, will
have Just cause to be profoundly grate
ful to him.
The "Imperial" Bogey-Man.
The country has outgrown the witch
eralt frenzy, the spirit-rapping frauds,
the blue-glass cure, the greenback and
free silver crazes, and it is rapidly re
covering from other more or less harmful
fa?s. These forms of popular enthusi
asm having had violent and almost un
obstructed sway for a time, have, like
certain acute iKseases, made their run,
departed and "left not a wreck behind."
But the Bogey-man, Imperialism,
haunting but few, and not seriously in
coiivcniencing even that few, stays longer
with us than any of his wild-eyed, and
more commonplace brother phantoms, de
lusions and bugaboos.
Washington was accused of a wish to
create an empire, and was roundly abus
ed during his Presidency for his alleged
arohirion. He was described as a men
ace to the country he had fought to make
into a nation. He only smiled and went
on his glorious way.
Washington, to begin with, and since
Washington e^fery President of powerful,
firm and just mind who has ever sat in
the executive chair has been accused of
"Imperialism." Jackson, Lincoln, Grant,
Cleveland, Harrison, McKinley and
Roosevelt—against every one of these
Presidents the same wild, foolish and
groundless cry has been raised.
It is the cry of babies and weaklings
in civil government, not the utterance
of men of experience and sense. How
long will it be before we hear the last
howl over the long lived Bogey-man,
"Imperialism
Decline to Be Led by Hill and Sheehan
The "People's Democratic party," a
new political organization in New Jer
sey, will support Thoiiias E. Watson, of
the Populist party, for President. The
n«w party is composed of Iiryanites and
Hearstites, who bolted the Hill-Sheehan
Parker party. Here is what the new
party's platform says:
"We decline to foljow the lead of com
mercial politicians into the camp of Wall
street, and refuse to recognize the Hills,
the Sheehans and the Belmonta as proper
exponents of popular rights."
Popular Chorus.
While David Bennett Hill
Prepares to make his bow,
The people with a will,
Shout: "You can quit
i
now!**
A vote ^or Sudge barker in the coming
•lection will be a vote of censure on The
odore Roosevelt. It inconceivable how
«ny patriotic, fair-minded Ajnerican can
take that position toward a man of Pres
ident Roosevelt's character and record.
'From bis chosen seat among the cata
combs Carl Schurs baa dictated a 15,000
word letter damning Thoodort Rooeevoit
JV
A
for the egotism of his personality. This
is the fifth presidential campaign ia
which Mr. Schurz hae assailed Republi
can candidates from the unscalable
heights of bis own colossal egotism. Oth
er men now and then have a suspicion
that all the rest of mankind differing
from them may be right. Carl Schura is
uever troubled by any such weak mia
tiust in his own omniscience.
HINDSIGHT.
-.1
Oho of the
Strong PecaltailTtbO jflki
ICNi»rra tic Party.
The Democratic party has beeg aptly
compared to a man sitting in the last
seat in the last car of a railway train,
and riding backward. He never saw
anything until he had got by it. T%is
striking peculiarity of the party is as
conspicuous to-dny as it was in the six
ties. seventies, eighties and nineties.
The Democratic party lives to pro
test, to warn, to oppose. It never ap
preciated what the war for the preserva
tion of the Union meant until it was all
otpt.
Even now a large section of it
has not arrived at the civilized view of
slavery. It takes about a half century
to get any great event into correct focus
for the Democratic eye. Of late, some
of the Democrats have begun to realize
the greatness of Abraham Lincoln, but
theoe Democrats are men who have re
ceived their education in Republican
communities, so obtaining the benefits of
up to date schools, colleges and churches.
The full significance of the American
occupation and control of the Philip
pines has not yet dawned upon what
takes the place, in the Democratic make
up, of understanding. Neither has the
open door in China affected the same
set of nerve tissues and atoms, in the
least, because of some constitutional lack
of power in the combination to compre
hend what is going on at the time when
the thing is happening.
For the same reason the Immense im
portance and significance of the estab
lishment of the new department of Com
merce and Labor with a Bureau of Cor
porations. has not dawned upon the Dem
ocratic mental machinery.
Well, never mind! \Vrhen the living,
thinking, working world has whirled by,
the Democratic brethren will see, in a
hazy manner, from their perch at the
end of the train. And they will, as us
ual. protest, warn, oppose and then—
dream on!
