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The potters herald. [volume] (East Liverpool, Ohio) 1899-1982, August 07, 1947, Image 4

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PAGE FOUR
K
Operatives..
In
OFFCIAL JOURNAL OF
RH NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATIVE POTTERS
and 1
EAST LIVERPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL
Published every Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P., owning and
operating the Beat Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State.
Entered at Post Office, Bast Liverpool, Ohio, April 20, 1902, as second-class matter.
Accepted for mailins at Special Rates of Postage provided for in Section 1109,
Act of October 13. 1917, authorised August 20, 1918.
GENERAL OFFICE, N. B. of O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST., BBLL PHONB 575
HARRY L. GILL.------------------------------------------------------Editor and Business Manager
One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada..—...................-.......-.........—S2.00
President James M. Duffy, P. O. Box 752, Bast Liverpool, Ohio
First Vice President—B. L. Wheatley, Room 215, Broad Street, National Bank Building,
Trenton 8. New Jersey.
Second Vice President Frank Hull, 2704 E. Florence Ave.. Huntington Park, Calif.
Third Vice President™™— James Slaven, Cannons Milla, East Liverpool, Ohio
Fourth Vice President—....Charles Zimmer, 1045 Ohio Avenue, Trenton 8, New Jersey
Fifth Vice President.™™....George Newbon, 847 Melrose Avenue, Trenton 9, New Jersey
Sixth Vico President.™™....George Turner, 215 W. Fourth Street, Bast Liverpool, Ohio
Seventh VVo President...——...T. J. Desmond. 625 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva. Ohio
Eighth Vice President Joshua Chadwick, Grant Street, Newell, W. Va.
Secretary-Treasurer Chas. F. Jordan, F. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio
GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTBB
Manufacturers M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL
Operatives.CHAS. F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN, HARRY PODBWELS
CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE
E. K. KOOS. H. M. WALKER, W. A. BETZ
BERT CLARK. DAVID BEVAN, CHAS. JORDAN
DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE
Manufacturers— ROBERT DIETZ, Sr., W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES
Operatives.™™.. JAMES SLAVEN, THOS. WOOD, ROLAND HORTON
STUDY PROVES PUBLIC OPINION POLLS ARE
‘UNFAIR TO ORGANIZED LABOR’
A NTI-UNION PROPAGANDA OF A particularly subtle and
effective kind is exposed by an article entitled, “Are Pub
lic-Opinion Polls Fair to Organized Labor?" It was first print
ed in a magazine published by Princeton, a conservative uni
versity, and was then put into the “Congressional Record" a
few days ago by Senator Glen H. Taylor (Dem., Idaho).
“Newspapermen who cover labor news are well aware
that the total effect of polls on labor questions is to give the
reader an unfair impression of labor," the article says. “If
anyone doubts it, the evidence is overwhelming in this case
study.
“All the material on labor in the seven leading opinion
polls was studied for 1940 to 1945. This is a thorough test.
“The topic selected for polling frequently implies an anti
social attitude by labor. The phrasing of the question often
suggests an unfavorable answer. The interpretation of the
polls commonly gives labor the short end.
“Of 155 questions, only eight deal with favorable fea
tures of unionism, such as the protection and improvement of
the lot of the working people. Of the rest, 66 are neutral or
doubtful, and 81 are concerned with union faults or propose
restrictions on unions.
“The questions then, to begin with, run strongly against
labor.
“The polls direct public attention persistently to the neg
ative side of organized labor. Why no questions on whether
unions help protect the interests of the common people,
whether they serve as a useful Counterweight to the power of
big business?"
In the “wording of the questions," the study found “four
disturbing types of bias" against labor. From the “Gallup
Poll" and others, it gives examples of “slanted phraseology"
which suggests answers unfavorable to unions and their
leaders. Then it declares:
One cannot escape the conclusion that the labor-poll ma
terial is biased. In the choice of topics, in the wording of
questions, and in the reporting of results, unionism fails to
receive balanced and impartial treatment. The polls taken as
a,i&hole are clearly not fair to organized labor."
In contrast, the article says, “few indeed are the ques
tions to bring out the faults of business. There are questions
on unions’ blame for strikes, but not on employers’ blame for
sub-standard wages or for unsafe conditions in coal mines.
“Even when an occasional poll touches the sensitive spots
of big business, the question and the report are mild and
cautious compared to those on labor.”
