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JMfers JI era 14 OFFICiAL JOVRNAL Or NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATTVB POTTEHS -------------and EAST UVEKPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL Published every Thursday at East Liverpool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P., owning and operating the Best Trades Newspaper and Job Printing Plant in the State. Altered at Peat Office, East Liverpool, Ohio. April 20, 1902, as second-class matter. Accepted for mailing at Special Rates of Postage provided for in Section 1109. Act of October 18, 1917, authorised August 20, 1918. GENERAL OFFICE, N. B. of O. P. BUILDING. W. SIXTH ST., BELL PHONE 575 HARRY L. GILL.---------------------------------- ------Editor and Business Manager One Year to Any Part of the United States or Canada.— 12.00 Pr—idwkt ..Jaingg M. Duffy, P. O. Box 752. East Liverpool, Ohio First Vice PresHent...E. L. Wheatley, Room 215, Broad Street, National Bank Build ins. Trenton 8. New Jersey Second Vice President-———Frank Hull, 8111 Pacific Blvd., Huntington Park, Calif. Third Viee President-—— James Slaven. Cm-rons Mills, East Liverpool, Ohio Fourth Viee President----- Charles Thnmer, 1045 Ohio A- cnue, Trenton 8, New Jersey Fifth Vice President----- George Ni i on, 847 Melrose A 'liue, Trenton 9, New Jersey Sixth Vice President-—.——Gtor.'e Turner, I T" W. Drury Lane, East Liverpool, Ohio Seventh Pice President T. J. Desm I. 625 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva, Ohio Eighth Vice Pret-bL nt.— Joshua idwick, Gi.int Street, Newell, W. Va. Seeretary-Treasurpi--------------- Chas. F, Jordan. P. O. B. 752, East Liverpool, Ohio GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers—- M. J. LYNCH. W. A. BETZ, J. T. HALL Operatives——CHAS. F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN. HARRY PODEWELS1 CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers.. E. K. KOOS. H. M. WALKER, W. A. BETZ OperativiM------------------— -BERT CLARK, DAVID BEA VAN, CHAS. JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers—— ROBERT DIETZ, Sr.. W. A. BETZ, RAY BROOKES Operatives--------------------------JAMES SLAVEN. THOS, WOOD. ROLAND HORTON AFL Declares "Union Label Week" Plans for Union Label Week, from May 10 thru 16, this year, were formulated by the American Federation of Labor and the Union Label Trades Department at recent quarterly meetings held in Miami, Florida. The Executive Council of the A. F. of L. unanimously voted to place all the facilities of the AFL back of the excellent idea. The members of the Ex ecutive Council also pledged their all-out support to the Union-Industries Show which will be held during the same period. 1. M. Ornburn, Secretary-Treasurer of the Union Label Trades Department, is Director of the exhibition. The fourth convention of the American Federation of Women’s Auxiliaries of Labor will also be held in Milwaukee during the same week. Union Label Week, May 10 thru 16, 1948, was authoriz ed in a resolution adopted by the last annual convention of the American Federation of Labor. The general purpose of the declared period is to create better public relations and promote good will for all organizations in the AFL. “It is more essential now than ever before in the history of the organized labor movement that we in the American Federation of Labor acquaint the citizens of the United States and Canada with the program and policy of the Am erican Federation of Labor with respect to labor-manage ment-consumer relations”, the resolution reads, and further *‘the Union Label Trades Department of the American Fed eration of Lalxir has designated as Union Label Week the period beginning May 10,1948. Management and labor are called upon to cooperate to demonstrate the excellent rela tions that exist between management and labor” and, there fore, it was resolved “that the American Federation of La bor approve of this means of public relations and urge all national and international unions, state federations of labor, city central bodies, local unions, union label leagues and wo men’s auxiliaries of labor to cooperate in coordinating their activities for the display of everything that is union-made and services that are performed by members of the Ameri can Federation of Labor unions during that week.1 How We Can Fight And Win The Taft-Hartley Law says that Union people haVe no right to refuse to work with or handle non-union goods. The law has taken away a right that we have had for a long, long time. Its pur|xse, of course*, is self evident. If Union people are forced by law to discontinue boycotting phoney goods, the employers who pay less than Union wages wiil be en couraged, and Union wages and worging conditions may be destroyed. Those who desire to