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7 v-, g• ebc? oilers Herald -v lt v OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF TU NATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF OPERATIVE POTTERS I HAST LIVERPOOL TRADES A LABOR COUNCIL Published every Thursday at East Lfvr-pool, Ohio, by the N. B. of O. P., owning and operating the Best Trades Newn uer and Job Printing Plant in the State. Entered at Poet Office, Ea Liverpool, Ohio. April 20. 1902, as second-class matter. .■ -Accepted for Hrcr at Kates of Postage provided for in Section 1109. JAet of October 13. IH7, author iz 4 August 20. 1918. GENERAL OFFICE. N. B. of O. P. BUILDING, W. SIXTH ST.. BELL PHONE 575 HARRY L. GILL Editor and Business Msn»wr One Year to Any Part of the Ur’K or Cai i----------------- 5i.o0 prudent James M. Duffy, P. O. Box 752, East Liverpool, Ohio First Vice Prtoi.it nt-.E. L. Wheatley. Room 215, Broad Street, National Bank Build Seoood Vice Pr- I. r’tL—™ .l-i'u.k Hull, 5111 Pacific Blvd.. Huntington Park, Calif. Third Vice Pre-m.--t J.Slaven, Cannons Mills, East Liverpool, Ohio Fourth Vice Pr. i. Charles Zi n ier, 1045 Ohio Avenue. Trenton 8, New Jersey Fifth Vice Preu.!.-nt. Geor V. ri. 847 Melrose Avenue, To rton 9, N^ Js^-y Sixth Vice Preu I nt. Gc. rue 1 ner. 130 W. Drury Lane, ist Liverpool, Seventh Pice .-i T. J. L- mond, 625 E. Lincoln Way, Minerva. Ohio Eighth Vice Pt .i ". Joe! Chadwick, Grant Street, Newell, W. Va. Seco1 a-in Chat. F. Jordan, P. O. Box 752, Eaat Liverpool, Ohio GENERAL WARE STANDING COMMITTEE MannfaetuMri M. J. LYNCH, W. A. BFTZ. J. T. WAT.Tj Operatives CHAS. F. JORDAN, FREDERICK GLYNN, ERh'H.-Y^TORlL.\(,'JS CHINA WARE STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturers*. ..E. K. KOOS, H. M. W/ T.TT! I!. V7, A. BETTZ BERT CLARK. DAVID BEAV/.S, 4. JORDAN DECORATING STANDING COMMITTEE Manufacturer^ ROBERT DIETZ. Sr., W. A. BJ r/i, RAY BROOKES -----------------------JA^JSS SLAVEN, OSCAR SWA.., ROSE STEWART I Facts Versus Half Truths Half truths are often harder to explain than outright lies. The columnists and others who make their living lam basting Labor Unions know this. Though they often indulge in fantastic falsehoods, they depend largely upon twisted facts and half truths to fool the public. Results of Union Shop elections all over the country indicate that the pro pagandists have not been very successful the working peo ple have not been led astray. Just now much is being made of recent high court de cisions with respect to overtime wage rates and retroactive' pay. Industries are going to be driven to the wall if they have to pay, yelp the Union-haters, Probably a good many people who do not understand overtime wages and retro active pay are being misled. Overtime wage rates are penalty rates. Experience over many years and in thousands of varied industries proves they are necessary if employers are to be influenced to ob serve standard working days and shifts. When workers de mand overtime rates, they serve notice on the employer that they do not wish to work more than eight hours a day and that if the employer, for his own profit or convenience, desires more than eight hours work in one day, he must pay a higher rate for the extra time. Some Unions increase the penally rate with each succeeding hour of overtime worked, because they do not want to work overtime. What would happen if overtime rates were abolished, as many employers and congressmen desire? The eight hour day would go out of the window. Working hours would be greatly lengthened. That’s why Organized Labor insists on penalty rates for overtime work. What about retroactive pay? Not all Unions write (Tin nts which call for retroactive wage increases, but most of them do, and with good reason. Here, again, exper ience has been the great teacher. Suppose a Union agreement is scheduled to expire July 1. The Union and the employer engage in collective bar gaining. Each attempts to negotiate the best possible, fav orable contract. But, in a great many instances, employer representatives stall and delay negotiations, neglect meet ini’s, deliberately prevent agreement. The theory of retro active pay is that if the employer and the Union fail to agree by the time the contract expires/ the workers will stav on the job but whatever increase is finally granted vill apply to the expiration date of the contract. What’s wrong about that? It’s simply good business. The employer knows that he may have to pay retro active increases and he prepares for it. Big industries set aside sufficient money to meet such claims. But, the prop agandists see only the sum total of the paycheck.