Gallup and others make elaborate pretenses that their I
polls are “scientific" and impartial. Judging by this study,
however, their “labor polls" were deliberately designed as
part of the propaganda for the anti-union Taft-Hartley bill. I
If these (Mills are so crooked on labor questions, can they
be relied upon for an honest picture of public opinion on other
subjects?
OVER MILLION WOULD BENEFIT
INCREASE OF THE NOW totally inadequate minimum
A wage rate of 40 cents an hour provided under the Fair
Lalx)r Standards Act to at least 65 cents an hour would aid
more than a million workers, U. S. Bureau of Labor Statis
tics estimates show.
The bureau says that more than 1 million (8 percent) of
the 12 million workers employed in manufacturing industries
in October, 1916 earned less than 65 cents an hour. More
than half of these were in the lumber, tobaccd, furniture, and
clothing industries, which are important in Southern industry.
Workers earning less than 75 cents an hour numbered
2,100,000, including from 30 to 50 percent of the wage earners
in the lumber, furniture, tobacco, clothing, leather, and tex
tile industry groups. Nearly three-fifths of the workers in
manufacturing industries earned $1 or more an hour, and 15
percent were employed at rates amounting to $1.50 or more.
The number of workers at the lower rates have been reduced
substantially as a result of “second round" wage increases
that have been granted since the estimates were prepared,
the bureau says.
There is no doubt, however, that the number of workers
receiving less than 65 cents an hour is large enough to consti
tute a strong argument for increasing the minimum rates.
Such an increase would boost purchasing power and bulwark
national prosperity.
—............ 4^ .. ...
I NEW IDEAS
MOT MANY YEARS AGO trade unionists were fighting bit
terly for the 8-hour day and the 40-hour week. For carry
ing on this fight they were roundly abused and ridiculed.
Labor won that fight over the stiff opposition of many hard
headed industry leaders.
Yet today the U. S. Department of I^abor, after making
a coldly analytical study, says that labor was right. Manage
ment as well* as labor, the Department of Labor report shows,
has profited from the increased efficiency, fewer number rif
accidents and decline of absenteeism that results from the
shorter work week.
By now it should be clear to management that it is
against their interest as well as that of labor, to be ruled by
blind prejudice when presented with a new idea.
The least that management should do on the 25-hour
week question is approach it with an open mind.
7
t-. 1.^ -rn 'r
.■ .. 2
I THERE’S A BATTLE AHEAD
TT MIGHT MAKE US FEEL better if we used a lot of harsh
words to damn the Congress that wound up its session
and went home the other day.
We have the words and know how to use them—but we
think it would be better if we tried to point out ways of keep
ing some of the senators and congressmen Permanently at
home.
'W
But first, just for the sake ol the record:
Enemies of labor in Congress attempted to deal the un
ions a staggering l^ow by enacting the Taft-Hartley Act.
They killed price control prematurely, permitting prices
to spiral upwards.
They made virtually no attempt to solve one of the coun
try’s most pressing problems—that of the acute housing
shortage. ,-v
They thumbed their noses at most of the social legisla
tion that labor supported—and they enacted numerous meas
ures designed to aid business and industry.
There is only one way to reverse the recent trend in legis
lative action—and that i§ by electing differ^ gmip
legislators.
It’s that simple in theory but much inore difficult in prac
tice. It’s easy to state the theory, but a lot of hard work wil
be required to get results.
Call it political action. Call it exercising the voting fran
chie. Call it what you may, it all adds up to the same thing.
Real political action is not something that is carried oui
by a group of union leaders in Washington or elsewhere. The
leaders can give advice and guidance. They can point out pos
sible pitfalls.
But real political action—the kind that gets results—is
that carried out by the men and women in the plants, factor
ies and mills throughout the country.
It’s the kind of action that gets the voters to the polls on
election day.
Organizing and political action go together like hot dogs
and mustard, though they may be handled separately.
The first adds strength to a union. The second makes it
possible for the union to translate desires into action at the
ballot box.
It won’t be necessary this time to look for campaign
issues. They were created by Congress and they
like sore thumbs.
And they’re issues that can be translated into terms of
bread and milk, pork chops and rent.
LET OLD FOLKS SHARE PROSPERITY
TN HIS ECONOMIC REPORT to Congress last week, Presi
dent Truman pictured this country as enjoying unpre
cedented prosperity. One large group which obviously is not
sharing that prosperity are the millions of old folks who are
trying to live on Social Security pension doles averaging less
than $25 a month.
