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THE LABOR WORLD William E. McEwen, Publisher* Advettising Kates Made Known en Application. Entered at Fottoffice at Duluth, Minn., as Second Class Matter. Published Every Saturday. Established in 1896 by Sabric. Ci. Aikin. Business Office Suite 610 Manhattan Building, Ouluth. Minn. Subscriptions. One Year, in advance Six Months, in advance™ Three Months, in advance.. THE UNION SHOP. Let's get down to brass tacks on this thing we call the Union Shop. What is it? Is it a mere institution to be established for the purpose of giving a labor union a monopoly to furnish employment to its members at the exclusion of non-members so as to maintain an organized labor machine to rob and plunder the rest of the folks, as the trusts are doing? If it were established for any such purpose or object it should be promptly crushed. But it is needless to say that is not its purpose. The Union Shop exists not for itself alone, nor for the labor union that con tracts for it. It is but a means to an end. It supplies the machinery under which democracy in industry may prop erly function, and without which there cau be no such thing as democracy in industry. Governments exist among men and women to protect them in their lives, liberties and property. In democratic governments the people have all to say as to what laws shall be enaeted to which they shall yield obedience. Where the people have no say as to the mak ing of laws, and where one man or a set of self-appointed men has the say, there is autocracy in government. Men and women who would be free have sacrificed everything they possessed to secure democracy in government. Industries exist to directly or indi rectly feed, clothe, shelter, and give comfort and convenience to the people. They are operated for service, with profit as the incentive to attract men possessed of energy and enterprise. Two human elements are necessary in the conduct of industry—the possessors of capital and the owners of labor power, each of whom is useless within them selves alone. And even both together would be unable to produce any wealth •without some 5od-given land and the natural products it yields. hen masters of men van govern ments and made all the laws under which the people lived they at the time ran all the industries and through their governments they made laws to regulate the conduct of the men and women em ployed therein. They fixed wage scales, hours of labor and conditions of em ployment by law. If the workers met to request or demand changes in the law they were cast into jail for con spiracy against the law. If two or wore quit work in protest against the master-made law it was rebellion ftgainst the government. When governments became free for •11 the people and they were given an equal voice in making the laws and administering them, most of the laws that had been passed by the masters to govern the conduct of persons at their work, excepting such as were held to protcct the lives and health of the workers, were repealed. Labor was given a free hand to work out its own destiny in its own way untrammeled by repressive legal restrictions, save those that were set up by the courts from time to time in attempts to draw a sort *f "Mason and Dixon" line between •what they called the rights of persons -jfcnd the rights of property. When governments ceased to make laws to govern the conduct of persons at their work, the owners of the indus tries set up rules in their stead. They «wned the works and believed they should have all to say, not only about kow the business should be run, but bow the workers should act and behave in and out of their employment. They recognized no obligation to all the peo ple from whom they received their raw material, or to the workers without whom no new wealth could be produced. .They had a title to their shops and factories and such ownership led them to believe it gave them mastery over their workmen. That is, as it always has been, .autocracy in industry. labor has outworn its rags and we •re all living today better than of old, but we are not satisfied. We *a»fe something more than food and leisure and comfort. It is not so much the material things we erave as it is the longing for freedom. Master-made law, in government or industry, and cowers. Workers yield to it only trader compulsion, and that is serfdom. TJntil the world war they cried out against it in the wilderness. Now they are fighting it like crusaders of old. Within their breasts there is a yearning for self-government in industry, the last pile-stone in the march to absolute 'r ft freedom. Autocracy must relinquish its bold on industry ss it was forced to do on the church and on governments. It Is doomed now as it was of old in its complete mastery over other institu tions. American labor* is not asking for the absolute rule of industry, for that would be but another form of autocracy. It wants no dictatorship here on either side. It merely seeks an equal voice with the owners of industry in making the rules under which it works. That is the democratic principle in action. It is not practical or convenient for all the workers and all the owners of an industry to meet together and frame the wage scale, working time schedule and shop rules, so each side selects rep resentatives to act in its place. The men so chosen meet in the parliament of the workshop, and there they mutu ally agree on every issue that may come before them to be ratified later by the