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Letter of Acceptance of the Re publican Candidate For the Presidency. Free Coinage of Silver, He As serts, Involves Great Peril to the Country. Our Money Should Not Fluc tuate and Be Free From Speculation. Tariff and OtherQuestions Dis cussed From a Republican Standpoint. 0ANTON', O., Aug. 27.—Major McK ley's letter of acceptance was ued during the day. It is as follows Hon. John M. Thurston and Others. -lu be rs of Notification Committee 01 itie •v.v.••••Republican National Convention: Oentlemkn—In 1110 pursuance of theprom- iso made to your committee when unfilled of my nomination as the Republican can didate for president, I beg to submit, this formal acceptance of that high honor, and to consider in detail questions at issue in the pending campaign. Perhaps this might he considered unnecessary in view of my remarks on that occasion, ar.d those I have made to delegations that have visited since the St. Louis convention, but in view of tho momentous im porta nee of tho ptoper sett lenient of the issues pre sented on our future prosperity and stand ing as a nation, and considering only the welfare and happiness of our people, I should not be content to omit again call ing attention to tho things that, in my opinion vitally affect our strength and position among the governments of the world and our morality, integrity and patriotism as citizens of that republic which for a century past has been the best hope of the world and the inspiration of mankind. Wo must not now prove false to our own high standards in government, nor unmindful of the noble example and wise precepts of the fathers or of the con lidonce and trust which our conduct in tho past has always inspired. FREE COINAGE OF SILVER. Issue of Vast Importance I'rerateil for Consideration. •'For tho first time since 1868, if ever be j. fore, thero is presented to tho Americans this year a clear and direct issue as to our monetary system of vast importance in its effects and upon tho right sett lenient of which rests largely tho financial honor and prosperity of I the country. It is pro posed by one wing of tho Democratic, par ty and its allies, tho People's and Silver parties, to inaugurate tho free and unlim itod coinage of silver by independent ac tion on the part of.the United States at a ratio of 1(5 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold. Tho mere declaration of this pur pose is a menace to our financial and in duntrial interests and has already created tpi Ivor sal alarm. It involves great peril to the credit and business of the country tt.peril so grave that conservative men ev erywhere are breaking away from their old party associations and uniting with ... other patriotic citizens in emphatie pro test against the platform of the Demo cratic national convention as an assault upon the faith and honor of tho govern ment and the welfare of tho people. We have had few instances in tho life time of the icpublic more serious than tho ono thus presented. No lleneflt to Labor. The character of the money which shall measure our values and exchanges and settle our balances with one another and with the nations of the world is of such primary importance and so farreaching in its consequences as to call for the most painstaking investigation and in tho end a sober and an unprejudiced judgment at the polls. Wo must not be misled by phrases nor deluded by false theories. Free silver would not mean that silver dollars are to bo freely had without cost or labor. It would mean the free use of the mints of the United States for the few who are owners of silver bullion, but would make silvei1 coin no freer to tho many who are engaged in other enter prises. It would not make labor easier, tlio hours of labor shorter, or the pay bet ter. It would not make farming less la borious or more profitable. It would not start a factory or make a demand for an additional day's labor. It would create no new occupations. Tt would add nothing to the comfort of the masses, the capital ... of the people or the wealth of the uation. It seeks to introduce a new moasuro of value, but will add no value to the thing measured. It would not conserve values. On the contrary, it would derange all ex isting values, it would not revive busi jims confidence, but its direct effect would fee to destroy the little which yet remains. Wliat Free Coinage Mean*. The meaning of the coinage plank adopted at Chicago Is that any ono may take a quantity of silver bullion now worth 5a cents to the mints of the United States, have it coined at the oxpenso of tho government and receive for it a silver dollar which shall be legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private. The owner of the silver bullion would got the silver dollar. It would belong to hiip and nobody else. Other people would get it only by their labor, the products of their land or something of value. Tho bullion owner, on tho basis of present val ues, would receive the silver dollar for 58 cents worth of silver, and. other people would be required to receive It as a full dollar in the payment of debts. The gov eminent would get nothing from the transaction. It would boar tho expense of coining the silver and the community would suffer loss by its use. Tlie Dollars Compared. We have coined since 1876 more than 400,000,000 silver dollars which aro main tained by the government at parity with gold and are a full legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private. How aro the silver dollars now in use dif ferent from those which would be in use under free coinage? They are to be of the some weight and fineness they are to bear the same value? I answer: The silver dollars now in