These old men and women were neglected in the past ses
sion of Congress, which not only failed to raise the pensions
and other Social Security benefits, but also “froze" the pen
sion tax rate at 1 per cent of payrolls, instead of letting it go
«P to. 2«/2 per cent gs provided by the original Social Security
Act.
The result of this “freeze” is that the fund will not be
able to pay increased pensions and benefits.
As soon as Congress reconvenes next January, it should
get busy on a bill introduced this week by four men who have I
long been fighting for a better deal for the old folks—Senators
Murray of Montana, Wagner of New York, McGrath of Rhode
Island and Congressman Dingell of Michigan.
Their bill would extend Social Security protection to
about 15,000,000 Americans who are not “covered" under the
present law. It would raise the pensions, add “disability"
benefits, reduce from 65 to 60 years the retirement age for
women workers, and in other ways bring Social Security up
more nearly to the level of the Railroad Retirement System.
If Congress can afford to send billions of dollars
it can afford to do better for our own old people.
UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION
REMEMBER WHEN UNEMPLOYMENT insurance
sailed as “Socialism" and those who advocated
denounced as enemies of Americanism, the home,
•and heaven knows what else. We have come a lonff distance
since them, though not in time. The new attitude is well ill
ustrated by recent testimony of Paul G. Hoffman, Studebaker
Corporation president and leading industrialist, before the
Joint Committee on the Economic Report, set up by Congress.
“So far," Hoffman told the committee, “we have made
only limited use of unemployment compensation as a social
tool, but its effectiveness has been dramatically demonstrated.
It gives people the confidence in continuity of income which
is so essential to the achievement of greater stability in our
economy. It also makes a tangible contribution through
maintenance of purchasing power.
“We should not allow the circumstance that there has
been considerable maladministration of unemployment com
pensation insurance to blind us to its benefits. Our aim
should be to extend it as far as practicable to all workers, and
to increase benefit standards in those states where standards
are now low. Payments, of course, should not be large enough
to make unemployment attractive.”
BUYERS’ STRIKE WILL FORCE PRICES DOWN
fpHE EFFORT OF THE President to secure price reductions
A from business and industrial concerns makes little head
way and the presidential press secretary reports that there
has been no particular evidence of cooieration.
This, we think, will continue to be the state of affairs.
Consequently, there is nothing to be expected from the cam
paign of the President. Sellers will continue to exact the
highest possible price for their products. Only a depression,
caused by the strike of buyers, will force prices downward.
Intelligent consumers can do little or nothing to protect
themselves, so far as necessary products are concerned, but
they can compel price reductions by refusing to purchase lux
ury and near-luxury items. This process will automatically
save consumers money which will have greater purchasing
power when prices slump.
..
FANTASTIC COST OF MILITARISM.
T^IIE FANTASTIC COST OF militarism is illustrated by a
report that Uncle Sam will build a “wind tunnel" costing
$100 million and so huge that “only the Columbia River in the
Jacific Northwest" could furnish the electric power to oper
ate it.
In other words, all the power one of t|ie nation’s greatest
rivers can generate will be used to produce wind for testing
war airplanes and deadly new “missiles." v J’ I 7 Tl
Yet this is only one of many “giant wind tunnels” which
are planned, the report says, and these tunnels are a oompar
atively small part of the vast “military preparedness" pro
gram.
Subscribe to your local official labor publication. It is
fighting your fight’—Union Label Trades Department, AFL,
THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO
abroad.
was as*
it were
religion
to* Acr Mor
..j
1
i
early At Fault
Sabotaging Our Future
By BEN DOR (LPA Columnist)
Disaster seems to be hanging in the air as I write. The papers are
full of bad news, and the commentator on the air seems to be getting an
extra bang out of what he is saying, because so much of his report is
bad. Almost, I changed my mind about writing this article about col
leges and college students. But, even though there is so much more to
talk about, there still seems to be a good reason for writing this article,
too.
During the summer, I have been visiting some of the colleges and
universities of the country. I have been in the east, and in the midwest.
Those I hear about from my friends are like those I have seen for my
self. And the thing that seems to be true of almost all of them is the
poverty tha^ hangs over them like a fog.
There are some colleges that have struck it rich in buildings and
beautiful grounds. But even most of these are suffering from the same
dollar-starvation that is squeezing the heart out of the less fancy ones.