wreck Labor Unions have just one aim they hojie to lower wages, increase working hours, smash Union working conditions. The destruction of the standard of living of American working men and women, is their goal. The fundamental puqKise of Labor Unions is to improve living standards. A Union is a free, voluntary association of individual working people, organized to use collective eco nomic strength of the group to raise wages, shorten hours and obtain better working conditions. No one can tell at this time if the Supreme Court of the United States will uphold the provisions of the Taft-IIartley Act which deny to Unions the right to use collective strength against employers which refuse to deal with and work with Unions. Anything can happen. After all, a great many of the judges are former corporation lawyers. However, Lalx»r has one wea|xn which neither Congress nor the courts can take away. Lalior can use its tremendous buying power. If Union men and women ever learn what an effective weapon their buying power can be, when properly toed, the Taft-Hartley Law will mean very little. If Labor, and the families of Union people, and their friends, refuse to spend their money for articles which do not boar the of ficial stamp or insigna of the Union people who pnxluced them, if we refuse to bup non-Union goods, and if we with hold our patronage from firms which do not employ Union members, our enemies will suffer a tremendous blow. Another Side of Story When the American Federation of Musicians arranged for collection of a royalty tax on phonograph records to provide funds for musicians put out of work by records, the American press made it appear that the musicians were engaged in a sort of criminal conspiracy. When the United Mine Workers’ health and welfare fund was established, the same vicious propaganda attack was turned *on the UMW. The public was led to Mieve that the union’s tax of l(l cents a ton caused the increase of a dollar or pwo per ton in the price paid for coal by the consumer. It is always so when a lalxr union takes sonic* rational and progressive step in the interest of those who work for a living. But take the case of the struck Chicago newspapers. At a time when newsprint is one of our most precious items, these papers are squandering it by the thousands of tons. In addition, the papers are slugging classified advertisers over the head. Even though one classified ad might very well do the job for a given customer, the Chicago papers insist it must be run three times and be paid for three times. No one-instreion classified ads are being accepted. But that is not the kind of stuff you read about in the daily papers. know the answer to that. lilt is just ahead of US. 01 peace .... CUl lty system. sioriiritv «vd«»m bvvui iL.y h.ysixni. ject. jiii yond this month’s profit. Brotherhood Week During Brotherhood Week let us remember that demo cracy begins in everyday living. Where are men thrown clos er together than in the assembly line or at the blast fur nace. There a man’s brain and muscle are the things that count. A Catholic hand can work the hoist as well as a Jew ish or Protestant hand. The foreman may be the son of a Greek olive-grower, or a Swedish fisherman, or a Negro cotton-picker, or a fifth generation Yankee mechanic—but the thing that counts is his understanding of the task and his ability to direct men. Workingmen learn these simple truths of democracy because they are rooted in the realities of their daily lives. As a result, many labor organizations are built upon a more solid, realistic and honest democracy than can be found in almost any other American institution. This is one of labor’s great and lasting contributions to American life and it is because of this record that the American people look to labor for continued leadership in the great task of assuring us and our children and our children’s children an era of peace. Straight Thinking Is Needed 1 Observers in Washington believe there is little hope that Congress will do anything to stop the soaring cost of Jiving. Congressmen and senators are confused—and afraid. Leadership is lacking. There is too much emphasis on poli tics. Wall Street and Big Business do not want anything done that will interfere with profits. Instead, they point at wages, demand longer hours for less money. Herbert Hoov er came out of the moth-balls the other day to lecture the representatives. General Electric’s Wilson won a round of Republican applause when he suggested making workers toil an extra four hours a week—44 instead of 40—at straight time he was very emphatic that there should be no overtime rates paid at all. Inflationary, he said. To Wall Street and to the congressmen who take orders from Wall Street, anything that helps a working man main- What