use were coined on account of tho government and not for private account or gain and the govern ment has solemnly agreed to keep them us good as the- best dollars we have. The government bought the silver bullion at Its market value and coined ft into silver moricy. Having exclusive control of tho mintage it coins only what it can hold at a parity with gold. The profit representing the differei -e between the commercial value of tho silver bullion aud the face value of the silver dollar, goes to tho gov ernment for the bciv.'llt of the people. The government, bought the silver bullion contained in the silver dollar at. very much less than its coinage value. It paid it out to its creditors and put it in circulation amor.,g the people at its face value of ltXl cents or a full dollar. It required the P'Ople to accept it as a legal tender and is thus morally hound to maintain it at a parity with gold which was then as now the recognized standard with us and the most enlightened nations of the world. The governmont'having issued and or .Mi lated the silver dollar it must, in honor protect the holder from loss. This obliga I tion it has so far sacredly kept. Not only is there a moral obligation hut there is a legal obligation, exprdssed in public statute to maintain tho parity. They Would Not 111- Kept at I'nr. These dollars, in the particulars I have named, are not the same as the dollars which would be issued under free coinage. They would be the same in form but dif ferent in" value. The government would have no part in the transaction ex. e.it to coin the silver bullion into dollars. It I wauld share in no part of the profit. It would take upon itself no obligation. It. I would not put the dollars into eireulation. It could only get them as any citizen would get them, by trlving something: tor them. It would deliver them to thoso who deposited the silver, and its eonr.ee tion with the transaction would end there. Such are the silver dollars which would be issued under free coinage of sil ver at a ratio of l(i to 1. Who would then maintain the parity What would keep them at par with gold? There would be I no obligation resting upon the govern I ment to do it, and if there were, it would be powerless to do it. The simple truth is we would be driven to a silver basis— f'° silver monometallism. These dollars, therefore, would stand upon their veal value. If the free and unlimited coinage of silver ar. a ratio of 10 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold would, as some of its advocates assert, make 53 cents- in sil ver worth 100 cents and the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now, and it would be no easier to get. Hut that such would be the result is against reason, and is contradicted by experience in all times and in all lands. It means the debase ment of our currency to the amount of the difference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar whii is ever changing, and the effect would be to reduce, property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy eonildence, impair tho obligations of existing contracts, fur ther impoverish the laborers and pro ducers of the country, create a panic of unparalleled severity and inflict upon trade and commerce a deadly blow. Against any such policy I am unalterably opposed. REGARDING BIMETALLISM. It Cannot He OMainnl by ladepcD t! II Action on Our l'art. Bimetallism cannot be socured by inde pendent action on our part.. It cannot lie obtained by opening our mints to the un limited coinage of tho silver of the world at a ratio of 10 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold when the commercial ratio is more than :it) ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold. Mexico and China have tried the experi ment. Mexico has free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio slightly in excess of 10i ounces of silver to I ounce of gold, and while her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in gold bullion is coined and circu lated as money. Gold has been driven out of circulation in these countries, and they are on a silver basis alone. Until inter national agreement is had it is the plain duty of the United States to maintain the gold standard. It is the recognized and sole standard of the great commercial na tions of the world with which we trade more largely than any other. Eighty-four per cent of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 18:15 was with gold standard coun tries, and our trade with other countries was settled on a gold basis. We Now Have More Silver Than Gold. Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 1878 there has been put in circu lation more than $(534,000,000 of silver or its representative. This has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, if pos sible, the samo bullion and coinage value and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver aft money. Prior to that time there had been less than (),000,)QO of silver dollars coined in the entire history of the United States, a period of 89 years. This legislation secures the largest use or" silver consistent with financial safety and tho pledge to maintain its parity with gold. We have today more silver than gold. This has been accomplished at times with grave peril to the public credit. The so-called Shormau law sought to in crease all the silver product of the United States for money at its markot valjie. From 1890 to 18 )3 the government pur chased 4,500,000 ounces of silver a mouth, or 54,000,(X)0 ounces a year. This was one third the product, of tho world and prac tically all of this country's product. It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would advance its bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation was not realized. In a few months, notwith standing the unprecedented market for The Doable Standard. On the 8M of August, 1891, in a public. address, I said: "If we could havo an in- ternational ratio which all the leading n«v tions of the world would adopt, the true relation be fixed between the two metals and all agree upon tho quantity of silver which should constitute a dollar, then sil ver would be as free and unlimited iu its privileges of coinage as gold is today. But that, we have not been able to secure and with the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in the United States at the present ratio, we would be still further removed from any international agree it equality at a ratio and that equality can only be established by tho concurrent law of nations. It was the concurrent law of nations that made tho double standard it will require the concurrent law of mix tions to reinstate and sustain it." It Favors the Use of Stiver Money. .The llepublican party has not been, and FL* X^RT-- I'ADUI^ *.VHS the silver produced in the United Slates, attempt to array class against class, "the the price of silver went down very rapidly, I classes against the masses," section reaching a lower point than ever before. Then, upon the recommendation of Presi dent Cleveland, both political jiarties united in the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot with safety engage in further- experiments in this direction. ment. We may never be able to secure |t h'8 guard against such delusion. if we enter upon tho isolated coinage oft silver. The double standard implies I^ouagalnst his interest and to prevail on him in the name of liberty to destroy all the fruits of liberty." is not now, opposed to tho use of silver money as its rec abundantly shows. It has done all ti .-Quid he done for its increased use with safety and honor by Farmers and Laborers Sutler Most If there is any one thing which should be free from speculation and fluctuation it is tho money of a country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention. WUen we part with our la bor, oi(r products or our property, we should receive in return monoy which is as stablenud unchanging in value as the ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means de| struction of values. No one suffers so much from cheap money*as the .fanners and laborers. They are' the iirst to feel its bad effects and the last to recover from them. This has been the uniform expe rience of all countries and here as else where the poor and not the rich are the greater sufferers from every attempt to de base our money. It would fall with alarm ing severity upon investments already made upon insurance and their policy holders upon saving* banks and their depositors upon bidding and loan asso ciations and their members upon the sav ings of thrift upon pensioners and their families, and upon wage earners aud the purchasing power of their wages ANOTHER MONETARY ISSUE Chicago Platform Declares for Irreileoin able Paper Currency. The silver question is not the only issue affecting our money in the pending con test. Not content with urging the free coinage of silver, its strongest champions demand that our paper money shall be issued directly by the government of tho United- States. This is the Chisago Dem ocratic declaration. The St. Louis Peo ple's declaration is that "our national money shall be issued by the f-eneral gov ernment only, without the intervention of banks of issue, be full legal tender for tho payment of all debts, public and private," and be distributed "direct to the people and through lawful disbursements of the government." Thus, in addition to the free coinage of the world's silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited irredeemable paper currency. The question which.was fought out from 1805 to 1879 is thus to be reopened with all its cheap nrmey experi ments of every conceivable form foisted upon us. This indicates a most startling reactionary policy, strangely at, variance with every requirement of sound finance but the declaration shows the spirit and parpose of those who, by combined action, are contending for the control of the gov ernment. Not satisfied with the del ise ment of our coin which inevitably follows the free coinage of silver at 10 to 1, they would still further degrade our currency and threaten tho public honor by the un limited issue of an irredeemable paper currency. A graver menace to our finan cial standing and credit could hardly be conceived, and. every patriotic citizen should be aroused to promptly meet a lit effectually defeat, it. In the Highest Degree Reprehensible. It is a cause for painful regret and solic itude that an effort is being made by those high in the counsels of the allied "parties to divide the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which in fact do not exist and are rep ug nant to our form of government. These appeals to the passion and prejudice are beneath tho spirit and intelligence of a free people and should be met with stern rebuke by those they aro sought to influ ence, and I believe they will be. Every against section, labor against capital, "tho poor against the rich," or Interest against interest in the United States, is in the highest degree reprehensible. It, is op posed to the national instinct and nterest and should be resisted by every citi zen. We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, Independent Bncl hou"I'abl° UI ncNur This ever-recurring effort endan^rs popu lar government and is a menace to our liberties. It is not a new campaign do vice or party appeal. It is as old us gov eminent among mon, but was never more untimely and