Classes meet in out of the way corners, and in rooms that are sup
posed to be used for other things. I have seen typists tip-toeing around
doing “silent work” while their offices were being used as classrooms.
The housing situation is an awful mess. Ex-GI’s have been jammed
into quonset huts and into made-over barracks. Trailer camps have
been .set up for married college students, and that’s where the kids are
being bom and raised. And most colleges don't even have enough
trailers and quonset huts to fill the demand.
One college decided not to spoil their beautiful grounds with these
makeshift homes for students. W) the./ put their huts out behind the
power house and the sand pits. The students soon called the spot “the
dust bowl.” Guess why. And guess the feeling that' thig college-bred
slum gives to the whole place.
The poverty is spread to the teachers and the students' as well. It
kind of hurts to see the faces of some of the professors as they talk
about the few schools in the country where the teachers have won de
cent, livable wage scales.
But the worst of it is the pauperism among so many of the students.
At one place, where a labor union was holding a one-week school for its
members, the union people spent a pot of money buying meals for the
kids they met in the school cafeteria. One worker summed it up very
simply: “the kids just looked like they could stand a good meal.
A lot of these kids are ex-GI's who are going to college with the
“help” of their grateful country. The fee from the government keeps
the colleges going without (he GI money a lot of the smaller colleges
would have to close up tight. The money that they get from their
countrymen—from you and me, that is—keeps the kids going, too.
But I saw his face, the boy who was asking his economics teacher this
morning, “Congress didn’t raise our GI allowances after all, did it?”
You see, Congress had decided that $30 a week was too much money for
nn ex-soldier and his wife while he was getting the education that his
rich Uncle Sam was giving him as a reward for having been a soldier.
So, we’re saving money, you and I. Out of the hides, and the lives
and careers of the kids who are now in their late teens and early twen
ties. Out of the hopes of the older boys and girls who spent their late
teens and early twenties fighting the most gruesome war in history.
Fine stuff!
The real job of education can’t be done while sitting in the typist’s
office as the girl tries to fumble softly with her papers so as not to
bother the class and the teacher. You can’t do the job when students
come to class bitter over the messy places that they have to live in,
or worried about the problems that you get into while trying to raise
a family on a very short shoe string.
What kind of a chance are we giving these kids for fobs and care
ers? I wonder how far I would have gotten, if I had had to do my
studying in a hut with 11 other fellows. Or in a trailer camp.
It seems to me that?this is one thing that your people can do some
thing about locally, even if Congress won’t touch it. How much are
you, Mr. Citizen, paying the teachers in your town, and in your state
colleges? What kind of a budget do you give them, and what kind of
people do you put on the boards that run the schools and tell the teach
ers what to do? And what are these boards doing to your sons and
daughters, the kids we are raising to inherit the earth?
Take these questions into your union halls. Be prepared to argue,
if you have to, with the brother who thinks that these things are none
of the union’s business. And be ready to help develop a plan for mov
ing your city and ypur state labor organizations in on the problem as
soon as possible.
Maybe you should even go out and see for yourself how badly the I
jobs needs doing.
o------------------
Housewives Accuse Packers Of
Profiteering. Spurn Meat
American housewives, digging deeper and deeper into the family
purse to buy meat, last week dug down into the book of facts and came
up with a charge of “profiteering” against the meat packers.
Angered by meat prices that have been rising since the end of
price controls a year ago, consumers in 10 major cities participated in a
boycott of meat and signed petitions for a Congressional investigation
of the situation.
Final “straw” in an already burdensome situation was the sharp
rise meat took the first two weeks of June. Organized consumers^—(fid
some investigating and found that during the two-week period:
Prices paid packers and other wholesalers for beef rose 15 percent
age points.
Prices paid retailers for beef rose only 8 percentage points.
Prices paid farmers for beef rose 3 percentage points.
Housewives were quick to point out that their accusations were not
levelled against the retailer, who, caught in the packers’ squeeze play,
was unable to pass on the wholesale markup and was having to absorb
ii good part of it himself. In some cities the retailers were reported to
have aided in circulating the petitions for a Congressional investigation
of the packers—and then pushed the sale of fish and fowl during the
boycott week.
Delving into facts, the consumers found:
The “Big Four” packers’ (Swift, Armour, Cudahy and Wilson)
mark-up—that is, the margin between the price at which the livestock
is bought and the price at which it is sold—jumped from 28% in the
final days of OPA to 62% today. This represents an increase of 242%
in the mark-up.