The Democracy always wears long
distance glasses and looks backward over
the track. If by chance it takes off its
"far-aways" and looks ahead, it turns
into Republicanism. This happens, some
times. Witness the many recent conver
sions.
PAY OF RAILROAD MEN.
Wage Earners Have Profited Because
of Republican Policy.
The laFi report of the Interstate Com
merce Commission shows that the total
compensation paid to railway employes
of all classes in the United States in
creased from $ J7,823,021 in 180t to
$41,828,555 in 1902. This in itself would
indicate general railroad prosperity dur
ing six years of Republican rule, but still
more significant is the fact that the
greatest increase was among the wage
earners. In fact, ttiere was a decrease in
•the salaries paid general officers. fh«(
decrease in this item was front $703,090,
in 1896 to $720,680 in 1902—a decrease
of $42,416 in six yours.
On the otbvr hand, the total yearly
compensation of station agents increased
from $1,366,925 in 1896 to $1,4*12,874 in
1902: the yearly compensation of en
gineers increased from $3,027,584 in 1896
to $3,451,088 in 1902 that of firemen
from $1,733,057 in 1896 to $1,940,246 in
1902: that of conductors from $1,978,165
to $2,539,466: that of other trainmen
from $3,700,063 to $4,097,212: that of
machinists from $1,128,634 to $1,422,829:
that of section foremen from $1,200,634
to $1,377,364 and so on through the
whole list. The figures show that the
daily wage earners in the railroad busi
ness profited largely by Republican pros
perity.
Nobody Scared.
Parker says if he is elected he will
cut off the old soldier's age disability
pension by revoking Order 78. But the
old soldiers don»'t seem to be the least
bit scared!
Parker says he re in favor of proceed
ing "with due diligence" in constructing
the Panama canal, but he thinks the
Roosevelt way was a "source of regret
to many." But Roosevelt ia not trou
bled.
And Parker says that the management
of our foreign affairs 'has "excited serious
apprehension" in some quarters. But
the American people ere not among the
•apprehensive.
Then, Parker is in a bad way about
"Imperialism." but the citizens of the
United States only emile when they hear
that word.
Also, Parker is distressed over the
poor Filipinos, but the Filipinos continue
to learn to read, write and cypher, while
they live on three meals a day and "talk
American."
In 1860 when the Republican party
first came into power this was almost
exclusively an agricultural country and
the policy of the Democratic party was
to keep it so. That party said the
United States is destined to be the gran
ary of the world, but a manufacturing
country, never. The Republican policy
was to make it a great manufacturing as
well as agricultural counfy, and has
done so. In the year 1900 the United
States produced one-third of all the man
ufactured products of the world and
shipped them broadcast to foreign mar
kets. This never could have been done
under the Democratic policy of free
trade.
The question as to where Judge Par
ker would apply the pruning knife to
national expenditures, whether in the
Postofflce Department, the army, the
navy or ou pensions—items covering
more than 80 per cent of the national
expenditures—'has not been answered,
and won't be, because national honor,
safety and mail facilities are dependent
on the appropriations for these purposes.
Parker declares that the American na
tion ia extravagant in Its expenditures.
But tho people know what they want,
and they mean to have it. They ase
working hard to earn more money that's
the way they meet necessary bills.
It is denied that Judge Parker was
IK# trying to set fire to the Hudson
River at Beopos with a sulphur match
without taking the preliminary precau
4i°n tosmear J||
mnrf^
itirt 1 ffot
PARKER ANP THE TRUSTS.
Wo Likelihood that the Daaiocratla
Candidate Woald Antagonlaa Tlaew.
If Parker should be elected President,
what would he do about the trusts—
those "gigantic" instltations which the
Democratic platform says "ahoold be
prohibited and punished by law," but tho
prohibition and punishment of wkich
would involve direct personal loss to
•ome of the Democratic candidate's
trusty Wall street friends—including
gentlemen like August Belmont, George
F. Peabedy. Daniel S. Lamont, John R.
Mcl^ean, Thomas F. Martin, Col. James
M. (Juffey, Jwhn D. Crimmins, James
Smith, Jr., and Thomas K. Ryan?
The Democratic position on the trust
question is grotesquely illustrative of the
saying that politics make strange bed
fellows.
August Belmont and the other great
Democratic promoters of trusts do not
seem to feel a bit nervous standing on
the Democratic platform with W. J.