owners and workers respectively. To bring about such a condition unions of the workers have been estab lished. To maintain it unions will be necessary. To enjoy its blessings every worker must share in the responsibility of supporting the institution that under takes to protect his rights and his lib erty in the workshop. And that is the Union Shop, morally justifiable, legally permissible, and socially imperative. The so-called "open shop" with all the pretenses that have been made for it as an agency to protect the rights of the individual, stripped of its hypocrisy, is but a clever ruse on the pari of the autocrats of industry to perpetuate their long-held power, to continue to hold the worker in subjection, and to deny to him his individual freedom which the Union Shop guarantees. KELLOGG BOOMS LAKSON. Senator Frank B. Kellogg has started his political campaign for re-election two years hence. The little "trust buster" and former counsel of the Steel Trust whose life he saved in the Stand ard Oil case was in Duluth last week, a guest at the home of A. M. Marshall of the MarshaU-Wells company and one of the chief spirits in the Citizens' alliance which has opened war on or ganized labor in this vicinity. The junior Minnesota senator gave an interview to the morning paper in which he lauded Oscar J. Larson, Re publican candidate for congress from this district and appealed to the people to elect him, stating that men of his type were sorely needed in congress. "He will make his influence felt at the first session," declared Mr. Kellogg. It is a fine thing for Mr. Larson to have the support of such men as Mr. Kellogg. It indicates that he is well thought of by the most shining light' in the Republican party of this state, and his services as a party man are as much needed by the party at Washing ton as by the nation. We arc pleased to know that a Duluth man has been marked for such recognition. But has it occurred to any voter in this district that there are no repre sentatives of Big Business coming to Duluth to urge the election of our labor congressman, WilliaiL ju. Carssf Sen ator Kellogg made no reference to the public record of Mr. Carss who in one session has become known to a num ber of constituencies outside of his own and who voted with the people and against the special interests on every measure that came before congress in the last session. Senator Kellogg, an owner of con siderable railroad stock and securities, voted for the Esch-Cummins- act, a bill proposed by the railroads which legal izes eight billion dollars of watered stock, and guarantees to them an annual dividend on their total capitalization of five and one-half per ccnt, to be paid out of the general treasury of the government should they fail to earn sufficient money to pay that much to their stockholders. Congressman Carss voted against the Esch-Cummins bill, against the special interests that pressed its passage and for the people. No wonder Senator Kellogg is interested in the defeat of such a congressman. But while Sen ator Kellogg fooled the people when he gained a "victory" over the Standard Oil company by leading the supreme court to amend the Sherman anti-trust law to draw a line between ordinary restraint of trade and "undue" re straint of trade to save the Steel Trust, for whieh he Was counsel, we do not believe he can fool them in the selec tion of a congressman from this district. The Eighth district knows Carss and its people, if we mistake not, will return him to Congress without respect to hie party label. They are not going to be further misled by blind partisanship. They ^'ill vote for Carss, the people's man, because they believe in him, and because of his splendid record. THE nBST MARTYB8. In the issue of The Labor World under date of September 18, we printed an. editorial under the title of "The Six Men of Dorse which we pointed ont the fact that martyrdom ever eon tributes to the advancement of a right eons cause. The reference to the six men of Dor set has. aroused considerable interest among our readers. We are in receipt of letters requesting us to tell more about them and to atite whether or not any books have been written about them. Some years ago the American Federation of Labor circulated a pam phlet written by Samuel Gompers, in which he graphically described the suf ferings of those six courageous men, who were the first martyrs to trade unionism. The six men were employed as farm laborers in Dorsetshire, England, 77 years ago. Three of them were Wes leyan preachers who worked as farm laborers during week days and preached the gospel on Sundays. They were James and George Lovelace and Thomas Stanfield. When they made a combined request of their employer for a Blight increase in wages, their wages were immediately reduced in the exact amount of the increase they asked for. When they made protest against this by quitting work together they were thrown into jail at Tolpuddle where they were stripped, shorn of their hair and eventually sentenced to seven years imprisonment. The charge against them was "conspiracy" for joining a trade society. They were placed aboard the convict ship "Success" and were transported to Australia by the British government. They suffered agonizing hardships, but they bore their part bravely. Back in England while the six men were sail ing to Australia the movement they started was given impetus as the story of their martyrdom spread by word of mouth from farm to farm, mine to mine and shop