unfortunate than Washington warned us against it, and Webster said in the senate iu words which I feel are singularly appropriate at this time: "I admonish the people against the object of overtures like these. I admonish every industrious laborer of this country is a the United States acting apart from other wedded to tho doctrine of protection and governments, .there are those who think was never more earnest in its sn that it has already gone beyond the limit advocacy than now. If of financial prudence. Surely we can go needed to strengths doX^'to lights to '.ure us across the danger line, More Thau Any Other Country. .T We have much more silver in use than any country in the world, except India or China—$500,000,000 more than Great Brit ain $150,000,000 more than France $100, 000,000 more than Germany £125,000.000 less than India, and $125,000,!XK) less than China. The Republican party has de clared in favor of an international agree-! ment, and, if elected president, it will bo be my duty to employ all proper means to promote it. The freo coinage of silver in this country would defer, if not defeat, in ternation.il bimetallism, and until an in- Zhl'T?"1', *1°™ i™° '.,ccu,) ternational agreement can be had even* in forest requires us to maintain our pres ent standard. Independent free coinage of silver at a ratio of 1(5 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold would insure the speedy contraction of the volume of our currency. It would drive at least 500,000,000 of goid dollars which wo uow have permanently from trade of the country aud greatly de crease our per capita circulation. It is not proposed by the Republican party to take from the circulating medium of the country any of the silver we now have, on tho contrary it is proposed to keep all of the silver money now in circulation on a parity with gold by maintaining tho pledge of the government that flllof it shall be equal to gold. This has been the unbroken policy of the Republican party since 1878, It. has inaugurated no new policy. It will keep in circulation, aud as good as gold, all of the silver and paper money which aro now included in the cur rency of the country. It will maintain their parity. It will preserve their equal ity in the future as it has always done in the past. It will not consent to put this country on a silver basis which would in evitably follow independent free coinage at a ratio of 10 to 1. It wili oppose the ex pulsion of gold from our circulation. to menace to be feared sve are already experiencing the effect of partial free trade. The one must be averted, the other corrected. The Republican part.v is no further, and we must not permit false American system" or increa^ the hold of must everywhere be admitted' that our I stem upon the party and people, it money has been absolutely good and has brought neither loss nor inconvenience to is found_in the lesson and experience of the past three years, ^l^i realize in their own daily lives what before was to many of them only report, history or tradition. They have had a trial of both systems and know what each has done for them. Demanded by the Public Kxigenciea. Washington, in his farewell address Sept. 17, 179(3. 100 years ago, said: "Asa very important sourco ?V strength and se curity, cherish public credit. One meth od of preserving it is to use it as sparingly possible avoid the accumulation of b-v shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions lime of peace to discharge the debts which un avoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear." To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which he announced he declared: "It is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue that to have applied to the revenue there must be taxes that no lax es can be do vised which re more or less inconvenient or unpleasant that the in trinsic embarrassment inseparable from t-hix selection of proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to lie a decisive motive for a construction of the conduct of the government making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in tho measures for obtaining revenue which the exigencies may at any time dictate." Animated by like sentiments the people of the -Oilntry must now face the condi tions which beset them. "The public wS!?HeS" ,d?TnMi pr0J\lpL egislation which will avoid the ac-umu- I tionize all values, or lution of further debt by providing ade quate revenues for the expenses of tho government. This is manifestly the re quirement of duty. If elected president of the United States it will be my aim to vigorously promote this object and give that ample encouragement to tho occupa tions of the American people which, abovo all else, is so imperatively de manded at this juncture of our national affairs. Our Condition in December, 1803. In December, 1892, President Harrison sent his last message to congress. It was ail able and exhaustive review of the eon ditio'n and resources of the country. It stated our situation so accurately that I am sure it will not be amiss to recite his official and valuable testimony. "There never has been a time in our his tory," said he, "when work was so abund ant, or when wages were so high, whether measured by the currency iu which they are paid or by their power to supply the necessaries and comforts of life. The general average of prices has been such as to give to agriculture a fair participa tion in the general prosperity. The now industrial plants established since Oct. 0, 1890, and up to Oct. 22, 1S93, number 31a, and the extensions of existing plants, 108. Tho now capital invested amounts to §4f, 446,060 and the number of additional em ployes 37,286. During the first six months of