the General Electric president proposal means is simply this: working men and women who get time and one-half for hours worked over 40 in one week, would be re- quired to toil 44 hours, with no overtime pay. That’s a wake reduction. If we were to admit—which we do not—that the extra four hours would produce much more goods and there- by stop the inflationary trend, we would still have to ask Big Business if it seriously intended to cut profits. And we Organized Labor opposes lengthening the working week by penalizing the working man. Organized Laboi’ also op- poses with ail its strength the imposition of wage controls. Labor will not submit and cooperate, as it did in wartime, to aq^Stio^What would Big Business say to profit controls? What about limiting profits? Yes, by gov- Two Heads Are Better Than One I nevertheless, time has in no way lessentd the truth of the 11932, old saying. For example, there were two heads—labor’s and management’s—on the gigantic problem that faced US, that winnimr tko war And it can rnndilv he «onn that ot winning the war Ana it can readily De seen tnat through cooperation, they are accomplishing much more than could be hoped for, than if they were working alone. [the Business men know that American workers win CO- operate with them during the era of peace to raise the qual- lticcsJor know that business men have their employees interests at heart, and will always strive to maintain the proper stand- ards which have been established by Labor and Manage- lesult OI labor management coopeiation .... A triumph in war already behind us, a triumph in peace No, it can’t be denied that two heads are better than K'”™1 8trik«s American way of life, you would think the National Asso- ciation of Manufacturers and the U. S. Chamber of Com- nwiw wnnl.1 Iw thp strt.mrpst siinnortorq of nnr snrial sp- THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OIIJO I tain his American standard of living, is inflationary, but I rnrn.j-i.rj ir.B profits are not. one. That was true in the iiast, it’s true today in the world aT±ie*a bavc "1,ilcate,1 how sw,’e»,"« Tneirrhf I lllaxgni meice would oe tne strongest supporters or our social se- ltiveness •Instead they have launched a campaign to kill unem- plovment benefits which is the keystone of the whole social Perhaps the members of those management orgamza- tions would save a little in taxes if unemployment benefits have the power. Others plan to reduce benefits. [«l« But what happens when the layoffs come next year or merce then start soup kitchens to help feed the unemployed an dtheir families? That could become an expensive pro- At that point, of course, the NAM and the Chamber of |js Commerce will blame the Government, and they won’t feed V\e don like to suggest it, but we are beginning to think that maybe, the leaders of management can’t see be- Help lo tnd Oleo Tax Another attempt has begun in Congress to eliminate the high discriminatory tax on oleomargarine. This is an obnoxious form of taxation, frequently condemned by or- |»nilitary ganized labor, which has no excuse for being. try, which was responsible for its imposition ^ears ago fights tooth and nail to keep it. Representative Edward A. Mitchell of Indiana is lead- ing the fight in the House against the tax and hopes the |aP(1 ators and Representatives that they want the tax removed I j, /xf I I By ALBLRT I I I I I I fa the I I ernment edict, or by some government board! thus far, b“aase bey "T n0‘.re eva"V° dlsfusa‘on ot I It would be useless to try to determine the number of ticeg has not tounched years this expression has been tumbling from hps of man, lto itv and nnnntitv nf civilian nrnduetinn Trade union wnrkprs l?.r(,adly. defmed acts as restraining employes the exercise of ity ana quantity OI civilian proaucuon. iraae union workers I nwnf Tim r»«iilt nf lnhnr-m»njirnmpnt rnnnPi-triinn |that th.ere w111 be included restrictions agamst requesting paid vaca nicnt. I I .. ... .. liti s entirely possible that strikes which have no real effect on the With all their public worrying’ about preserving the lto lThe actlon of were turned over to the tender mercies of the state legisla tures. Some states already have indicated that they will stop IT1T11 Ti paying benefits to the unemployed altogether—once they the year after? Will the NAM and the Chamber of Com- W IT I BL I lIzViOil ox i u y I .... I The oleo tax results in keeping a wholesome and palate- S°"l,erS °n hi"' °"ly ble rival of butter at prices far above any economic justili- I wnr wili k., .. i cation. lhe only element the tax benefits is the dairy Indus- kering country at large will .support him. Workers have an inter- Sriig milltoiP 0" ra,l,oa at this session of Congress. lfr»m est in seeing that the tax is ended. They can help by ex- (4) T( (lrg„nil, gueril|a h,nds to th(, air pressing their approval 10 Mitchell and by telling their Sen- .