to shop. The convict ship "Success" is still afloat and last year was exhibited at several American ports as an educa tional object lesson to show the ad vancement of civilization since the days when the ship was in criminal transport service. JUST HANG ON. If union labor men will but hold their heads no harm will comc out of the "open shop" fight tha4- is now being made against the labor move ment. Labor can easily outgeneral the other side if common, ordinary horse sense is displayed. All the right is on the side of labor. Mistakes may have been made in tactics, and in some in stances premature demands may have been forced, but the correct principle is behind our whole purpose. The anti-unionists do not hope to de stroy union labor. They realize that the task is impossible in America. They can only hope to weaken its power and influence, and by doing so they expect to be in a position to reduce wages at the proper time when prices come down. No one expects to see pre-war prices obtain, but many believe the cost of things to the consumers will xiaterially drop in the very near future. Henry Ford announces that he will sell his automobiles $200 cheaper than he is now charging for them, and he will reduce their price without reducing the wages of labor. He can afford to do it, he says, which indicates that he has been profiteering to the tune, at least, of $200 to a car. Many other employers are in the same boat, but they will not be so considerate of their employes. They will attempt to reduce wages. If labor holds its head, keeps or ganized and holds on to what it gained during the war it's present wage will soon have a much greater purchasing value than it has today. If its organ ization is weakened the "open shop pers" will take advantage of the sit uation and they will start a general reduction all along the line. It will pay to be patient and hang on for a while. HITTING AT EDUCATION. In a special bulletin recently issued by L. C. Harris, president of the local I Citizens' alliance) mention was made of the fact that down in Minneapolis the "open shoppers" had found it nec essary to discourage building -because certain contractors were still clinging to the Union shop. The campaign against organized labor and building construction in Minneap olis, not only affects the workers and the prosperity of the city, but it has already hit at education. No schools are being built. The present buildings are overcrowded. Churches and halls are being utilized. One-third of the children can attend school but half the time. The education of the children of the poor is being neglected, while the chil dren of the well-to-do are placed aboard suburban trains out of Minneapolis, and get off at the various stations along the route to attend rural schools. That is a fine situation to be in, thanks to the "opei. chop" movement in Minneapolis, the leaders of which know no bounds of decency in their zeal to crush the spirit of the workers. Will Duluth endorse such a program) We know the people of this city too well to believe they will encourage the Citizens' alliance to conduct a sec ondary boycott against those employers who recognize the Union shop of labor that will result in the impairment of our splendid school system. THE SENATE'S WAT. Only within the senate itself has government by, of and for the senate ever fonnd favor. The senate has al ways been regarded as the bulwark in our government of the great vested interests rather than of the popular will. Individual senators have been pa triots and great popular leaden, but SATURDAY- •THE LABOR WORLD ——OCTOBER 2,1920. the senate as a body has not been the champion of popular government* The present senate exemplifies the established record and reputation of the body. It is but logical that the arro gance of some of its leaders should seek now, through the election of Senator Harding, to usurp the functions of the President. Ex-Governor McCall, of Massachu setts, in. an article in a recent maga zine, speaks, thus of the senate action on the League of Nations: "This moral decadence has shown it self in the recent notable debate upon the treaty Referring to future readers of the history of this time, he says: "They would see a cause of colossal importance brought down to the level of the hustings as if. it were the prime purpose not to confer a memorable boon upon mankind but to carry the next election." And it is to the most reactionary and the narrowest' of the clique of this sen ate that Harding proposes to turn the government of the nation over. THE REPUBLICAN CONGRESS. "If adjournment is taken in June, the Republican party will have to go into the presidential campaign con fronted by the necessity of dodging or apologizing for the sorriest record ever made by Congress in recent' years."— Washington Post. The Washington Post is anti-admin istration and is supporting Harding. The senate has reached the nadir of its popularity."—New York Times. "Congress stands at the lowest ebb of constructive ability ever known."—• Searchlight. "The present Congress has failed us in intelligent comprehension of every great question affecting the lives and the welfare of our people. It has failed with completeness and aban don. ''—Samuel Gompers. "That Congress has not only wasted weeks of precious time while the world has waited for such relief as only'Amer ican legislators could afford, and has displayed a degree of willfulness and, selfishness which has astonished and em barrassed the nation, seems beyond question."