the present calendar year 135 new fac tories were built, of which 40 were cotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills. 15 silk mills, 4 plush mills and 2 linen mills. Of the 40 cotton mills, 21 have been built in the Southern states. This fairly describes the happy condition of tho country in December, 1S92. What has it been since, and what is it now? Our Condition Kiglit Months Later. The messages of President Cleveland from the beginning of his second adminis tration to the present time abound with descriptions of the deplorable industrial and financial situation of the country. W'\ile no report to history or official stato- Nit is required to advise us of the pres ent condition and that which has prevailed during the past three years, I venture to quote from President Cleveland's first message, A ug. 8, 189:}, addressed to the Fifty-third congress, which he called to gether in extraordinary session: "The existence of an alarming and ex traordinary business situation," said he, "involving the welfare and prosperity of all our people, has constrained me to call together in extra session the people's rep resenta tives in congress to the end,through the wise and patriotic exercise of lc 'isla tive duties with which they solely are charged, the present evils may be miti gated aud dangers threatening the future may be averted. Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result of untoward events, nor of conditions re lated to our natural resources. Nor is it traceable to any of the afflictions which frequently check national growth aud fj-robqierity. With plenteous crops, with abundant promise of remunerative pro duction and manufacture, with unusual invitation to safe investment, and with satisfactory assurances to business enter prises, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every side. Xu ierous monied institutions have sus pended, becausc abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the de mnnds of frightened depositors. Surviv ing corporations and individuals are con tent to keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to loan, and* those en gaged in legitimate business arc surprised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though heretofore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectural and loss and failure have invaded branch of business." capitulating to dtshonor. istration all branches of the government 11WV Pia-y off hls A PROTECTIVE TARIFF., Another iMiie of Supreme I porta nee to the People. Another issue of supreme importance it that of protection. Tho peril of free silvei mm every The Cause of tlie Change. What a startling and sudden change within the sho period of eight months, from December, 1893, to August, 1893. people, despising the denia- What had occurred? A changed admin- government had been entrusted to tho Democratic party, which was committed against tho protective policy that had prevailed unin terruptedly for more than 32 years and brought unexampled prosperity to tho country, and firmly pledged to its com plete overthrow and tho substitution of a tariff for revenue only. The change hav ing been decreed by the elections in Xo vember, its effects were at once antici pated and felt. We cannot close our eyea to these altered conditions, nor would it be wiso to exclude from contem plation and investigation the causes which produced them. They are facts which we can not as a people disregard, and we can only hope to improve our present condition by a study of their causes. In December, 1892, we had the same currency and practically the same volume of currency that .we have now. It aggregated in 1898 $2,372,509,501, in 1893 $2,333,000,000. in 1894 $2,323,442,362 and in December, 1895, $2,194,000,280. Tho per capita of money has been practically the same during this whole period. The quality of the money has been identical— all kept equal to gold. There is nothing connected with our money, therefore, to support and I account for this sudden and aggravated "Z SSSTJ!i£ SjEKd t'X It its holders. A depreciated currency has not existed to further vex tho troubled business situation. Hood Money Never Made Hard Times. I It is a mere pretence to attribute the hard times to the fact that all our cur rency is on a gold basis. Good money I never made times hard. Those who assert that our present industrial and financial depression is the result of tho gold stand ard, have not read American history aright or been careful students of the events of recent, years. We never had greater prosperity in this ci fun try in eve«y field of employment and industry than in the busy years from 1SS0 to 189:3, tuning all I of which time this country was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business operations than ever before. We had. too, a protective tariff under which ample revenues were eol lected for the government, and an ac cumulating surplus which was constantly Payment of (lie 1'ubite Debt. P^tcctive I confidence by an aci Which would revolu- a deficiency in the public revenues. Wo cannot inspire confidence by advocating reinuliation or practicing dishonesty. We cannot restore confidence, either to the treasury or to the people without a change in our present tariff legislation. OUR TARIFF LAWS. Measures Passed in 1890 and 1894 Con trasted. The only measure of a general nature that affected the treasury and the employ ment of our people passed by the Fifty third congress was the general tariff act, which did not. receive the approval of the president.. Whatever virtues may bo claimed for that act, there is confessedly one which it does not possess. It lacks the essential virtue of its creation—the raising of revenue sufficient to supply the needs