^ to meet retroactive increases. It gives them something to howl aliout. If, by their noisy jacket they can assist some em ployer in escaping retroactive payments to his workers, they enable him to chisel additional profits for himself—in plain United States, to steal from his workers wages which they have earned! Labor And Community Services Organized lalxir’s part in community health and wel fare programs was the opening subject of the New England Conference of Chests and Councils held last month. Facts of sjiecial interest to labor were brought out, in view of lalior’s now general cooperation in community services everywhere. The increasing share of support for health and welfare programs coming from working people in taxes and volun tary gifts was jiointed out as well as the frequent failure to have labor representatives on planning and operating committee* and boards in this field. The discussion was led by Wilbur F. Maxwell director of the Ijibor-Employe Participation Department of Com munity Chests and Councils of America, with William Bien, American Federation of Labor staff representative of the department, taking part. Each of the men emphasized the fact that the rela tionship of labor to community services is two-fold. Trade union memlxirs, they said, do well to make sure that ade quate and effective health and welfare services are available and the community services do well to seek the understand ing and help of labor in working out plans and in carrying them through in the interest of making them most respon sive to the needs of people. Two Extraordinary Youngsters Down in Oklahoma the other day two kids, one 11 and the other 12, stole an airplane, piloted it for 120 miles and made a perfect landing—and all the knowledge they had of Dying was gleaned from comic books! Now the juvenile authorities an? wondering what to do with them. That shouldn't be difficult. Bovs who can per form such a feat should not be sent to a reform school. Of course, they can’t bt permitted to run around steal ing airplanes. That wouldn’t lx? tolerated in any civilized country. But they possess the brains and the nerve needed to do great things. Perhaps it would be all right to spank them a little, but after that they should be given all the education they can absorb—plus wholesome home lives. u These Charges Would Be 'News* —-If They Were Against Labor When a business man attacks organized labor, daily newspapers publish his charges as “news,” and it costs him not a penny. When a business man makes sensational charges against other business men, that is not considered news. He has to buy “space” in the papers, at a cost of thousands of dollars, to lay his case before the public. As an example, take the full-page advertisements put ip Washington newspapers this week by Preston Tucker, president of the Tucker Corporation, a Chicago concern which is preparing to manufacture a “completely new rear engine automobile.” The “ads” charge that “for two years a very powerful group has carried on a carefully organized campaign, to pre vent the motoring public from getting their hands on the wheel of a Tucker. “These people have tried to introduce spies into our plant. They have endeavored to bribe and corrupt loyal Tucker employes. They even have their spokesmen in high places in Washington.” Tucker says his firm submitted the “high bid” for a government-owned steel plant, but hasn’t been able to buy it, because of “ruthless and barefaced political pressure.” Meanwhile, “who do you suppose is getting the raw material (steel) from this plant? None other than some well-known—and unfriendly—automobile manufacturers.” The advertisements make other serious charges, ob viously against Tucker’s business competitors. He would not have to pay the papers to tell a story like that—if it were against labor unions. The Railroad Scandal The demand of the three railroad brotherhoods of a congressional investigation of what threatens to become a first-class national scandal seems to us well grounded. Rare ly has there been a greater mockery of justice and equality before the law then the continued issuances of court injunc tions against the railroad unions, injunctions which are jus tified neither in fact nor in law. In arguing before the redoubtable federal Judge T. Alan Goldborough, counsel for the brotherhoods held that the court had no right to issue injunctions because Congress has twice refused to provide injunctive procedures for set tling railway disputes. The government, on the other hand, bases its case for a permanent antistrike injunction on the grounds that the railroad workers have been government employes since President Truman seized the carriers last May. This seizure, the unions rightly say, is merely a sub terfuge, “the government having injected itself into a plain wage dispute between railroad management and employes.” The union spokesmen maintain with equal justice that “as long as the government has seized the roads and by injunc tion has compelled the rendition of service by the employes, it should recognize its obligation to undertake adjustment of unsatisfactory wage and working conditions.” It is perhaps not amiss to point out in this connection that the scourging of loyal union labor is done at the insis tence of a government whose head, President Truman, is presently touring the country in search of popular support. We are in agreement with the President’s condemnation of the bad labor record of the 80th Congress. By the same token, the President would be well advised to look after his own and his administration’s'record. The Carpenters Campaign The campaign of the New York Carpenters Non-Parti san Committee for Repeal and Defeat, of Anti-Labor Legis lation bids fair to set the pace for labor’s part in the nionutn tous political