• n I Cooperation Drmgs Peace Cooperation by labor and management, in a spirit of honest concern for the* welfare of all the people, will speed |»pw the day when strikes and lockouts are discarded, and will Sateguaid laboi S Iieedom to solve its pioblems without It- [jg a strictive government regulation.—President Harry S. Tru- man. ... |vnly lead to self-destruction—universal suicide. What Are You Waiting For, Senator? This is the tenth of a series of articles to be published by the AFL Weekly News Service in refutiation of an article appearing [many cases required, to obtain injunctions against so-called jurisdic- OUVIL I [would be to organize an army of ww BILL w I im TT W T^mT nw XTT7 JL “'XxZl.Xl 1 JLaJtZi EXPOSED! I ___________ airfrt won and woll and eration of Labor) I I W hfrrfrt s thvhwfr HERBEki and Wilson, serving as general counsel for the American Fed- s. THAT( HER (Members of the law firm of Padway, WoH, Thatcher, Glenn Saturday Evening Post which praised the Taft-Hartley law to the skies- Author of the Post article was J. Mack Swigert, [law partner of Senator Robert A. Taft—enough said. no. 10—GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION The™ arc °th" obja?ti™abla ,!'ataras contained to the act which not mentioned the “Post" article and which have not been the fourteen points. Thus, the whole subject of the return to the era I of “government by injunction” under the provisions permitting, and in some instances requiring, the new National Labor Relations Board ... e Ito obtain injunctions against various alleged union unfair labor prac- upon, although this is one of the major [features of the act and one of its most objectionable ones. Prior to when there were no restrictions on the issuing of injunctions |in labor disputes, abuses of the injunctive process, both by private [employers and the federal government, had become so outrageous as comPel Congress to pass the Norris-LaGuardia Act drastically l]jmiting the jurisdiction of the federal courts to issue injunctions, Under the Taft-Hartley Act, not only is that era revived, but Government is required to secure injunctions against unions and |on behalf of employers in ceriain situations. Among the unfair prac- u?ion can enjoined from engaging in are such their right not, to join the union and causing an employer to pay [money for services which are not performed or to be performed. Un |der the former, it is possible that many ordinary organizational ac- Itivities may be restrained, and under the latter it is at least arguable |tiOns, distribution of work load, change in manning requirements, and [requests for call-in pay. In addition, the board is empowered, and in or. ^‘‘ondary boycotts, in a previous portion of this An additional revival of the injunction method of dealing with I labor disputes is set forth in Section 208 authorizing the Attorney General to issue injunctions in any so-called emergency strikes. What is or is not an emergency strike is very much open to question, and [national well-oeing will be termed “emergency” situations and in- [junctions will be obtained. But be that as it may, it is certain that |the action of Congress in again throwing open the doors of the courts .Perhaps the conventional arguments aganist the measure no long- |er hold These were (1) militarization (2) the education of vouth in |non-democratic ways (3) control of the whole oncoming population, ,Fear dictates the change—if there be a change in public opinion on Ithc question—adject fear, fear of Russia perhaps the truth is not fear of Russia but fear of the kind of war the next war shall be, the [war destined to destroy the? planet. the prohibition agamst such wholesale injunctions will serve to weaken union activity. The effec- of any union action often depends upon the timing of the lartion, and thus, if temporary injunctions are obtained, it does the [union no good to have it subsequent/ deterfnined by the board or by |ai‘ appellate court that the original injunction was wrongfully issued, Congress in again opening the door to the use of the Ilabor injunction, in spite of the known abuses attendant upon such [practice, has once more indicated its purpose of discouraging rather [than encouraging a strong trade union movement in this country, UIUV61TSCuL J. FCtllllllCf ||\|O I jAlATmA ftT AtrtTTlir* W niQLUlU YVUI First roport8 hat! it that th(. American Federation of Labor had [broken a long tradition, and had come out for universal military train- |jng. loiter this report was corrected. But this fact remains that there a great deal of unrest, self-searching, and travail going on, not only ^“ttli*l8ewhere* ovtr a^e*oltl question of peacetime con- Y’he greatest argument against universal military training—the |one with the greatest barb in it—is that the present proposal for [universal military training does not meet the situation, not even the situation, to wit: I,,,,/1) The n.ex! 