of the government. It has at no time pro vided enough revenue for such needs, but it has caused a constant deficiency iu the treasury and a steady depletion in tho earnings of labor aud land It has con tributed to swell our national debt more than $362,000,000, a sum nearly as -great as the debt of the government from Wash ington to Lincoln, including all our for eign wars, from the revolution to the re bellion. Since its passage work at home has been diminished prices of agricul tural products have fallen coniidence has been arrested and general business de moralization is seen on every hand. The Tariffs of 1890 and 1894 Contrasted. The total receipts under the tariff of 1894 for the first 22 months of its enforce ment from September, 1894, to .Tune, 1S96, were $557,015,329, and the expenditures $1540,418,364, or a deficiency of $82,803,015. The decrease in our exports of American products and manufactures during the first 15 months of the present tariff, as contrasted with the exports of the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,-53, 320. The excess of exports over imports during the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890 was §213,982,968, but only i?56,758,023 under the first 15 months of the tariff of 1894, a loss under the latter of $157,214,345. The net loss in the trade balance.,of tho United States has been $190,083,607 during the first 15 months' operation of the tariff of 1894, as compared with the first 15 mouths of the tariff of 1890. Tho loss has been large, constant and steady at the rate of §13,130,000 per month, or $500,000 for every business day of the year. Losing ill Both Directions. We have either been sending too much money out of the country or gutting too little in, or both. We have lost steadily I in both directions. Our foreign trade has been diminished and our domestic trade has suffered incal culable loss. Does not this suggest the cause of our present de pression and indicate its remedy? Con fidence in home enterprises has almost wholly disappeared. Our shops are closed, or running half time at reduced wages, and small profit, if not actual loss. Our men at home are idle, and while they are idle men abroad are occupied in sup plying us with got ds. Our unrivaled home market for the farmer has also greatly suffered because those who consti tute it—the great anhy of American wage earners—are without the work aud wages they formerly had. If they cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. 11' our labor was well employed, and employed at as remunerative wages as in 1HS)2, in ,, .. creased demand for his products and in the better prices which he would receive. Not Open Mints, Hut Open Mills. active use of the money coined. Not open mints for the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, but open mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American workingnien. The employment of our mints for the coinage of the silver of the lias lost none of its virtues and impor-1 changes in our tariff legislation as severely as our laborers and manufacturers, liadly as they have suffered. The Republican platform wisely declares in favor of such encouragement to our sugar interests, as Let us hold fast to th it which we know is good. It is not more money we want what we want is to put the money we already have at work. When money is United States attained the highest point employed, men are employed. iJotli have in our history. The aggresatc of our always been steadily and remuneratively engaged during,all the years of protective tariff legislation. When those who have money lack confidence in the stability of values and investments, they will not part with their money. Business is stag nated—the life-blood of trade is chocked and congested. We cannot restore public an act which entails a few months every farmer in the land come, and tho feeling of distrust, and ho would feel the glad change in the in- tility between tho sections is overvwhem It is not an increase in the volume of money which is the need of the times, but an increase in the volume of business. Xot an increase of coin, but an increase of cordial relations between tho people of all confidence. Kot more coinage, but a more world would not bring the necessaries and animate and govern the citizens of every comforts of life back to our people. This 1 will only come with tho employment of After the lapse of a century since its ut thc masses, and such employment is cer- terance, let us at length and forever here taln to follow the re-establishment of a tance. The first duty of the Republican every opportunity to advance tho cause of party, if restored to power in the country, &ood government by promoting that spirit' will be the enactment of a tariff law forbearance and justice which is so es which will raiso all the money necessary sential to our prosperity and happiness, to conduct the government economically joining most heartily in all proper cf and honestly administered, and so ad- forts to restore the relations of brotherly justed as to give preference to home manu-: respect and affection which in our early facturers and adequate protection to home history characterized all the people of all labor and the home market. the states. The war is long since over Our Farmers and the Tariff. ^e aro not enemies, but friends," aud as Our formers have been hurt by the "will lead to the production on American! soil of all the sugar which the American people uso." It promises to our wool and woolen in terests "the most ample protection," a, guaranty that ought to commend itself to every patriotic citizen. Ne\ or was a rnoro grievous wrong done the farmers of ouii country th that "so unjustly inflicted during the past