During the same period the retailers’ mark-up slumped—from 63%
in 1946 down to Here again the retailer was seen as being forced
to absorb a large slice of the packers* mark-up.)
Meat packers’ net profits rose to unprecedented heights. Armour’s
profits, over $9 million 1945, more than doubled in 1946 to reach over I
$20 million. Figures are not yet available for this year, but there is
much evidence that profits are exceeding the 1946 pinnacles. Cudahy
recently announced a 33 1-3% quarterly dividend increase on common
stock. Swift has announced increased dividends on its common stock
and an “extra dividend” is anticipated later this year. Wilson has ann
ounced a 25% dividend increase on common stock.
a.. **.*r,i
I
I
Thursday, August 7, 1947
________8 II fl fl 8 8 8 liflittt
NEWS and VIEWS I
S By ALEXANDER S. LIPSETT (An ILNS Feature^ S
fltHHHHWIKMWI 8 8 11 il II IHHH»
Uddevalla—This is the story of Uddevalla, on the west coast o£M
Sweden. Once upon a time it was the country’s third largest seaport™
With the development of Goeteborg harbor and the construction of the
Goeta Canal, Sweden’s connecting inner water link, Uddevalla went into
eclipse. Its natural advantages, set in the midst of sparkling sea
waters, mountains and fertile fields, remained, but its economic signi
ficance was gone.
You walk with me through the dreamy streets, up the hill to the
old watchtower, through the parks with their stately trees and carefully
tended flowers. You cross the canal where ducks, black and white swan,
and other water fowl deport themselves. You see much hustle and
bustle in the market place and around the hundreds of little pleasure
boats tied up in the inner harbor. The heat of a summer day beats
down upon sun-tanned Swedish men and women, now enjoying the short
summer respite as only a Northern people can.
But you also see, rising like a miracle, a new harbor development,
mighty cranes brought from the United States, a tremendous shipyard
in the making which will give employment tp thousands of workers and
pour new life blood into the old town. This may not seem much to
American ears, but to Uddevalla’s 20,000 inhabitants it is all the dif
ference between yesterday and tomorrow. It is the future bringing back
the past and rebuilding the port into a worthy rival of Sweden’s other
great harbors,.
Yet to call this the story of merely a little town, struggling to make
a comeback, would be misleading. It is also the saga of Gustav
Thorden, a self-made man, native of Uddevalla, who has set out to re
cast the town in his own image. Thorden is one of Sweden’s most enter
prising and farsighted shipping masters, an heir to the bygone glory
of the Vikings who crossedd the seas to conquer and plunder. But
Thorden is not out for conquest. He is out to rebuild a town’s livelihood
and reason for existence, and judging from visible appearances and the
opinion of his fellow citizens he is doing a remarkable job.
Thorden started his shipping concern, the Thorden Lines, in Fin-«j
land where he still has a sizeable part of his business.. Now, as a re
sult of the war, most of his interests are concentrated in Sweden. Hi.=»
ships, not big monsters but beautiful white cargo liners with limited
passenger accommodations, ply between Sweden, the eastern ports off
the United States and South America.
I have spoken to the man who, in the eyes of his unemotional coun
trymen, has become a symbol of Uddevalla’s revival. I have looked into*
his deep-set eyes, listened to his carefully enunicated English and heard
him set forth ideas which make him next of kin to American enterpriser
and to the spirit that built America. And I have heard him talk of the
seamen and shipyard workers, not in terms of economics and cogs of
business, but of equal partners in an enterprise which though it bears
the Thorden name, is theirs in spirit and economic meaning as well.
And I have marveled again at the thoughtlessness of those who main
tain that our era is meaningless that we have become mechanized that,
there is no longer a place for free spirit, enterprise, daring, and if you
will, romance. For all this Thorden’s and the working peoples of Udde
valla who are turning their dreams and hopes into hard realities by
hard work.
What is the link between Thorden and America Hear him tell of
the United States and of his admiration for the spirit that made Amer
ica. See him, standing in the midst of his sprawling works,..point with
understandable pride to equipment, nearly all of which bears the im
print of American manufacturing names. Here are monster cranes,
which have come from Providence, R. I. There are tremendous hydrau
lic presses, heating apparatus, woodcutting machines and other equip
ment, hailing from Philadelphia, Cleveland, Portland, and other Amer
ican places. This is industrial America, mirrored in a smaller reflection
of its own, but in spirit just as big and daring as our own past.