'JTr be’ antlfaaont be»a war of massed armies. not more than a million men, of professional soldiers, and'|ing army. Such an army would be best recruited from volunteers, (3) Instead of universal military training, the only sane proposal 10,000,000 wounded, to build underground vaults with lead, which would |of the invador, following devastating atomic bombardment, No, universial military training is an outworn concept borrowed past wars and not a brand new plan for meeting the horrible, Ifatal, war of the future. ^ny mea8ure designed to meet the realities of atomic war .should |l»e accompanied Hy a Strong plan for waging peace. The truth is there I is no defense against atomic and bacterial warfare—the only real [defense is peace. If we humans were reasonable animals we would be engaged in a process of self-analysis to discover why we [f'ght’why *’e 5”^ 1 H16 diaRnos18 of thl-s ^s- disease that the whole world is destined to die of, at long last, [iwause science has outwitted itself and made the weapons that a a stand- youth to succor the dead tl'''! »a'as- a"d the su.- can i nfu Thursday, February 10, 1948 From a WASHINGTON WINDOW 5 WHISTLING IN DARK ABOUT PRICE DROPS The dramatic collapse of prices in the commodity and stock mar kets have brought into sharp focus the precariousness of our eco nomic position. For several weeks before, the organized markets were showing signs of recalcitrance but the break in community prices set everybody to thinking. Whether the thinking is of a constructive sort is another matter. Much of the statements are of a “whistling in the dark” character. Business economists go around assuring each other that this is not the Fall of 1929 all over again. On the whole the tendency is for business analysts to look for the silver lining among the clouds. First, they say, the price brpak is ex ercising a wholesome influence by bringing commodity prices closer to-where they ought to be. But so that the wrong inferences will not be drawn they hasten to add that it would not be fair to anticipate a decline in retail prices. Why? Well the argument runs that many manufacturers had pre viously made firm price commitments to their dealers which did not take into sufficient account subsequent price rises. If the most recent price break had not taken place the manufacturers would have been, they say in an extremely difficult cost position. Now they can afford to maintain the prices set several months ago. Business analysts find another piece of silver lining in the as sumption that this break will undermine the union demands for a substantial third round of wage increases. The Administration after talking eloquently about how prices must be brought down is now saying, discreetly to be sure, that we also have to worry about deflation. This much is true, it would seem. A depression or even a “tem porary recession does not seem likely in the near future. The Marshall plan expenditures, alone, constitute a pretty important bulwark, at this point, against another 1929 now. Besides there is still enough effective demand outside of the Mar shall plan to prevent a major economic disaster. In short, the problem of devising an effective set of controls against high prices is still with us. The comfort that the price break in the commodity markets will bring to the housewife is likely to be very meager indeed. And unless we can do more about reducing prices than merely talking about it the price recession of the last few weeks will,be a pleasant memory. The prospect of anything being accomplished along these lines is very bleak, it must be said in all candor. Mr. Truman is saying many wise things abdut what ought to be done, but the Administration is far from being as one on the subject. The Congress is not only not doing anything. As far as anybody can make out the dominant forces are even determined not to have any intelligible or intelligent thoughts on the subject. It requires a high order of optimism to expect that anything much will be accomplished before the 1948 election. British Labor Not Hurrying Act On Attlee's Wage Curb London (LPA)—“You can’t do that to us!” This was the immediate reaction of many powerful British trade unions to the recent statement of policy by the Labor government on personal incomes, costs, and prices. They are in process of negotiating with the employers for higher wages. And now the government says: “There should be no further general increase in the level of personal incomes without at least a corresponding increase in the volume of