Bryan and other great Democratic trust
busters. They have too much confidence
in the candidate whose campaign they
are managing to ever Iwlieve for a mo
ment that he would do anything to injurd
the trusts with which they are connect
ed, should be be elected President. Thty
know Parker too well to think it possi
ble that he would turn out to be an in
grate. and attempt to ruin his personal
friends and benefactors.
They are quite willing that the Bryan
trust-busting faction of the Democracy
should have the Democratic platform
just the way they want it, so long as
the Democratic candidates who stand on
this platform are theiib "to have and to
hold."
Despite the Democratic platform de
mand for a law to limit corporations to
the States where they originate, Alton B.
Parker thinks the common law is all
the law necessary on the subject of
trusts. The common law has been well
tested in Democratic times as well as
Republican—and it never proved itself
anything of a detriment, to the trusts—
hence it is easy to understand why Par
ker prefers it to statutory regulations
like the Sherman anti trust law. which
might force him into the embarrassing
position of some time having to decide
whether to violate his sworn .oath as
President to uphokl the laws of the
United States, or to make things un
pleasant for Wall street friends, who
would thereby be forced to consider him
a traitor and iugrate to their interests.
WANT A REAL LEADER.
Democrats Finally Realize that Par»
ker I* a Nonenity.
Democratic newspapers continue to de
mand that Parker withdraw from his
shell and play the role of leader. "Sage
of Silence" sounds well, they say, but
tho phrase won't win votes. "Cive us a
man who is capable of arousing enthus
iasm or we are beaten," Democratic edi
tors are crying. "We don't want Hill,
Sheehan and Belmont kept in the fore
ground, while Parker is muzzled at
Esopus." The editors should have
thought of this before Purker was nomi
nated. They might have realized, had
they given the matter thought, that
Purker wonld be a nonenity, with such
wily politicians as Hill and Sheehan in
charge of party affairs. Truly, the Demo
cracy is not more of a "happy family"
than it was four years ago when it had
Bryan as an aggressive leader. Com
menting on the demand that Parker as
sume the leadership, the Des Moineo
Register and Leader says:
"No man ever entered a national cam
paign hampered by advisers so diametri
cally opposed on every vital issue. He
might as well expect to make a pair of
Siamese twins out of Cleveland and
Bryan as to assume that he can an
nounce an aggressive, affirmative and
positive program that will not at once
be set upon by an influential element
of Jiis following.
"Judge Parker was nominated to play
the role he is playing. It is unfair of
the men who foresee defeat to begin
at this early stage to saddle the blame
on him. He is just the sort of leader
he was held out to be, just the sort of
man he always has been. He is con
ducting exactly the campaign that his
twenty years on the bench gave pro
mise of. If the campaign is a failure,
let the men who planned it bear the
blame. Judge Parker has deceived no
body, and is acting his part in the politi
cal drama exactly as it appears in tho
play book."
LABOR CONTROVERSIES.
Republican Legislation Providing
(and.
0
for
Arbitration.
The only national legislation providing
for the arbitration of labor controversies
and recognizing organized labor was en
acted by the Republicans. On June 1,
1898, President McKinley signed a bill
passed by a Republican Congress entitled
"An Act concerning carriers engaged in
interstate commerce and their employes."
It should be understood, of course, that
Congress could not legislate for employee
in general, but it has authority to regu
late interstate commerce. The act re
ferred to provides that whenever a con
troversy arises between no interstate
railroad and its employes the Interstate
Commerce Commission shall first offer
mediation,
that failing, shall en
deavor to Itring about arbitration of the
dispute. The act provides that if arbi?
tration is agreed to, "one member of the
board of arbitration shall be selected by
the employer, one by the labor organiza
tion to which the employe belongs, and
a third by these two." Another section
of t^ie law makes it a misdemeanor for
any interstate railroad to dismiss art
employe or threaten him with loss of
employment for belonging to a union:
This law is still in force, and it is the
only piece of national legislation that
recognizes organized labor. Democrats
have talked, but Republicans have actod*
1« This a Campaign Lie?
O, this may be important—
You'd better keep it dark.
They say that Uncle Henry
Was with Noah on the ark.
They say he ran for office
While living on that boat—
And that, just as to-day, he failed
To get the floating vote.
The French Bantam Club is preparing
for a great rooster-crowing contest,
which is to take place in Paris next
month. The training of roosters for
crowing is an art in France. The Demo
cratic party has quadrenially attempted
to make rooster-crowing popular in ths
United States, but has slgnally failsd.