struggle of 1948. The committee has under taken the task of politically educating the unioh membership with vigor and considerable initial success. Equally effective are the committee’s publicity campaign and efforts to un mask the hidden aims of the Taft-Hartley Act before the general public. Last week’s broadside against socalled public opinion experts and polls demonstrated against the determination of this group to fight practices which are a menace to Amer ican democracy and progress. Committee Chairman Charles W. Hanson, New York state president of the A FL United Brotherluxxl of Carpenters and Joiners, nailed the lie that the working men and women were becoming reconciled to the Taft-Hartley Act. He added in plain language that the law, as so often stated in these columns, endangers the life roots of American trade unionism and is looked upon by the people as a symbol of union-hatred. On top of an A FL survey showing a 15-to-l vote against the law and Teamster President Tobin’s plea for “patience, diplomacy and strategy,” the Carpenter leader’s statement commends itself for straightforwardness and sound com mon sense. It deals with issues as they must be dealt with, without bombast and threats, yet With a shrewd understand ing of the public mind which has to be convinced of labor’s cause. Tin* vigilant effort of the New York carpenters must lx* duplicated all over the country, if this year’s uphill strug gle is to be won. Menace To All Setting forth labor’s objective of securing repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, the New York State Federation of Labor emphasizes that the law “was aimed at organized labor, but that it a’so hit every American.” This is a fact which must be brought home to all voters. Says the federation: “The law denies Libor the consti tutional right of free speech. It bans the closed shop after this year. It restricts the right to strike and by the same sign compels workers to work against their will. This adds up eventually to forced labor, a favorite device of the dic tators. “This destruction of labor’s hard-won rights means just this, and it is one of the primary resixinsibilities of our present job to make evrry Amrcican realize it: The Taft Hartley law means that the Congress can destroy the rights of one group of our citizens. If this can be done to one group, what, except the vigilance and effort of the people, is to prevent its doing the same thing to other groups which fall under its displeasure?” The federation goes on to declare that labor must elect legislators to Washington who will vote for the law’s repeal. “But we have more to do,” it says. “Every legislator who voted for this infamous law must be made an example of before the whole country. He must not only be defeated for re-election he must be buaten so decisively that men with future ambitions to establish tryanny in America will never -even dare to voice the idea. That is essential not alone for organized lalxir’s future security, but for the more import ant protection of our free institutions^ About two million workers under union contract have health and welfare programs. ..... THE POTTERS HERALD, EAST LIVERPOOL, OHIO w ’CAVIL-CADE' By LES FINNEGAN GOP strategists decided at a secret meeting last week that there’s one publican slogan you’ve heard the last of that’s “Had En ugh?” Originally the slogan—plastered on billboards and cow bains—was suppos. to mean, “Have you had enough of a Demo cratic administration V’ But during the final weeks it became obvious tba the question was directed to big business and the NAM. The R. i ublican Congress had given them the “aid-the-rich” tax bill, the Talc-Hartley law, a weakened social security act, exemption of rail roads from the anti-trust laws and almost everything else their greedy little hearts deisred. Co the Republicans were asking, "Had enough? Can we go home new?” The NAM gave its persission. Which was a good thing because the poor Republicans had applauded se many pieces of reactionary legislation they had become clap-happy. Congress couldn’t get around to a decent housing program, to civil rights legislation, to the oleoi.iargarnie tax or to lifting the minimum wage. But don’t think it was remiss in its duties to the na tioi It took strong militant action to change the import duty on fire hose, authorized a special stamp honoring the founder of the Girl Seo its, changed the law governing barbers in Washington, and gave per.nission for disposal of surplus sand at Fort Story, Va. On the long overdue issue of Alaskan statehood it fiddled while Nome burned, and the question of Hawaii was deferred so a large, group of “in vestigating” Congresi men could spend the summer in Honolulu nad on Waikiki Beach at the taxpayers’ expense. Truman said it was tlft worst Congress since the Civil War, and in truth it did resemble a fife and doldrums corps. It was expected that fewer labor leaders than ever before would attend the Republican r.