three years upon the wool growers of America. Although among, our most industrious and useful citizens, their interests have been praejjcally de stroyed and our woolen manufacturers involved in similar disaster. At no time within the past 86 years, and perhaps never during any previous period, have so many of our woolen factories been sus pended as now. The Republican party can be roiled upon to correct these great) wrongs, if again enti ustcd with the con trol of congress. REGARDING Believes tlio RECIPROCITY. I.aw iu Force in '93 Should Be lie-enacted. Another declaration of the Republican platform that has my most cordial sup P°rt is that which fa vors reciprocity. Tho splendid results of t/io reeiprocityarrange incuts that were mad,'under authority of I t!'" tariff act of 181)0 aro striking and sug 1 ae. The brief period they were in force, in most cases only three years, was not long enough to thoroughly test their great value, but sufficient was shown by the trial to conclusively demonstrate the importance and the wisdom of their adop tion. In 1893 the export trade of tho I United States ports that year reached the immense sum of $1,030,278,1-18, a sum greater by .$100, 000,000 than the exports of any previous year. In ly95, owing to the threat of un friendly tariff legislation, the total dropped to $847,005,lill. In my judgment, congress should immediately restore the reciprocity section of the old law, with such amend ments, if any, as time and experience sanc tion as wise and proper. The underlying principle of this legislation must, how ever, be strictly observed. It is to affortS new markets for our surplus agricultural' and manufactured products without loss to the American laborer of a single day's work that he might otherwise procure. FOREIGN IMMIGRATION. Laws Already in Favors Extension of the Force. The declaration of the platform touch ing foreign immigration is one of peculiar importance at this point when our own laboring people aro in such great, distress. I am iu hearty sympathy with the present legislation restraining foreign immigra tion and favor such extension of the laws as will secure the United States from in vasion by the debased and criminal classes of the old world. While we adhere to tho public policy under which our country has received great bodies of honest, in dustrious citizens, who have added to tho wealth, progress and power of ihe country, and while we welcome to our shores the well disposed and indus trious immigrant who contributes by his energy and intelligence to the cause of freo government, we AViint no immigrants who do not seek our shores to become citizens. We should permit none to pm-tieipate in the advantages of our civilisation who do not sympathize with our aims and form of government. We should receive nono who come to make war upon our institu tions and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. Against nil such our gates must be tightly closed. OUR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. Believes in air and Liberal Adniinistx*a tion of* the I11sion Hureiui.' The soldiers and sailors of the union should neither be neglected not forgotten. The government that they served so well must not. make their lives or condition harder by treating them its suppliants for relief in old age or distress, nor regard with disdain or contempt the earuest in terest. oue comrade naturally manifests in the welfare of another. Doubtless thero has been pension abuses and frauds in the numerous claims allowed bv the government, but the. policy governing the administration of the pension bureau must always bo fait" and liberal. No deservingapplicaitt should ever suiter because of a wrong perpetrated by or for another. Our soldiers and sail ors gave the government the best they had. They freely offered health,strength, limb and life to save the country in ho time of iis greatest peril, and the govern ment must honor them in their need as in iheir service with the respect and grat itude due to brave, noble and sell'sacri flcing men who are justly entitled to gen erous aid iu their increasing necessities. NO NORTH, NO SOUTH. Congratulates the Country on the Obliter ation of Sectional L.ueH. The country is to be congratulated upon the total obliteration of the sectional lines which for many years marked the division of the United State into slave and freo territory, and finally threatened its parti tion into two separate governments by tho dread ordeal of civil war. The era of rec onciliation, so long aud earnestly desired by General Grant and many other great, leaders, Xor:li and South, secti°us has happily sections is everywhere vanishing, let us hope, never to return. Nothing is better calculated to givo strength to the nation at home, increase our power aud influence abroad, and to add to tho permanency and security of our free institutions, than the restoration of and parts of our beloved country. If called by the suffrages of the people to S assume the duties of the high office of president of the United States, I shall count it a privilege to aid, oven in tho slightest degree, in tho promotion of tho ®Pirit of fraternal regard, which should section, state or part of the republic, aftcr, wise protective policy which shall encour- "There should bono North, no South, no age manufacturing at homo. Protection heed the admonition of Washington: East no West—but a common country." sha11 he my constant aim to improvo we 1 ™U.faithfully and officially co- operate until the approving smile of Him who has thus far so signally sustained and guided us to preserve inviolate our coun try's name and honor, its peace and good order and its continued ascendancy among the greatest governments on earth.