Hardpressed for time though I was, I spent a few days in Udde
valla, but it was not the beauty of the town that kept me. It was the
desire to see a place reborn and men at work who did what Americans
had so often done in the past. I walked the byways and spoke to the
men. Their leaders told me of the relationship between Thorden and:
the workers, his understanding for them, his willingness to listen and
see their point. To be sure, Thorden is no namby-pamby, He knows
how to drive a hard bargain, take advantage of the other fellow. But
he expects the same from the men across the conference table and once
the bargaining is over, there is no haggling, no backbiting, no mutual'
suspicion and intent to tear holes into the agreements. They are Swedes
and they stick to their word.
And so the story of Uddevalla has turned into a story of SwedisM
shipping. There are no statistics, no numbers of ships plying the sea"
under the Swedish flag, no detailed wages and working conditions. But
it is a story of seafaring men just the same, the illustration of a com
mon spirit among shipowners and seafarers, which, in the words of Jer
ker Svensson, president of the Swedish Seamen's Union, makes them
work shoulder to shoulder for the welfare of all.
On my way down here I read an article on Swedish affairs by an
American newspaperman, one of those streamlined special correspond
ents who always flit around the globe and never have time to see the
real things. Well, here was this great authority, who had just spent
a few days in Stockholm, most of it in the international caravansery of
the Grand Hotel, and this was what he had to say: “The Swedes have
everything they are rich consequently, they lord it over their impover
ished Scandinavian neighbors. Yet a pall of impending disaster over
hangs Sweden. It is this fear which drives the Swedes to live solely for
the day, to cling to the motto ‘let’s eat, drink and be merry, for tomor
row we die’.
The gentleman did not come to Uddevalla. Nor did he see the
Swedish people doing their daily tasks, holding on with tenacity to
their possessions, building for the future. If he had done so, he might
have seen a different picture, a picture, not in keeping with hotel-de
luxe living, but fraught with the spirit of frugality, earnestness and
longing of the men and women of Sweden to leave their children a good
and if possible still better country of their own.
0 ...............
Th* American Way Of Life I
By RUTH TAYLOR,
BWBBMWBflfltl flitM ttflitriHriWHtfliWHWflfl til IWfl
What is the American way of life?
We have used the phrase so frequently that sometimes it seems a
trifle threadbare at the corners, its lustre dulled by familiarity. Our
public speakers—particularly at campaign time—act as though it were
an “abracadabra” or magic word that could unlock hidden troves oA
treasure.
Of course you know the full meaning of the phrase but have you
ever fried to explain the American way of life to someone who did not
know America, who was not steeped in the traditions of democracy?
I have—and let me assure you it is no easy task. But it does make
you stop and think what you really mean by the American way of life.
Here is what I found I meant by the phrase.
The American way of life is the way of opportunity for all. It does
not mean an equal distribution of all good things, but an equal chance
to work for a living at a fair wage. It means free enterprise—free to
develop, but not unbridled license to exploit either man or natural re
sources, It mean? an equal opportunity to learn, not an equal ability
to get ahead without work.
The American way of life is the way of self-restrained freedom.
Under it we may freely express our own opinion—but we abide by the
decision of the majority. The American way of life implies a decent
respect for the beliefs of others, whether or not we agree with them.
Under it freedom is permitted up to the point where it impinges upon
the rights of others.
The American way of life is the way to progress through the util^L"
ization of every resource—not merely the natural ones of the earth buO
of that greatest resource of our nation—the intelligence, the initiative/
the productive power latent in every individual, regardless of class,
creed or color.
The American way of life is the way to the rainbow’s end, to the
fulfilment of the dream of brotherhood. We Americans may have dif
ferent faiths, different backgrounds, different speech, different color.
We have the same wav of work, the same way of life. We know the
same sorrows, joys ana hopes. The American way of life is the way by
which we may achieve the desire of all for a world unvexed by war,
troubled by want or fear.
The American way of life is our way. Let us walk in it for cen
turies to come, its road made steadily smoother by the patient feet of
each generation.
0-
A storekeeper was greeted by a neighbor who consoled him on the
lose of his merchandise during a fire. “Did you lose much?” asked the
friend. “Not too much,” came the laconic repliy. “I’d just marked mv
stock down 25%" ............. .......... ...

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