-.fional convention as delegates. Actually labor is somewhat divided on the question. The AFL* cigar makers like the idea of the “smoke-filled rooms,” but the CIO electrical workers are afraid that the convention may set television back 50 years. The Republican high command showed how open n.d -led it was when it selected Sen. H. C. Lodge to help write the labor section of the convention platform. Sen. Wayne Morse, probably the most re spected of all Republicans and who opposed the Taft-Hartley Act, Wasn’t named to any committee at all.'The high command was open minded—to any arrangement that stacked the cards against labor. Another thing labor holds against the Republican Party is its ingratitude. It should have held open a large bloc of delegates’ seats at the convention for the southern Democrats who made the Taft Hartley Law and other Republican victories possible. During debate on Taft-Hartley amendments the Republicans never had to worry about absenteeism. If they were off the floor the Southern Demo crats would vote for them as if they had just walked out of a Republi can caucus. It got so bad, in fact, that Taft had to call a halt the southern Democrats were going to make the bill so bad that Taft was afraid that some of the milder Republicans wouldn’t vote for it. Under tho two-party system the southerners feel that if they follow the symbol of the donkey they can vote like an ass. “Uncle Joe ain’t such a bad guy he’s just a prisoner of Polit buro,” Truman has decided. There’s a highly delicate logic there be cause as everybody knows, “Henry Wallace ain’t such a bad guy he’s just the prisoner of Stalin.” Senator Taft isn’t such a bad guy he’s just the prisoner of the NAM. Tommy Manville isn’t such a bad guy he’s just a prisoner of love. The five members of the NLRB and the board’s general counsel, Robert Denham—who are charged with administering the Taft H&rtley Act—revealed to a Congressional committee that they are split over the question of moving into all sorts of new and small fields of employment. Denham, who has developed a Rover-boy complex, once said he could take jurisdiction over a one-bartender tavern. One more Mickey Finn from that bartender and Denham won’t be able to see a chalk line, much less a jurisdictional one. Anti-labor employers are already bleating about labor’s “third round” of pay raises. These are the same employers who are now en joying their eighth and ninth round of price increases. What’s good for the goose is supposed to be good for the gander, but who ever heard of a gander killing a goose that laid the golden eggs. -----of Routh Americans have a knack making labor relations com plicat-'l. In Bogata, Colombia, the govemrfient decreed that employ ers must give a free pair of shoes every six months to their em ployer-. Then it turned around and ruled that workers who did not wear the shoes could be fined from $29 to $580 for failing to wear the shoes. At the city’s largest rope factory the workers got their shoes, promptly went out on strike and wore the soles right thru to the skin walking up and down on picket lines. They discard ed the useless shoes, and when the government tried to fine them, the workers demanded new shoes from the employer, contending that it was his fault—they had been forced out on strike. The Lid's Still OH General Electric Company’s announcement last week of five to 12 per cent price increases on a long list of household appliances spot lights something that every worker and his wife knows—the cost of living is still rising. But that isn’t its only significance. It exposes the complete hypo crisy of the US Steel “line” of three months ago—the balancing of phoney price cuts against very real refusal to grant wage increases. GE was among the many corporations w’hich echoed Steel’s words. s Last week this column told the story of how the auto industry was moved, by the promise of continued inflation to abandon its loyalty to the “big steel line.” Prospects for more profits changed the minds of industry’s leaders. They reversed their previous decision to slug it out with labor this year. Of course the new price Increases—which were announced this week by the, farm equipment industry, and the chemical companies as well as by GE—will be blamed upon labor’s wage demands. The ability of many corporations to grant pay boosts out of profits will be soft-pedaled as always. The Federal Reserve Board has estimated that the “middle income” of America’s 42,000,COO families was $2920 last year—$320 higher than in 1940. But 13 out of every hundred families are handling less than $1000 cash, and another 18 are getting loss than $2000. When the FRB figures are broken down by occupational groups, we find these “middle income” figures: families of businessmen and managers $4500, professional woikers $4000, skilled and semi-skilled workers $3000, clerks and sales people $2900, and unskilled workers $1800. Farm families show a cash income “middle” of only $1500, but as FRB says, many farmers have “a substantial non-money income.” Incidentally this “middle income” stuff is a little tricky. It doesn’t mean average income. It means that 50 per cent are above, 50 per cent below the figure. Remember that Bureau of Labor Statistics study which demon strated that it takes at least $3200 a year to provide adequately for a family of four in our cities today. This statistical picture of our present inflation, which has been aptly called “a full employment depression,” is