—Christian Science Monitor. And it is to the majority leaders of the senate of this Congress that Hard ing proposes to turn the presidency over. THE SIX-CENTS FARE. The Labor World has had very little to say about ,the six-cent ordinance to be voted oh at next Monday's special election. We have had a lot to say about the three-mill tax amendment and we have based our argument in behalf of the proposition largely on the grounds that the additional taxes to be derived from the increased rate were needed to permit the city commission ers to pay higher wages to city em ployes. Now would we not be placed in an, inconsistent position if life opposed, the six-cent street railway ordinance when it is assured that a considerable amount of the additional revenue to the com pany from the increased fare will be used to pay increases in wages to street railway employes. We haven't felt concerned about the Duluth Street Railway company as a union labor paper because of the atti tude of its officers towards organized labor. They have not only opposed trade unionism among their employes, but they have discharged employes who were known to be members of a labor organization. In this number of The Labor World the Duluth Street Railway company has an advertisement in which it re produces the conclusions and recommen dations of the Federal Electric Rail ways commission appointed by Presi dent Wilson. Among such is Conclu sion No. XII, which has reference to collective bargaining and the forma tion of labor unions among street rail way employes. We ,will not reprint that conclusion in this editorial, but we beg leave to commend it. to our readers and to the officers of the company. It is the matured judgment of street railway experts, arrived at from long and costly experience. If the Duluth Street Railway will but come out of the fog and get right with union labor as it should have done long ago—it is not too late now— it would have union labor backing in stead 6t being indifferent to the pas sage of the six-cent fare ordinance now as it is supporting the three-mill tax amendment for the benefit of the city and its employes. If the six-cents fare ordinance is defeated next Tuesday charge it up to the unwise anti-union poliey of the company. How times have changed. Samuel Gompers rode in an airplane from Wash ington to Rochester the other day to address a labor meeting. When the A. F. of L. was an infant its. chief organizer, the late P. J", MCGuire, rode in a box car from Chicago to St. Louis to organize a carpenters' union. i.—.0' The big business interests of Dnluth are attempting to kill off Congressman Carss by a stodied campaign of silence. They possess not the grace to give bin even faint praise for bis efforts la lo cating government am flying field 1 iimm .. »r While we are discussing, national and state issues let us not forget the cam 'didates for the legislature. Labor has Some mighty good men running in each of the three districts. We need them in the legislature to vote for the state insurance and other important laboi bills. The tax rate for city purposes in Minneapolis has been fixed for next year at 46.53 mills. If the tax amendment is adopted here by the voters next Mon day the tax rate for city purposes will not exceed 20.8 mills, and for -the schools about 21 mills. A Lincoln club has been organized in Duluth to promote the campaign of Harding and Coolidge. Oh, immortal Abraham, would thou recognize thyself if thou were in the game today This is one week in the national po litical campaign when Senator Harding is being missed on his own front porch. SOME EPITAPHS Lies sleeping here, one Johnny Lake He heard the Bell, but had no brake. At 60 miles drove Oscar Pidd He thought he wouldn't skid, but did. At 90 miles drove Eddy Shawn The motor stopped but Ed kept on. Beneath this sod sleeps Walter Whissen He did not stop to look or listen. A lively chap was Biffer Redd He hit a train somehow, he's dead. A dry old boy was William Hall So carve his stone: "Wood alcohol." A Walker lies here quite forlorn The chauffeur didn't toot his horn. RS. M'GQRMICK FEU Republican women of Hibbing opened their campaign on Tuesday night with Mrs. Ruth Hanna Medill McCormick as the principal speaker, and while Mrs. Mac is a highly-edu cated, refined, cultured and exclusive lady, as befits the daughter of the late Mark Hanna, even her most, enthusias tic supporters do not claim that she is a whirlwind as a, campaigner, or anything approaching a whirlwind. The speech was a rehash of the un founded charges made against the Wilson administration by the Repub lican old guard and the capitalistic newspapers under the control of that element of the party of great moral ideas, and the whole did not create a very favorable impression with Rib bing voters, who, it appears, are much better informed upon national and po litical Questions than Mrs. Mac seems to be. We admire the Republican women of Hibbing who have so enthusiastical ly taken up with the right to enter the political arena and assist in the activities therein, and who are show ing so much spirit in doing what they deem proper to further the fortunes of the political division of their choice, but we cannot get away from the belief that they made a serious mis take in having Mrs. McCormick come here to attempt to discuss the political issues of the day—that the Repub lican managers made a mistake in sending her or any of her kind out on general speaking tours. At a drawing room