production.” To be sure, there is an escape clause. There may still be wage boosts where it is clear that “only an increase in wages will attract the necessary labor to a particular undermanned industry.” But few of the groups of workers now seeking higher pay will qualify under this test. Textile, iron foundries, and agriculture are the outstanding ones. Recruitment for the coal mines continues to be a pressing prob lem, but the miners have recently received pay boosts, with a resulting rise in the price of coal. Nevertheless, most trade union jofficials recognized the difficulties of their government. The stepping-up export drive has meant even more diversion of British products from the home shopper to foreign markets. More money would merely chase fewer goods. Worse still, the sellers’ market in some lines is giving way to a buyers’ market. For eign purchasers are beginning to complain about the price of British goods. It is a question, however, whether the average worker sees this picture as plainly as the official of his trade union. Recent public opinion pools show that 26 per cent of the people regard the rising cost of living as the main problem which faces themselves and their families. For the first time it outranks food shortages in the public mind. The natural reaction is to demand higher wages, and this is reinforced when the workers read that profits have gone up 10 per cent in the past year. Under these circumstances, it is natural that the General Council of the Trades Union Congress, which provides the mass basis for the Labor Party, has been in no hurry to endorse the government’s new policy. It is particularly concerned about the prospects that the Com-* munist Party can open a damaging attack in the trade unions. The Daily Worker headlined its account of the government policy: “Att lee Declares War on Wages.” It is clear that the Trades Union Congress will want to have a heart-to-heart talk with the Government about profits and prices be fore considering giving its support to a wage-freeze. This support is all-importiint, for the government has very limited means of en forcing its policies. It can, of course, observe them in bargaining with its own employes. It can refuse to endorse price increases for private employers who give wage boosts which it disapproves, in the limited field where it controls prices. But this would merely open the way to wage boosts in other industries which would cause widespread dis content among the workers included in the area of effective freezing. In these circumstances, observers took as the best news in many a day the fall of prices in American commodity markets. Coupled with firm action on profits, this might well enable the government to main tain its record of post-war industrial peace. THE STRENGTH OF FREEDOM By RUTH TAYLOR The first time I heard that phrase it came from the lips of one of the truly great elder statesmen of the Labor movement. There was.. lifetime of experience in his tone when he said, “We underestimate the strength of freedom.” What he had learned in his years of struggle to improve the conditions of his fellow workers, is the secret of the power of democ racy. It is the vital spark of reserve power that makes us sure of the ultimate victory. There is a hidden strength to freedom, an innate power which is invincible. Fearful souls speak much of the might of the forces of des potism. But all of these are as nothing beside the strength of free dom. Freedom has powers beside which the powers of armed might crumble into"their native nothingness. There is a balance of power in freedom because it is applicable to all without regard to class, color or creed. Without equal rights for all there is no freedom for any—no liberty, just license to oppress for the favored few. Freedom means the possession of self initiative and the exercise of the powers of deliberation. It takes courage to be free, because it demands the acceptance of duties as well as of rights, but once free dom is achieved, it gives to its followers a satisfaction not obtainable elsewhere. Freedom is unafraid. Where there is free speech, there is a remedy at hand. Truth is free and the lie need not go unanswered. A man who is free is a strong man. He is free from the chains of hate or prejudice, from fear, selfishness and despair. The man who is free has learned t6 walk alone, to think and decide, for himself. He does not lean on others. He stands firm by himself. We have underestimated the strength of our freedom. It is like the education of a child. If a child has been properly trained, he can be trusted as adult to make correct decisions. Those who have been trained to freedom have the strength to use it wisely. This is our salvation as a nation. This is the cohesive quality of democracy.