well known to the top man of heavy industry who have just reversed their tentative de cision of trying to hold the price line. But with the country convinced of the necessity—and we don’t dispute it—for foreign aid and a defense program, the industrialists believe they can get away with it. Sure, more consumers will be priced out of the market, but government orders will fill the gap. Somehow we doubt that the Republican convention now in ses ton will worry itself about the problems this picture presents. The last thing that the men who make the wage-price decisions would stand for would be their party’s coming out for a clamping down of the lid on inflation. “Price control,” “commodity allocations”, “repeal of Taft-Hart ley”, “minimum wage revision,” “family allowances” all these will be considered naughty words in Philadelphia this week. But there’s one point the boys seem to be overlooking. It was made recently in an article by Leon Keyserling, a member of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers. Just supose, Keyserling •ays, we come into the 1950s without further need for foreign aid aini arms expenditures. Then what? “It does not seem realistic to anticipate that wages would be Ha reused voluntarily or prices decreased systematically at the very time when the business outlook might be dampened by a decline in government spending. “Delay in adjustment would result in curtailment of production and employment followed by disorderly price breaks and general eco nomic decline—the typical spiral of depression,” Keyserling predicts. The economist isn’t a defeatist, however. He points out that if thr sort of things that the labor movement has been advocating in its H.islative program and its wage drives are done now, if consumer purchasing power is brought up now, democracy doesn’t again have to reign itself to the disgrace of deprersion. It’s too bad that none of the can«l"'ate|Ffor the Republican nomi nation want to discuss these things, isn’t it? .............................. Thursday, June 24, 1948 CHALK ONE UP FOR PROGRESS Chalk one up for progress! Don’t miss it: war has been stopped by negotiation. The technique development on the labor-industry front, in democratic countries, has been applied to a devastating war in Palestine—successfully. This may be the most important event in modern history. Progress records itself so slowly. The old League of Nations, created/after the first world war, never got around to mediation and arbitration of international disputes. The old League invoked sanc tions—unsuccessfully. Wars went on. Perhaps tbe League never really believed in itself. It was timid, polite and ineffectual. Now a new technique has arrived. A new formula has been applied. There is a truce in Palestine. Maybe the world is slowly returning to its senses. The world better—a nemesis awaits, the possibility of total destruction, of extinction of the planet, hangs heavily over the head of every thoughtful citizen, of the arriving world. War is in part a habit—just as duelling was ever a habit. Men don’t now rush to back lots and ping at each other with pistols. They go to court, or they let the incident pass. Men’s honor is not less therefore, it is greater. The United Nations is not merely a debating society and ethical culture organization. The UN is an effectual arbitration board for the world. This columnist grants that war can break out in Palestine again. This columnist also knows that Israel and the Arab states are little people compared to the great states, east and west. But the war there was real. It was bitter. It was modem. The caldron sput tered arid roared. It snuffed out human lives. All elements of con flict were present. It was halted by an order from the? UN. A new day is being born. No subsequent event can take away the significance and importance of this truce. Man is a fighting animal. Man is also supposed to be a thinking animal. Man should be aware at least of the predicament he is in. He has brought war to such a pitch of efficiency, that to fight it, is to bring the world to the very brink of extinction. This is no joke. This no mere manner of speaking. This is the bare, harsh, brutal truth. Every thinking citizen in every country of the world should mobilize to back up the new technique of the United Nations. The quarantine in Palestine must continue. Citizens should insist that it continue. It would be a fine thing if mass meetings be held oyer the United States celebrating the dawning of a new day—a new hope—a new technique. The Fourth of July of the new world is here! I NEWS and VIEWS By ALEXANDER S. LIPSELL (An ILNS Feature) jl “Are we so afraid of Communism, nothing else counts?” is the title of the lead editorial in a recent issue of The Machinist, weekly organ of the International Association of Machinists. The remarks of this influential union periodical are so pungent and so much to the point as to merit applause, within and outside of organized labor. Referring to attempts of “Republican presidential hopefuls’ to make Communism the major election issue, the paper said: “It is a sad commentary that one of our great political parties is asking its members to choose between candidates on tho