meeting -of wealthy Republican ladies she might do very well, how ever. Mrs. McCormick was accompanied by her Swedish maid and the adver tising given her is not such as to inspire confidence in the breast of the common people. She is the daughter Of Mark Hanna, which, of course, she is not to blame for, but it does not help the Republican cause to adver tise the fact. She is the wife of Medill McCormick, junior United States senator from Illinois, and one of the most pronounced enemies of the common people on earth—a veri table despot. He controls the Chi cago Tribune, which is an anarchistic newspaper without an equal in the nation. Such people cannot success fully carry the message of the rich.to the poor. They cannot teach the com mon folk anything, because they know too much already. Mrs. McCormick concluded her ad dress with this touching appeal: "Warren G. Harding Is a typical American—he is just one of us. and. my friends, you can take pride in helping us carry to victory the Re publican banner in this campaign of 19*0." That's right—Candidate Hard ing is one of "us." just the same as McKinley was one of "us." But Mark Hanna had to raise and blow in sev enteen million dollars to make Mc Kinley a "popular" candidate. The more speakers of the McCor mick class that arc sent out by the Republican managers the greater will be the majorities acoorded the Demo cratic candidates in November.—The Hibbing News. Injunction judges are blind to human rights, and they offer no hope for a solution of industrial disputes, says the San Francisco Call and Post. "The courts^ as a rule," says the editor, "can see a right of property through a grindstone, whereas a hu man right is as inconspicuous as a fly •speck on a stove pipe. "The legal approach to the labor problem yields not a ray of Al ready invoked by the most reactionary employers it is always bitter# re sented hgr the working men. If the method is successful it makes radicals of those who suffer from it. "Employers wHl have to learn, sooner or later, that the only way to deal with labor is to bargain with it. If power is to continue to be the final umpire in industrial dispute* oapital will have to give, in when labor baa the most power. "The only alternative is democracy Vfekt fcY *1* tatlMC? jT?! When Little Minds Organized the Radical Order of Small Potatoes Potatoes talk? Certainly potatoes talk, and show more ability than a good many people. That is the rea son they have grown from the under sized wild vegetables to the best food on the table. If potatoes never talked this story would never have been writ ten. It all happened years ago. In vege table land there was a great com plaint because potatoes were not get ting full value received. A conven tion was called and what was found out made every spud open his eyes. The trouble with these potatoes was that they were runts—under-sized and too small to be popular. They were politely told to grow up and amount to something. The bigger potatoes took the hint and organized the rest. A farmer was hied to plant, till the soil, water and harvest. He worked hard to make these potatoes grow, for it meant that much more to him. The results were wonderful. Bushels of potatoes grew until they thought they would burst from the attention bestowed upon them. At the end of the season they were piled up moun tain high by the potato grader. Did you ever see one of those things? They consist of layers of wire mesh and each mesh has open ings of a size different from the rest. Potatoes are scatterd over the wire screens which are agitated, and a process of separation occurs. Pota toes slip through holes until the open ings grow too small. They finally find their way to different piles, where brothers in the same grade await! them. Now trouble started right here among the small fry. Many potatoes had just utilized enough of the farm er's care to exist. Others, very greedy, had taken advantage of everything only to go to leaves, which appeared so much better than making them selves ready for the market. As a result there were many small pota toes among the large ones. You ought to hear these little fellows yell when they saw the separator, and how they cussed the farmer. "Nice state of affairs," they growled. "Here we hire a leader to help us get more out of life and then he lets SIMILAR TO THOSE AFTER 1865 A single page in the story of the Civil war. the Memoirs of General Sherman, carries observations by two Ohio men prominent in that war, Gen eral Sherman himself and Secretary pf War Stanton, that have a strangely familiar sound now amid the distress ing conditions that have followed the world war here. General Sherman has arrived with his story at the opening of the year .1865, and he is dealing with the clos ing events of the Civil war. He is at Savannah and the secretary of war is there, partly on an official visit and partly for recreation. The policy of enlisting slaves is under discussion and the order giving the freed slaves the right to occupy seized lands is agreed on. "He professed to have come from Washington for rest and recreation," writes General Sherman, "and he spoke unreservedly of the bickerings and jealousies at the national capital, of the interminable quarrels of the state governors about their quotas and more particularly of the very exist ence of the government itself. "He said that the price of every thing had so risen in. comparison with the depreciated money that there was danger of national bankruptcy, and he appealed to me. as a soldier and pa triot, to hurry up matters so as to bring the war to a close. "I was quite impatient to get off, myself, for city life had become dull and tame, and we were all anxious to get into the pine woods again, free from the importunities of southern women asking for protection, and of civilians from the north who were coming to Savannah for cotton and all sorts of profit." High prices, weariness of the war conditions, eagerness on all sides for the return of peace, swarms of people at Washington—official and private citizens, with axes to grind, and spec ulators from the north, pushing right down to the hostile lines in promoting their profiteering enterprises. But we came through it.