basis of their attitude toward the Communist party. Are they so afraid that American citizens will be bamboozled by a handful of psychopathic malcontents that they see no other important issue in this campaign “There are a few real issues this year: “Can this nation provide adt'quate housing to its citizens? Can we make available adequate medical care to every American family? Can we afford minimum standards of education for the entire nation, so that our children will have equal opportunity, in fact? Can wo raise our living standards by continued full employment and higher wages? When will we repeal the Taft-Hartley Act? “These are American issues on which members of both parties should judge their presidential aspirants. Certainly our country does not want for President a man whose knees are knocking together in fear of a handful of psychopaths nor do we want a President who is blind to most of the real issues that arc confronting us.” German opposition to the plans of the Western powers for estab lishment of a Western German state and international of the Ruhr has not been slow in forthcoming. This is not surprising to anyone with a knowledge of European affairs and history. What is surprising is that so-called statesmen of the Western democracies should lend themselves to maneuvers which play straight into the hands of Stalin. When Germans, anxious for national unity, disclaim responsibility for partitioning the country into two antagonistic camps, thov are en tirely within their rights. Though they are defeated and helpless, that position, seen from a long-range point of view, also makes sense, as the Russians have been quick to realize. The insistence of 70,000,000 people upon unity and a national government is after all something which no victorious power can ignore, least of all the Western demo cracies. Ono does not have to be a Communist or even remotely inclined toward Moscow to recognize the validity of the argument of tho Christian Democratic Party, formerly known as the Catholic Center Party, that unity and constitutions can be created only through the will of the nation. Nor is Dr. Konrad Adenauer, chairman of the party in the British zone, far from wrong when he, with unaccustom ed bitterness, declared that “these decisions mean nothing but per manent suppression of the Germans.” The Social-Democratic Party, representing the German work ing masses, has been equally outspoken by calling the London plan “a one-sided foreign decision tha^ lies outside German responsibility.” The statements of the two leading political parties, known for their hostility to Communism, express what is in the mind and heart of the average German. Unless the Western allies are ready to acknowl edge that there is no other solution but the restoration, within certain safeguards, of the pre-Hitler democratic German Reich, there can be no hope for peace and no expectation of political and economic im provement throughout Europe. The only bnes likely to profit from continued turmoil and violence to the national aspirations of the Ger mans arc the world conspirators in the Kremlin. THE DUTY OF HAPPINESS By RUTH TAYLOR One day not so long ago, one of the boys I know in the labor movement came to me for advice on two jobs that were offered him. Now I am one of those who think the worst sin is intruding on an other’s privacy of decision, so all I could do was to tell him a story. He said it worked—so I pass the story on to you. One of the great preachers, when asked what had inspired him most, said that when he was a small boy, his father was a day labor er in Scotland. One dawn he woke just as his father was leaving lhe cottage for work. He saw his father pause at the doorway and say, firmly and proudly, to himself: “This day I go out in the name of the Lord!” Could any man have given a greater heritage to his son? That is the spirit in which work must be done. Otherwise the bread it brings is bitter bread, salt with unshed tears. Happiness is not a thing from without, but a reflection of an inner strength. As a philosopher once said—we have no more right to consume happiness without producing it, than to consume wealth without producing it. We can give happiness, but we cannot take it. Wo can yjork with! a desire to do our best, to make the thing we build, the service we render, such that another will find joy in our work. And its very doing will bring happiness to us. “But do you know what I’m facing? What have I to be hannv about?” My brother, let me give you tin answer a very old and very wise labor leader gave me when I a. ed just that. “I’ve noticed that in all important crises in my life, God always showed up at the right moment, if I waited for him.” When disappointment, disillusionment, despair, seem to devastate your life—what do you plant on the graves of your heart? Do you set up tombstones to mark your defeat? Or do you plant growing things to cover the place and make it a thing of beauty? It is up to you. You can tune in with Gpd. You can go out in the name of the Lord. You can fulfill your duty of bringing happiness to others. Whatever your work—do it with love for your fellowmen in your heart, and your reward will be peace and happiness for your self.