—Columbus Dispatch. Besides employing more than" 25,000 men in the shipbuilding industry, Can ada gives employment to approximate ly 25.000 more in the manufacture of marine equipment and supplies. In many localities throughout the United States manufacturers arc shut ting down their plants to readjust wages. -j'S-n-Si.-* ---.-•• ..v.-"' •-rtJEwf. them use that tool grader on us— what chance has a small potato got against a thing like that?" In vain the farmer pleaded ^ith them. He Hold them that everything was graded in this world, oven he, himself, and that he did not make the law. "I gave you your chance to grow," said the farmer. "I even gave spe cial attention to the little runts with the least chance—in fact, I even per suaded the buyer to let me mix some of you undergrown fellows with the big ones. But let me tell you one thing—you've got to grow if you want to sell for anything, and your grow ing isn't going to depend on what I give you, but what you take. And another thing—don't grow to leaves, but to roots, like a decent potato ought." The big potatoes sold well. They got so big, in fact, that they were graded without going through the machine. But the little fellows—it's a sad tale. They blamed their trou bles on the. farmer and started a»uew organization known as the Radical Order of Small Potatoes. Its purpose was to destroy any po tato grader on sight. But being run by little potatoes, it never had suffi cient strength to harm anything or anybody and it finally went smash. It lacked big. potatoes to handle it and big potatoes were not worrying about grading machines—they were too busy growing. Today you will see happy, plump potatoes with their many eyes twink ling in satisfaction, bound for the grader, which they do not fear. They have absorbed every advantage offered and are ready for the test. And in the distant fields a sharp ear can de tect the whine of the little fellows who are growing leaves instead of roots, or too lazy to grow at all. Moral: Small potatoes can grow to be big ones if they organize and grow. Every workingman and woman In America can be Big Potatoes in their chosen fields, if they will work to gether in Unionism, which affords them the opportunity to organize and grow. WHERE IRON IS THERE "Where Iron Is There Is the Father land," a book by Clarence T. Streit of England, sets forth what would be to most of us an amazing scandal, which was aired in France a year ago and concealed by the censorship from America. It has to do with the way interlocking directorates and owner ship of the steel industry in Germany and France interfered with the prose cution of the war on both sides. The De Wendel family is the prominent figure. Francois de Wendel, presi dent of the French steel trust, was a member of the French parliament Charles de Wendel, his brother, whose mines on the German side of the Lor raine frontier connected with the French mines,, was a naturalized Ger man and a member of the reiclistag. All the iron and steel purchased from France in England was obtained through Humbert de Wendel and his brother-in-law was appointed to check him up. The De Wendel family like wise distributed the metal obtained to the various concerns which needed it in France. The French government referred to Francois de Wendel, the parliament member, all, charges of profiteering in steel for investigation and report! There were gentlemen's agreements by which French airplanes spared German smelters and the Germans in turn spared the coal mines of the French. The French general ataff offi cer responsible for the protection of the trust property under the German flag was an employe of the trus'. Thus we understand why the Lorraine sec tor, as it was called, was quiet throughout the war until the Ameri cans reached the front. The greater part of our men were taken to this sector for training because it was quiet, and the American army struck the first blow against the German smelters. Mr. Streit concludes his book with the remark that the first article in the covenant of the true society of na tions would be "coal and iron, can no more in any country remain private property." Several Paterson N. J.) silk manu facturers have decided to sell their goods direct to the nubile and jnany have already opened up stores for that purpose. English silk mills have ceased to work overtime because of a great de crease in the English demard for silk en wear. Duluth's Oldest National Bank, First in Strength as well as Name "The Bank WUh the Clock." The Other Fellow's Chance There is no so much difference in people's opportunities. There is a big difference in their abili ty and readiness to take advan tage of them. Are you saving money so that you will have an equal chance with others to grasp opportuni ty when it comes?